Reconfigurations of Everyday Life in Chalkida, a Postindustrial Greek City

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Reconfigurations of Everyday Life in Chalkida, a Postindustrial Greek City Authoritative Models and Grassroots Responses to Crisis: Reconfigurations of Everyday Life in Chalkida, a Postindustrial Greek City Stamatis Amarianakis Aquesta tesi doctoral està subjecta a la llicència Reconeixement 4.0. Espanya de Creative Commons. Esta tesis doctoral está sujeta a la licencia Reconocimiento 4.0. España de Creative Commons. This doctoral thesis is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0. Spain License. Ámbit D’ Antropología del Programa de Doctorat : Societat i Cultura: Història, Antropologia, Art i Patrimoni Doctorand : Stamatis Amarianakis Directοr de la Tesi : Susana Narotzky Authoritative Models and Grassroots Responses to Crisis: Reconfigurations of Everyday Life in Chalkida, a Postindustrial Greek City 1 Abstract This thesis focuses on grassroots practices, meanings and understandings in the context of the Greek economic crisis and austerity restructurings that were unilaterally imposed by hegemonic institutions and Greek governments between 2010 and 2016. I employ a bottom up approach to identify the social, economic, political and cultural shifts and ruptures that the imposition of austerity measures and neoliberal policies provoked in Chalkida, a mid-sized (post) industrial city. I juxtapose mainstream definitions and explanations of crisis with national and place-bound grassroots experiences, practices and understandings in order to establish an inter-scalar interconnection between global processes and local agency. This thesis is based on 18 months of systematic fieldwork that took place between April 2015 and December 2016. Material was collected through participant observation in workplace settings, public spaces and households. Additionally, the research was informed by semi-structured personal and group interviews, as well as many informal conversations in cafes, taverns and open air markets. Building on existing literature on crisis, neoliberalism, scale and power, household transformations, social solidarity and informality, I assess the impact of crisis and austerity on the socio-economic relationships and established livelihood patterns that were severely challenged by it. My research demonstrates that people in a provincial city like Chalkida counterbalanced the austerity crisis’s effects on formal income resources and the restructuring of the state and its welfare provisioning. They did so by reinventing traditional structures and practices that had been predominant in the past when resources had also been scarce. I therefore suggest that crisis was understood as a retrograde movement that questioned linear processes and conceptualizations of modernity and progress. Drawing upon historical continuities and ruptures at the local, national and international scales, this dissertation offers a rich ethnographic account of everyday life under the condition of “being in” and “living with” crisis. 2 Table of Contents Introduction ...6 Chapter 1 The Cement of Chalkida’s Society: Sketches of Modern Development in Industrializing Regions Intoduction ...32 1.1 A Brief History of Cement and Its Role in Undeveloped Regions ...35 1.2 The Political Economy of Chalkida Before the Cement Factory (1833 – 1926) ...40 1.3 The Political Economy of Chalkida in the Era of Cement – Major Urban & Industrial Developments (1926 – 1980) ...43 1.4 The Era of Financialization (1980s – 2010s) ...49 1.5 Chalkida’s Cement Factory ...55 Conclusion ...61 Chapter 2 The Quest for Modernity: A Brief History of the Greek Project of Development Introduction ...65 2.1 Modernity and Development as Longue Durée Process (1827-1949) ...68 2.2 Greece in the Post War Period (1950-1974) ...86 2.3 The Metapolitefsi 1974-2010 ...94 2.4 Modernity in the Years on non-Development (2010-2015) ...101 Conclusion ...106 3 Chapter 3 Austerity, Εmployment and Income: Working Lives in Crisis Introduction ...108 3.1 The Disappearance of Industrial Labor ...114 3.2 Precariously Waged Employees in the Public and Private Service Sector ...123 3.3 Civil Servants ...131 3.4 Self-employment ...135 3.5 Pensioners ...144 Conclusion ...153 Chapter 4 Household Economics, Livelihood Patterns and Austerity from Below: Social Reproduction in Times of Crisis Introduction ...156 4.1 A Household that Provides Income Resources and Receives Care ...160 4.2 Care Giver Households ...163 4.3 Households with Adult Children ...171 4.4 Independent Households with Dependent Children ...178 4.5 The Formation of a New Household ...186 Conclusion ...191 4 Chapter 5 Renegotiating the Social Contract and the Grassroots: Austerity, Informality and Social Solidarity Introduction ...194 5.1 Social Solidarity and the Gift Economy ...200 5.2 Conditions of Solidarity During the Greek Crisis ...203 5.3 Divide and Conquer: The