THE LANGUAGE POLICY OF SOUTH AFRICA AS LAID DOWN BY THE CONSTITUTION AND THE MARGINALISATION OF TSHIVENDA

BY

ALUIMELWI JOHN TSHIGABE

DISSERTATION

submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree

MAGISTER ARTIUM

in

APPLIED LINGUISTICS AND LITERARY THEORY

at the

RAND AFRIKAANS UNIVERSITY

SUPERVISOR: PROF. H. KROES OCTOBER 1998 NDIVHITWO

Ndi livhisa ndivhuwo dzanga kha

Muphurofesa Henk Kroes nge vha vha muthu a langanedzaho, wa mafulufulu, miswaswo i re na pfunzo, thuthuwedzo na u thusedza nga mihumbulo vhusiku na

Muphorofesa na Thoho ya mushasho Ronel Johl na Dokotela M. Evans nga dzangalelo na mihumbulo ye vha nea.

Muphurofesa N.A. Milubi, Mufumakadzi L.L. Mafenya, Dokotela R.N. Madadzhe na Vho. M.C. Neluvhalani vhe vha dinea tshifhinga tsha u nthusa nga mihumbulo. A A. Mufumakadzi wanga Grace Phophi Tshigabe na Vhana Vhugula na Lusani Craig nga u nkongelela musi ndi siho hayani misi minzhi ndi ngei Rand Afrikaans University na u kondelela havho u sa wana zwinwe zwithu zwine vha zwi tama ngeno tshelede i tshi khou fhelela kha ngudo dzanga.

Muta wa Dokotela A.T. Mavhungu nga u nnea vhudzulo na zwinzhi zwi sa vhalei musi ndi ngudoni A dzenedzi ngei Johannesburg.

Vhabebi vhanga Vho - William na Vho-Malamela nga u funesa havho pfunzo. Ndo swika hafha nge vha shumesa u bva tshe nda bebwa.

Mudzimu ndi a mu livhuwa na u mu hulisa nahone A farise vhothe vho bulwaho.

(i) ABSTRACT

The most important thing in engaging myself in this research was to try and find out how Tshivenda is valued by the State, Private Enterprise, other language groups as well as by Vhavenda people themselves.

The researcher came to a conclusion that Tshivenda is being marginalized. The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 is not being interpreted the way it should be.

There is a need to put Tshivenda on an equal footing with the other ten official languages. TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER 1 1.1 The background of the problem 1

1.2 The definition of the problem

1.3 Methodology 3

1.4 The overview of the Chapters 3 1.4.1 Chapter 2: Theoretical approach 3 1.4.2 Chapter 3: Language Planning 4 1.4.3 Chapter 4: The Marginalisation of Tshivenda 4 1.4.4 Chapter 5: Conclusions and recommendations 5 1.4.5 Chapter 6: Bibliography 5

CHAPTER 2 Theoretical Approach 6 2.1 Marginalisation 6 2.2 Multi-lingualism 9 2.3 Human Rights or Minority Rights 10 2.4 Summary 12

CHAPTER 3

Language Planning 14

3.1 How does Language Planning work 14

3.2 Language planning before the new constitution 17

3.3 The constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996 18 3.3.1. Minority Rights 18 3.3.2 Language Rights 19 3.3.3 Education 19 3.4 The true state of affairs at the present moment 20

3.5 Summary 21

CHAPTER 4

The Marginalisation of Tshivenda 23

4.1 The State 23 4.1.1 The Parliament 24 4.1.2 The Provincial Language Board 24 4.1.3 Names of Buildings 24 4.1.4 Street Names 24 4.1.5 Roads 24 4.1.6 Education 25 Private Schools 25 ii The Teachers 25 iii The Universities 25 iv Primary and Secondary School Levels 27 v The Educated and the Rich 28

4.2 The Government Services 28 4.2.1 Documentation 29 4.2.2 Hospitals 29 4.2.3 Police 29 4.2.4 Courts 29 4.2.5 Home Affairs 30 4.2.6 Road Signs 30 4.2.7 Change of Names of Institutions 30 4.2.8 Tax Forms 31

4.3 The Media 31 4.3.1 The Radio 31 4.3.2 The South African Broadcasting Corporation - Television Programmes 32 4.3.3 The Newspapers 33 Mirror and Zoutpansberger Newspapers 33 ii Thohoyandou Newspaper 34

4.4 Private Enterprise 35

(iv) 4.4.1 Buses and Taxis 35 4.4.2 South African Airways 36 4.4.3 Roads 37 4.4.4 Johannesburg International Airport 37 4.4.5 Spoornet 37 4.4.6 Estate Agents 37

4.5 The Marginalisation of Tshivenda by Vhavenda People themselves 37 4.5.1 The impact this marginalisation has on Vhavenda people 37 4.5.2 Vhavenda parents at home 37 4.5.3 In non-Tshivenda Speaking Areas 38 4.5.4 The pride of being a Muvenda is lacking 38

4.6 The Marginalisation of Tshivenda by the Church 39

4.7 Conclusion 40

CHAPTER 5

Conclusions and Findings 42

5.1 Conclusions and Findings 42 5.1.1 The State 42 5.1.2 Language Planning 44 5.1.3 Education 45 5.1.4 Government Services 46 5.1.5 Private Enterprise 47 5.1.6 The Church 47 5.1.7 Vhavenda 47

5.2 Recommendation 48

BIBLIOGRAPHY 51

(v) CHAPTER 1

1.1 The Background of the problem.

The background is the deterioration of the purity of Tshivenda spoken by the young Vhavenda. The original Tshivenda spoken by the older generation is dwindling among the young generation.

The Constitution of South Africa of 1996 recognises eleven official languages. Tshivenda is one of those languages. In a democratic society like ours the state and the people have to be democratic in their actions. The expected equal treatment of the official languages is not being practiced. Tshivenda is sidelined or marginalised in many different ways.

Private enterprise, semi-state institutions and the church are actively involved in the marginalisation of this language. This marginalisation of Tshivenda has resulted in the trend whereby the Vhavenda people themselves have started to marginalise their own language.

The marginalisation of Tshivenda is seen as a very serious problem. If necessary steps are not taken to reverse the state of affairs it may lead to the extinction of Tshivenda. The language that does not develop or grow may ultimately die.

My own experience with the problem is that Tshivenda has been marginalised to such an extent that Vhavenda people have started to develop a feeling of not being proud of their language. This trend is rife among the educated and the young generations.

Mrs L. L. Mafenya (The Head of Tshivenda Department at Makhado College of Education, personal communication) says that Vhavenda people are shy to speak their language more especially in non-Tshivenda speaking areas. Even in Tshivenda speaking areas Vhavenda people are found to be mixing Tshivenda with English words. Many Vhavenda are found to be proud of this behaviour.

She further emphasised that even the uneducated Vhavenda people tend to speak other languages

1 like Zulu and Xhosa in the midst of other Vhavenda people. It seems they have been forced by the actions of the state which is not doing anything to promote this language as an equal to all other South African languages. The people have been forced to the corner to see their language as inferior.

According to Carol Macdonald (1991:30-31) the thinking of children develops easily and quickly in their first language. She further states that the child should receive his/her education through the mother tongue in the first four years of his/her schooling.

She is of the opinion that an intensive first language course gets children off to a good start in education. She feels that the mother tongue provides a bridge between the child's home and the demands of the new environment of the school.

Macdonald (p28) reveals that the children who come from illiterate homes, i.e. homes made up of parents who cannot read or write, do succeed in learning English successfully if they first become literate in their mother tongue. The mushrooming of crèches and private schools all over Tshivenda speaking areas, where teaching and learning is done only through the medium of English, is contrary to what she recommended.

I came to identify this problem through the behaviour of our people who feel that speaking English is more important than speaking Tshivenda. Our people are proud of speaking Zulu, Xhosa or English in Tshivenda speaking areas.

This shows the extent to which the marginalisation by the state has gone. The people have come to accept that their language is not important and that it is inferior to the other dominant languages of South Africa.

1.2 The definition of the problem.

The problem is the negative attitude the state has towards Tshivenda. Even though the constitution of South Africa of 1996 says that Tshivenda is equal to all other official languages, Tshivenda

2

continues to be marginalised by the state, which should be seen to be promoting it.

The marginalisation of Tshivenda by the state has led to the perception by Vhavenda people that this language is not very important. Mrs Mafenya (ibid) thinks that Tshivenda has been marginalised to such an extent that Vhavenda people do not see failure to speak Tshivenda as a problem. She also said that some Vhavenda people see it as a prestige not to speak pure Tshivenda. The pride of being a Muvenda is dwindling. People associate a Muvenda who speaks pure Tshivenda with the old generation who are not literate and who do not know English.