Calculated Imposition of Austerity Measures ...206 5.4 The Financialization of Everyday Life and New Forms of Grassroots Economic Solidarity ...211 5.5 Informality and Social Solidarity: Resistance, Subsistence and Metaphors of Survival ...219 Conclusion ...228 Chapter 6 Everyday Life in Crisis – Grassroots Experiences and Analyses of Crisis and Austerity in Chalkida Introduction ...230 6.1 Grassroots Experiences and Understandings of Crisis in Chalkida ...233 6.2 Crisis, Critique and History ...243 6.3 The Events Before and After the Greek Referendum ...250 6.4 Crisis, Austerity and Neocolonialism ...254 Conclusion ...259 Conclusion ...263 Bibliography ...272 5 Introduction This thesis’ aim is to offer an ethnographic, political and historical account of everyday struggles and life experiences during the Greek economic crisis in the city of Chalkida. As the capital of an industrial region in Central Greece, Chalkida has been severely affected by the ongoing socioeconomic transformations produced by the current crisis. It has been almost a decade since the outbreak of the sovereign debt crisis which has brought with it harsh austerity measures that have changed the country’s economic, social and political landscape. Greece today finds itself in an unprecedented situation due to neoliberal restructuring that has resulted in wage cuts, high taxation, reductions in social welfare spending, privatization of the public sector and mass layoffs. These policies have pushed increasing numbers of people into poverty. Most of those affected by the so-called sovereign debt crisis are those who belong(ed) to the working middle classes (Giannitsis & Zographakis, 2018), that is to say, the majority of Greek society who experienced a radical decline in their standard of living. The current economic crisis has on the one hand unveiled the middle classes’ false consciousness and on the other, revealed the great chasm of inequality and injustice inherent to the articulation of power under globalized capitalism today. People who had constructed their livelihoods according to the prospect of continual capitalist progress and economic growth, which opened up a world of possibilities, saw their future expectations and existing living arrangements collapse. As a result, the crisis has produced not only economic and structural shifts in everyday economic activities and decisions but has also challenged ideological and moral values. In this thesis, I follow a bottom up approach in order to critically evaluate the effects of the reforms that the IMF and the Eurogroup have imposed on the Greek economy, and more particularly on ordinary people. I do so through an exploration of grassroots anti-crisis responses that have emerged through people’s day-to-day communication and interactions. My particular interest is in the ways in which people value and manage their limited resources and the grassroots networks they mobilize in order to sustain social reproduction practices. The recent crisis has broken the livelihood arrangements of the majority of Greeks and has greatly affected their income resources, shattering the promise of modernity as well as any possibility of future upward mobility. Therefore, people who built their life projects during 6 the past thirty years believing that they belonged to one of the richest and most “developed” parts of the world (the European Union), experienced an identity shock which altered their relationship with national and international power structures. The abrupt transformations brought about in the context of the austerity crisis altered their moral and ideological values and their attitudes towards the state, the political system, the EU and the banks. This led them to reconsider and reflect on their pre-crisis consumption-based lifestyles and to reevaluate their life needs. In order to locate the process of social transformation in its broader context, it is therefore necessary to describe ordinary people’s pre and post-crisis practices and expectations as regards happiness, success and wellbeing. In order to do so, I engage in a detailed exploration of the life and work histories of local people. Thus, I consider that “crisis” is a concept with varied meanings that motivate people’s actions in diverse ways, and that these grassroots definitions must therefore be placed at the center of attention. It is my contention that within the crisis context we can witness the transformation and reconfiguration of other social spheres in which economic actions are embedded. Hence my research questions and analysis are guided by a combined political economy and moral economy framework through which I assess social stratification. Aligned with the collective objectives of the Grassroots Economics Project (GRECO), my aims are to assess the impacts
Recommended publications
  • The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
    P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust.