1.3 Methodology.

A literature survey will form the bases of this research. Interviews with different people will be the most important aspect of the empirical research. Articles from newspapers will be used to see what the general public says about the marginalisation of the minority languages.

The constitution of the Republic of South Africa and the relevant acts will receive attention to see if the state is implementing what it is supposed to implement.

1.4 The overview of the chapters.

1.4.1 Chapter 2.

Theoretical approach.

Under this topic there will be three subheadings which are: 2.1 Marginalisation. 2.2 Multi-lingualism. 2.3 Human rights or minority rights.

In this chapter a literature survey on the three sub-headings mentioned above will be done. Attempts will be made to explain the three sub-headings. This state of affairs in other countries regarding

3 these three sub-headings will receive attention. This will be done broadly in order to lay a foundation for chapter 3 which will deal with language planning.

1.4.2 Chapter 3.

This chapter will centre around language planning. Every effort will be made to indicate how language planning works. The literature survey will also receive maximum attention in order to see how different people see language planning.

Language planning before and after the new Constitution of South Africa of 1996 will also receive attention. This constitution will be dealt with under the following headings: Minority rights. Language rights. Education. The true state of affairs at the present moment.

1.4.3 Chapter 4.

In this chapter attempts will be made to come closer to home. Marginalisation of Tshivenda will be the central point. The marginalisation of Tshivenda will be looked at under the following headings: The State. Under this heading the Parliament, the Provincial Language Board, names of buildings, street names and the roads will receive attention. Other Government services. This sub-heading will be further divided into eight sub-headings which are documentation, hospitals, police, courts, home affairs, road signs, the changing of names of institutions and tax forms. Education. Matters like private schools, teachers, universities, primary and secondary school levels and the educated and the rich will be looked at.

4 The Media. This is one of the important topics that contributes to the marginalisation or promotion of a language. The role played by the radio and the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) television programmes will be looked at intensively. The local newspapers like Mirror, Zoutpansberger and the former Thohoyandou newspaper will also be looked at regarding the role they are playing in the promotion of Tshivenda. Private Enterprise. Focus will be on the buses and taxis, the South African Airways (SAA), the Johannesburg International Airport, Spoornet and the Estate Agents. The role played by all these private enterprises will form an interesting part of the marginalisation of Tshivenda. Vhavenda people themselves. Having looked at the marginalisation of Tshivenda under all the above mentioned headings, the impact this marginalisation has on Vhavenda people themselves will have to be looked into. Under this topic, questions such as, how far has the state succeeded in marginalising this language? How do Vhavenda people view themselves and their language? The position at Vhavenda homes as well as in non- Tshivenda speaking areas will receive attention. The Church. The role the church plays in the marginalisation of Tshivenda is an important aspect. This will also be looked at.

1.4.4 Chapter 5. Conclusions and Recommendations. 5.1 Conclusions and Findings. 5.2 Recommendations.

1.4.5 Chapter 6. Bibliography.

5 CHAPTER 2

Theoretical Approach

2.1 Marginalisation.

Alexander (1989) puts the language policy for Namibia into perspective. This language policy is said to have been influenced by the language policy of the dominant party SWAPO. SWAPO's policy was in turn influenced by the policy of the host country Zambia during the struggle for independence. SWAPO children were taught in English. This is the policy they implemented when Namibia gained independence.

He goes further (p42) by stating the language policy of Zimbabwe after independence. English was also chosen as the medium of instruction at schools. Shona and Ndebele were only taught as subjects. After 1984 parents were allowed to choose the language through which their children could be taught. These were English, Shona or Ndebele in the first three years of their schooling. Thereafter English was to be the only medium of instruction.

Multi-lingualism is encouraged by him (p9) in a country where there are several languages as is the case in South Africa. It is regarded as very important for people to know their mother tongues and English. This is said to be a minimum requirement. It is only when this state of affairs is achieved that we can start talking of having reached an ideal situation.

He further suggests that racism and racial prejudice be fought by breaking down the language barriers. All South Africans have to learn one another's languages. If this is achieved, multi- lingualism in South Africa will flourish. He encourages the fighting of marginalisation of language by the members of the marginalised group.

His vision (p51-52) for South Africa is that all the languages that are spoken by the people of this country have an equal right to exist. He feels that all the South African languages should be allowed to flourish at all costs. It is stressed that this policy is only based on the fact that no language is inherently superior to another language. He believes in the maximum development and usage of all African languages. This applies to minority and majority languages.

6 He (p9) finds the policy of the British authority in South Africa in the 19th century to have compelled the South African public to use English. Proclamations were used to pressurise the schools and courts to use English. In 1873 English became the only language of parliament. This was proof enough that a government can decide to empower or marginalise any language. Afrikaans was the language spoken at home and in church only. The Afrikaners felt that their language was being marginalised and this did not make them happy at all.

All South Africans are encouraged by him (p7) to become conscious of the fact that they belong to one united South Africa. It should be remembered that this one South Africa is still divided along language lines. The dominant language groups Xhosa, Zulu and Tswana are not interested in the minority language groups like Tshivenda and Xitsonga.

According to him (p46) a way should be found to promote the two Northern Province languages, namely Tshivenda and Xitsonga. He states that when these people go to Johannesburg they simply hide the fact that they are either Vhavenda or Tsonga. They marginalise their languages by using other people's languages. He further says that a way has to be found to make these people speak their languages. They have to feel proud of their languages.

On the other hand Tollefson (1991:201-203) approaches marginalisation by saying that language policy is a function of the State. This being the case, the language groups which are marginalised by the institutions of State power may see the policy as a threat. The British, when ruling South Africa, believed in the dominance of standard English in the schools. They restricted mother tongue education. Those children coming from non-standard English varieties were disadvantaged or marginalised at school.

He agrees (p169-171) that learning and use, promotion and maintenance of languages helps to build intellectual, economic and educational development of individual speakers, groups and states. When this is achieved trust is built between different people belonging to different language groups. He went further by giving an example of the Philippines where the use of English is being changed in order to put in place a new strategy for the reduction of hegemonic domination by the privileged groups. This country has taken a giant step in the right direction. They want to

7 accommodate all languages as far as possible. If they happen to achieve this, it will make every citizen feel free and accepted even if he or she comes from the minority language group.

De Gruyter (1995:96-97) states that the envisaged united Europe of the future should at all costs avoid further minorization of certain language groups. He recommends that all those languages that are threatened by extinction in individual states be given constitutional protection. It is a bad thing to see that constitutional guarantees and protection are ignored by those in power.

He admits (p188) that the majority language speakers have difficulty in understanding the realities and concerns of the majority language speakers. In South Africa, for example, Zulus and Xhosas do not feel obliged to speak Tshivenda or Xitsonga while the opposite is the case. The minority give in to the majority while the majority language groups do not care about the minority language groups.

A policy of encouraging and promoting language development of the long neglected African languages is favoured by him (p53). He is of the opinion that these languages be raised to a reasonable level of self-confidence and self-reliance. They have to be used as high function languages. By saying this he is supporting what Tollefson said about the Philippines.

He warned (p59) that ethnic groups do not occur in peaceful communities. Usually they show differences of opinion. Competition seems to be the order of the day. If ethnic groups are not handled well they usually end in conflicts and violence.

Fasold (1984:213) believes that language death occurs when a community shifts to a new language totally in such a way that the old language is no longer used. This can only be avoided by using, promoting and developing the minority languages.

Ribbens (1990:21) found out through a survey that black people prefer English over Afrikaans. The reason behind this is the prestige which goes with English. It is not surprising to find black parents sending their children to English medium schools. This trend is gaining momentum these days. This has resulted in the "mushrooming" of private schools all over South Africa.

8 2.2 Multi-lingualism.

According to Fasold (1984:292) Swahili in Tanzania was found to be widespread enough across the country in order to be selected as the language of primary education. Children were to be taught in this language in the primary schools as it was the language they understood better in order to adjust to the school situation.

He agrees (p 1) that many countries are linguistically diverse and that children also happen to be multi-lingual. Many countries in Africa and Asia have hundreds of languages within their borders. The constitution of India recognises 14 languages.

It was Alexander (1989:46) who expressed the idea of promoting the different South African languages. He defines a nation (p9) as constituted by individuals, who do not only communicate with one another but are also able to switch to the most appropriate language demanded by a particular situation. Individuals will constitute a nation only when they know each other's language so that they may use it when the situation compels it.

It has been acknowledged by Edwards (1994:176) that interrelationships among languages and their speakers are the cause of interest and tension. He supports the idea of multi-cultural education.

Tollefson (1991:170) noted that in Australia and Yugoslavia different methods for the reduction of language based inequality are used. In Australia multi-culturalism or cultural pluralism is fully supported by the state. It is however true that English dominates.