    [Show full text]
  • The Situation of the Inhabitants of Rhodes and Kos with a Turkish Cultural Background
    Doc. 12526 23 February 2011 The situation of the inhabitants of Rhodes and Kos with a Turkish cultural background Report 1 Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Rapporteur: Mr Andreas GROSS, Switzerland, Socialist Group Summary The Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights notes that the inhabitants of Rhodes and Kos with a Turkish cultural background are generally well integrated into the multicultural societies of the two islands. It commends the Greek Government for its genuine commitment to maintaining and developing the islands’ cosmopolitan character. The islands’ multiculturalism is the fruit of their rich history, which includes four centuries of generally tolerant Ottoman Turk rule. The good understanding between the majority population and the different minority groups, including that with a Turkish cultural background, is an important asset for the economic prosperity of the islands. The committee notes that better knowledge of the Turkish language and culture would benefit not only the inhabitants with a Turkish cultural background, but also their neighbours. Other issues raised by the inhabitants concerned include the apparent lack of transparency and accountability of the administration of the Muslim religious foundations (vakfs), and the unclear status of the Muslim religious leadership on the islands. The recommendations proposed by the committee are intended to assist the Greek authorities in resolving these issues in a constructive manner. 1 Reference to Committee: Doc. 11904, Reference 3581 of 22 June 2009. F – 67075 Strasbourg Cedex | [email protected] | Tel: + 33 3 88 41 2000 | Fax: +33 3 88 41 2733 Doc. 12526 A. Draft resolution 2 1. The Parliamentary Assembly notes that the inhabitants of Rhodes and Kos with a Turkish cultural background are generally well integrated into the multicultural societies of the two islands.
    [Show full text]
  • Crete in Autumn
    Crete in Autumn Naturetrek Tour Report 22 - 29 October 2013 Cyclamen hederifolium Olive Grove Pancratium maritimum Sternbergia sicula Report & images compiled by David Tattersfield Naturetrek Cheriton Mill Cheriton Alresford Hampshire SO24 0NG England T: +44 (0)1962 733051 F: +44 (0)1962 736426 E: [email protected] W: www.naturetrek.co.uk Tour Report Crete in Autumn Tour Leader: David Tattersfield Naturetrek Botanist Participants: Jan Shearn Jo Andrews John Andrews Lynne Booth Bernard Booth Frances Druce Christine Holmes Robin Clode Joanne Clode Diane Gee June Oliver John Tarr Vivien Gates Day 1 Tuesday 22nd October The group arrived in Hania on direct flights from Gatwick and Manchester, an hour or so apart. We were met by our driver for the short journey to our hotel and had the remaining part of the afternoon to settle in and explore. We reassembled in the early evening before going out for a delicious selection of traditional Cretan food in a nearby Taverna. Day 2 Wednesday 23rd October We left Hania travelling westwards and after shopping for lunch we made our first stop along the coast at a sandy bay, backed by a small area of dunes. A typical coastal flora included Cottonweed Otanthus maritimus, Sea Holly Eryngium maritimum, the striking spiny grey hummocks of Centaurea spinosa and Sea Daffodil Pancratium maritimum, mostly in fruit, but a few still displaying their spectacular sweetly-scented flowers. South of Kolimbari, on the rocky hillsides above the pretty village of Marathocephala, there were flowers of Cyclamen graecum subsp. graecum, which is restricted to the north-west of the island and the tall flower spikes of Sea Squill, Charybdis maritima.
    [Show full text]
  • Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
    European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Détente* a Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics
    The End of Détente* A Case Study of the 1980 Moscow Olympics By Thomas Smith After the election of autonomous and must resist all pressure of any Jimmy Carter as US kind whatsoever, whether of a political, religious President, Prime or economic nature.”1 With British government Minister Margaret documents from 1980 recently released under the Thatcher flew to Thirty Year Rule, the time seems apt to evaluate the Washington on 17th debate about the Olympic boycott, and to ask the December 1979 for question: to what extent was the call by the British her first official visit. government for a boycott of the 1980 Moscow Five days later NATO Olympics an appropriate response to the invasion of announced the de- Afghanistan? ployment of a new Before the argument of the essay is established, it generation of American is first necessary to provide a brief narrative of the rockets and Cruise main events. Thatcher’s government began discussing missiles in Western the idea of a boycott in early January 1980; however, Europe. On the 25th their first action was to call for the Olympics to be December Soviet moved to a different location. Once the IOC declared troops marched into that relocating the Olympics was out of the question, Afghanistan. Thatcher told the House of Commons that she was now advising athletes not to go to Moscow and wrote Photo: U.S. Government to Sir Denis Follows, Chairman of the BOA, informing Introduction him of the government’s decision. The BOA, which was Britain’s NOC and the organisation that could During the 1970s, relations between the West and the accept or decline the invitation to the Olympics, Soviet Union were marked by an era of détente.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
    THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO.