It is important to note that in Australia, as he puts it (p173) the language situation is unique because of the number and the diversity of the native languages being used all over the country. To him multi-cultural education (p198) is a tool that reduces the tension and also helps to change the attitudes that may lead to inequality.

Ferguson (1996:49) gives an example of Ethiopia as a highly multilingual country. This country is different from many African countries in that it does not have a single indigenous language as an official language constitutionally.

9 2.3 Human Rights or Minority Rights.

Macdonald (1991:8) indicates that thinking and language are two inseparable concepts. According to her a person thinks well in the language he/she knows well. That is why she believes that learning should start in the mother tongue. She further states that learning of content in any new language should be introduced slowly with careful planning and proper control.

She proposes (p10) that children have a chance to learn a lot in their own language. She found out that African parents feel their children will succeed at schools where English happens to be the medium of instruction from the start. This was found to be the case by her (p28) in urban areas such as Soweto and in many rural areas. The parents were found to favour extensive usage of English at schools. They favoured the usage of English from the beginning of the school career, that is the straight-for-English model. This model failed in countries like Gambia, Liberia and Sierra Leone.

She cautioned that children coming from homes where books and reading are not part of their daily life can learn English successfully, provided they first become literate in their own mother tongue. A further recommendation is that children start learning in the language they know best.

Further research by her (p27) revealed that some children at third year school level cannot read at all. The reason for this state of affairs was found to be the fact that they have to become literate in the language that is totally unknown to them (English). Children were also found to fail to relate in an African language what they have learnt in English. This stresses the idea that children easily adapt to the school situation if they are taught in their mother tongue.

It is not surprising in the light of Macdonald's findings, to find Du Plessis (1989:45) concluding that language planning should aim at establishing a language medium for every speaker so as to develop his or her potential to its fullest extent.

10 Alexander (1989:52) emphasises that language policies have to be designed in such a way that they must meet the needs and interests of all the segments of the population effectively and equitably.

The foundation of language rights is power, says Tollefson (1991:187). He associates access to quality education with power. By making education accessible to all, power is put into the hands of every citizen.

He views Yugoslavia (p188) as a country where cultural diversity is the main characteristic. The people of this country are divided along religious, historical and language lines. It should however be remembered that the people of Yugoslavia have been enemies historically.

He goes on to look at the Slovene constitution (p191) which stipulates that everyone has the right to promote one's own culture, native language and script. Educationally, the constitution ensures that different nations may put in place their own school systems using their mother tongues as medium of instruction. Small nationalities in practice do run their own primary and secondary schools.

Australia has a very good national language policy. Such a policy, according to him (p167) guarantees the right to government information and service in the native languages. Such a policy goes further by allowing native education for all students who do not speak English. This on its own demonstrates the value of official recognition of language rights. Mother tongue education is regarded as a right for all children who are non English speakers.

He is of the opinion (p169-170) that linguistic minorities these days continue to fight for the use of their languages through the assertion of language rights. They claim that every citizen has a right to speak his mother tongue in education, government, the media and many other areas, as a tool to fight domination by more powerful groups. He states that Australia and Yugoslavia are among the few countries that have incorporated this principle of language rights into their official language policy.

The definition of a minority language by Graddol (1987:13) does not take into consideration the number of speakers it has. An example of a native language called Faeroese with 40 000

11 speakers is given. This language has an official status within the Faroe islands. The Chinese language was also mentioned as another minority language in Britain. This language is not used in education and government administration.

Alexander (1989:21) brings the apartheid language into perspective. The policy is said to have continued with the British colonial policy but substituted English with Afrikaans as a language of domination. Where this policy failed they did their best to promote Afrikaans to be equal to English in many domains. Verwoerd's policy of separate development forced Africans who speak different languages to live in different areas. This was a recipe for the majority language speakers to look down on the minority languages.

De Gruyter (1995:54) emphasised the need to use African languages at all levels of education, from pre-primary to adult and non-formal education programmes. He further states that these languages have to be raised into effective media of instruction in education.

A well known authority on language policy in South Africa, Mawasha AL (1986) expressed strong views on the question of medium of instruction in South Africa, as well as the language in other areas such as the church and of public life generally. At two conferences held at the HSRC (1986 and 1996) he expressed these views courageously to audiences not necessarily sympathetic to the role of 'minority languages', At the latter conference he expressed regret, for example, that the experience and expertise of the different language boards might not be taken into consideration by decision makers involved in language planning and standardisation of the written code.

It is acknowledged by Howe (1997:68-70) that constitutions of diverse cultures should be equal in all respects: he believes in the principle of non-oppression. This principle can be implemented either formally or informally. Formal implementation takes the form of establishing new rules and procedures that will recognise that all groups are equally recognised. The groups that can be regarded as the oppressed are those that are regarded as the exploited, marginalised or the powerless. He is convinced that schooling is capable of eliminating the three forms mentioned above.

2.4 Summary.

12 It is evident in this chapter that African parents feel that their children will do well at schools where English is the medium of instruction from the lower primary. The prestige of English is seen as a force behind the parents' thinking.

Another conclusion is that children adapt easily to the school situation if they are taught in their mother tongue. These two conclusions will be explored further in the following chapters.

Research indicates that language policies are mostly influenced by the dominant party that happens to be the government. This is what happened in Namibia where SWAPO as the governing party adopted its own language policy. The majority language groups tend to care less about the minority ones.

The situation whereby the Venda people marginalise their own language will be explored further in the chapters to follow. In this chapter it was stated that they hide their identity when they go to Johannesburg. A way will have to be found to instil love for their language.

13 CHAPTER 3

Language Planning.

3.1 How does language planning work?

Fishman (1974:15) regards language planning as decision making in connection with language problems. In short, he concludes that those who practice language planning are the legislators, that is, the implementors of the policies who turn out to be the government.

He clearly states (p20) that language planning has to be implemented differently in relation to a variety of target populations as well as different social settings.

According to him (p25-49) language has been planned in one way or the other for a very long time. In many instances, it has been planned with considerable success. He sees it being continually planned in future. To many people language is a means of identification. He goes further to say (p56-57) that the higher and more challenging task in language planning remains the improvement of the language. When a language is planned it has to adapt to the new needs and to make it more efficient. Politics is the core in language planning.

Young (1987:3-13) defines language planning by saying that it is closely interwoven with the issue of nationalism. He sees language planning as primarily made on political and economic grounds. Language planning is seen as the reflection of the values of those in power politically. He continues by saying that in all bilingual or multi-lingual societies, political and educational planning as well as the maintenance of language(s) are the most important ingredients for social stability and cohesion.

He says (p58-64) that ideologically speaking, language planning cannot be neutral. No form of planning can be expected to be neutral. He feel that language planning in the South African context has become one of the most politicised aspects of South African life. He sees language

14 specialists as being not politicians themselves. Their main responsibilities are towards the science. Theirs is the solving of the language problems and not primarily political problems.

On the other hand he (p69) looks at the politicians as the people who use regulatory policies. These policies are aimed at changing the behaviour of the people. These are the policies they implement in education as well as in language decisions. Fishman (1974:116-117) notes that language planning has been directed towards education as the primary area of implementation in many areas. The mass media is also used by governments as tools for the implementation of language planning.

Webb (1995:35-36) believes that language planning must achieve political objectives. These objectives include effective government and administration at national, provincial and local levels, judicial fairness, achieving the aims of the new constitution as well as the maximal development of the potential of all the people of South Africa.

He goes on to indicate that language planning must be able to handle all the language problems relating to the country's political problems. It should look to the interests of the people of this country, i.e. the interests of all the languages should be looked into. This means that language planning should be seen as planning for the people. It should also look to the interests of the government. Language planning must not be a top-down-activity. All the people whose lives will be affected by language planning must directly participate in language planning.

He views (p36-37) language planning and policy formulation as the task of the senior government officials and parliament. Relevant information can be supplied by language planning scholars. National conferences on the language policies play a significant role in language planning and policy formulation.

Dirven in Webb (1995:41-57) looks at the colonisation of Africa by European countries. When countries like Britain, France, Germany and Portugal started to colonise Africa, they imposed their languages on the Africans. They made their languages official in central government and

15 administration. This is evident by the Portuguese language which is the official language today in two former Portuguese colonies, Angola and Mozambique.

He also looked into the Namibian language policy which was introduced by SWAPO as a government. Their policy introduced English as a unifying language for all Namibians. This policy has been the organisation's policy for years. This is regardless of the low number of people who know English.

It must however be remembered that the use of language for purposes of national unity may have more disruptive than unifying consequences. A country can exist and thrive without a common national language.

It is Schuring in Webb (1995:63-69) who emphasises that every language has its own constituency. He regards it as important that all eleven official languages be equally accommodated.