    [Show full text]
  • Focus on Cities and Metro Regions 13 Focus on Cities and Metro Regions
    Focus on cities and metro regions 13 Focus on cities and metro regions This chapter describes two linked typologies which have Step 2: the contiguous (1) high-density cells are then clus- been developed to cover, without any overlaps or omissions, tered, gaps (2) are filled and only the clusters with a popula- the whole geographical territory of the European Union tion of at least 50 000 inhabitants (image 2 of Figure 13.1) are (EU), Iceland, Norway, Switzerland and Croatia at the local kept as an ‘urban centre’. and regional level. The typologies cover: Step 3: all the municipalities (local administrative units level • the definition of a city and its commuting zone, and; 2 (LAU2)) with at least half their population inside the urban • a typology of metro regions. centre are selected as candidates to become part of the city As opposed to the typologies presented in the territorial ty- (image 3 of Figure 13.1). pologies chapter of the 2012 edition of Eurostat’s regional Step 4: the city is defined ensuring that: yearbook (the degree of urbanisation and the urban–rural regional typology) which rely mainly on population density, • there is a link to the political level; the two typologies presented in this chapter add a functional • at least 50 % of the population lives in an urban centre, and; dimension. They are both forms of functional urban areas • at least 75 % of the population of the urban centre lives in a and are based on the flows of people commuting to work in city (image 4 of Figure 13.1).
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 US.-Turk -Greek Junta
    1 US.-Turk -Greek Junta Into Iago -Style Lying (On n leave of sbsence as Deputy Head of Television I Frc~rama,Cyprus Broadcast i-ng Coryornt io11, the author studied Communicstion and Mass Media at Atkinson College, York University in 1975-76) On Jidy the Iyth 1974, at approximately 7:45 a.m. a blcody coup d1c: l,* t overthrew the legitimate Government vf Cypr~x~,headed by Archbishop Makarios. The Cyprus 'I ~,c~nr?ca~I-ingC~mpany - TV and Radio stations (bot-h sta- t-ions nro in the same building in Nicosia, neighbourinf; to the J'olice Headquarters of Cyprus) together with the. Frasideut-i.al Palace and the Police Headquarters, were the very first targef-s of the coup accomplices. After a battle against the guard of the Sxa- ?icns xhich lnsted for about an hour during which mcrtars, 1jn7l;oL;as and other heavy weapons were abundantly used, 111~s invzciers en1 ered the premises with a nightmarish a They -;iolcntl y ath he red and restricted in rhdios 211 550 qmployecs and freelance artists work- inp et thal; tjme. At gunpoint they ordered one of the slaff-annoi~nccrto announce over CY.R.C.-Radio that the ''?'if7 ,!ic T'ii ti orlo 1 Guard has liberated Cyprus from Maka- :'i CP 'S 13i i'f :~I;a~-slljp"and that "Makarios himself is dead". F'r.11 owi I;!- that, ~nnouncement-Greek militnry marches re- yloc,sd f-l;t: rle~ularprogramming of the Station and the iron s11:idaw of the tjunta fell over Cyprus.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolt and Crisis in Greece
    REVOLT AND CRISIS IN GREECE BETWEEN A PRESENT YET TO PASS AND A FUTURE STILL TO COME How does a revolt come about and what does it leave behind? What impact does it have on those who participate in it and those who simply watch it? Is the Greek revolt of December 2008 confined to the shores of the Mediterranean, or are there lessons we can bring to bear on social action around the globe? Revolt and Crisis in Greece: Between a Present Yet to Pass and a Future Still to Come is a collective attempt to grapple with these questions. A collaboration between anarchist publishing collectives Occupied London and AK Press, this timely new volume traces Greece’s long moment of transition from the revolt of 2008 to the economic crisis that followed. In its twenty chapters, authors from around the world—including those on the ground in Greece—analyse how December became possible, exploring its legacies and the position of the social antagonist movement in face of the economic crisis and the arrival of the International Monetary Fund. In the essays collected here, over two dozen writers offer historical analysis of the factors that gave birth to December and the potentialities it has opened up in face of the capitalist crisis. Yet the book also highlights the dilemmas the antagonist movement has been faced with since: the book is an open question and a call to the global antagonist movement, and its allies around the world, to radically rethink and redefine our tactics in a rapidly changing landscape where crises and potentialities are engaged in a fierce battle with an uncertain outcome.
    [Show full text]
  • 7. Political Development and Change
    F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
    proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p.
    [Show full text]