He believes that human rights, language rights included, are usually based on the principle of equality. He strongly recommends that all languages be able to enjoy recognition and protection. These languages should be allowed the opportunity of realising their full functional potential.

He mentioned that South Africa has eleven official languages. An official language is defined as a national language by law through which official business must be conducted or through which a citizen has the right to deal with the authorities.

To him language diversity must be regarded as a good thing and not be seen as a threat to unity. In India, for example, attempts to reduce two official languages to a single official language (English) have led to strife, bloodshed and greater regionalism. Instead, all official languages have to be protected and promoted at all costs by the authorities. Schuring in Webb (p70-72) regards acceptability as a very important principle in language planning. The people's attitudes should be taken into account as a point of departure. It must be remembered that South Africans are divided along language lines.

16 In South Africa there is no one language that is accepted by all South Africans. Each language has its own supporters. Venda will be acceptable in the northern areas of the Northern Province, while it will not be acceptable in Kwa-Zulu Natal or vice-versa.

It is Wilkes in Webb (1995:93-94) who indicated that the Venda speaking people are less than one million in number. He did not hesitate to say that Venda is the smallest of all the four principal language groups. He regards it as a minority language.

According to Wood, in Webb (1995:188) the African National Congress (ANC) resolved in Amsterdam in 1987 that all languages of South Africa be accorded equal status. Cultural workers were encouraged to use these languages at the working places. They went further by stating that language training facilities be made available to spread the knowledge of South African languages.

3.2 Language planning before the new Constitution.

Smith in Webb (1995:209) refers to the constitution of 1983 section 89: subsections (1) and (2) which says that English and Afrikaans are recognised as the official languages of the Republic of South Africa. The two languages were to be treated equally in all domains. They were to enjoy equal freedom, rights and privileges. The constitution went further by stating that all records, journals and proceedings of the Parliament be kept in the two official languages. This is an indication that the government was committed to the extensive use of Afrikaans and English to the detriment of the black languages like Venda.

On the other hand, Beukes in Webb (1995:219) brings in the question of the medium of instruction in education. She mentioned that the policies pertaining to the medium of instruction have been very critical in South African education. This policy has been a very important factor in the total control of education. She mentions the riots of June 16, 1976 which were caused by the imposition of Afrikaans on black pupils. This policy was started by the missionaries.

The missionaries in the 19th century preferred the use of a non-vernacular language as the medium of instruction for black education. Their language policy centred around English as a medium of

17 instruction as well as a subject. The British government policy also endorsed this policy. The • Governor of the Cape in the early 1820's, Lord Charles Somerset, preferred English over Dutch. He wanted English to be the main language of the Cape Colony and even went further by providing free English medium schools. The Boers started to fight the government for their language, Dutch, which was being marginalised. This led to Afrikaner nationalism.

Reagan (1986:3) is convinced that the mother tongue principle was the corner stone of education policy in South Africa since 1948. Beukes in Webb (1995:222) brings in the Bantu Education Act of 1953 which was rejected in black communities. This Act led to the June 16, 1976 Soweto Youth riots. It was replaced by Act No.90 of 1979 which stipulated that Afrikaans is not the only official language but one of the official languages. This Act of 1979 made it possible for parents and pupils to choose English as medium of instruction at schools.

By 1984 the medium of instruction of Afrikaans was limited to 1.46% of pupils in standard 3 upwards in the schools falling under the former Department of Education and Training and the so called national states. By 1989 this figure had dropped to 0.52%.

3.3 The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996.

3.3.1 Minority Rights.

Chapter 1 section 3 (2)(a) stipulates that all citizens are equally entitled to the rights, privileges and benefits of citizenship. This section clearly indicates that any citizen, even if he/she is from a minority group, is entitled to all rights and privileges that are enjoyed by any other South African. This means that equality of rights, privileges and benefits are entrenched in the constitution.

Chapter 2 section 7(1) affirms that human dignity, equality and freedom are enshrined. Subsection 7(2) goes further by giving the power to the state to respect, protect, promote and fulfill the rights in the Bill of Rights.

Equality is clearly defined in chapter 2 section 9(2). It is defined as full and equal enjoyment of all

18 rights and freedoms. The state is obliged to promote the achievement of equality by legislation and other measures which are designed to protect or advance persons or categories of persons who are disadvantaged by discrimination. Section 9(3) states that the state is not allowed to unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on the grounds of race, ethnic or social origin, culture or language amongst others. Human dignity, which falls under section 10 has to be respected and protected.

3.3.2 Language Rights.

Chapter 1 section 6(1) recognises eleven official languages of the Republic of South Africa. Tshivenda is one of these languages. It is placed - on an equal footing with all the other dominant languages like Zulu, Xhosa, English and Afrikaans.

Section 6(2) indicates that it is the responsibility of the state to take practical and positive measures to elevate the status and advance the use of these languages.

Section 6(4)(2) emphasises that official languages enjoy parity and equal treatment. National legislation has to establish a Pan South African Language Board to promote and put in place conditions for development and the usage of all official languages (section 6(5)(a). Legislation has to promote and ensure that there is respect for all languages that are commonly used by communities in South Africa (section6(5)(b)(i).

3.3.3 Education.

Section 29(2) gives every citizen the right to receive education in the official language of his/her choice at public schools or institutions. Section 30 states that every citizen has the right to use language and to take part in a cultural life of their choice.

19 3.4 The true state of affairs at the present moment.

The rights, privileges and benefits of South African citizens should be equal in all respects. But the Venda people do not enjoy all of these. They do not enjoy TV programmes of the public broadcaster which is the SABC in their own language. Not even a single programme is in this language.

The constitution gives powers to the state to respect, protect and promote human rights as outlined in the Bill of Rights. Instead of the state being seen to be respecting, protecting and promoting the Venda language, it is not doing anything significant to fulfill this section of the constitution.

The state is expected to protect human dignity of the Venda people by promoting their language but it is seen to be doing very little or nothing. No language should be used for exploitation or domination. If we look into the state parastatals, other languages are dominating the Venda language.

It should be kept in mind that for broadcasting purposes African languages, especially Tshivenda, are used only orally. The state is not working towards the development of new materials to teach Tshivenda as second language.

It cannot be disputed that languages which are not learned and used as second languages cannot acquire a high socio economic prestige. This is the case with Tshivenda.

It is astonishing that African languages are hardly used for advertisements. Only in the Zulu, Xhosa and Sotho versions of magazines like Bona are advertisements made but the same does not exist for languages like Tshivenda and Tsonga

Most South African companies at first are not interested in addressing their non-white customers in their own languages like Zulu or Xhosa, not to mention Tshivenda which is not valued by non- Tshivenda speakers.

20 Even though Vhavenda people are economically important as customers, they are regarded as an unimportant part of the population. They are regarded as a minority language group whose interests are of little concern to the majority.

In other countries it is easier to see products in the language of the buyer than that of the producer or seller. In Venda, all products are sold in English or Afrikaans. South Africans and the government do not value the selling of products in the language of the buyer like Tshivenda in the far Northern Province. The industry does not care much because the government is also not doing enough to empower Tshivenda.

Other parastatal organisations like Escom, Telcom, South African Airways, Spoornet, Autonet, Portnet and the Mining industry are doing very little to promote Tsivenda.

3.5 Summary.

Language planning reflects what those in power politically want. All language experts can only advise those in power as to what should be done. At the end of the day the politicians will have a final word as to the shape of the language policy.

In South Africa language planning is not neutral and is very politicised. Language planning must be directed at the improvements of the language in order to make it more efficient.

Politicians usually plan a language policy in such a way that they want to change the behaviour of the people. This changing of behaviour is usually done through education and the mass media.

Language planning should look to the interests of the people and the government. The people whose lives will be affected by language planning should participate directly.

In Africa, political organisations that became governments after the struggle for independence pushed their language policies through.

21 The South African constitution-of 1996 guarantees equality of all rights and privileges for both the minority and the majority language groups. Legislation has to be used to protect the marginalised communities or language groups.

The constitution expects all languages to be treated equally. All languages, minority included, have to be promoted and respected. The state has to practically elevate the status and usage of all South African languages.

Every South African citizen is entitled to receive education in the official language of his or her choice.

22 CHAPTER 4

The Marginalisation of Tshivenda

4.1 The State.

The speakers of the minority languages like Tshivenda feel uncomfortable with the idea that the majority languages may become official languages along with English. The speakers of Tshivenda language feel that their language may be oppressed and not used for administration or in education.

This position is reflected by Rene Appel and Pieter Muysken (1987:48) when they say, "Even i f a government does not have a publicly stated policy with regard to minority languages, it might have a covert one, because for instance, not supporting minority languages might result in language decay or even loss, which could be the ultimate hidden goal of the government."

Dr R. N. Madadzhe, (a senior lecturer of Tshivenda at the University of the North) says that there are many Vhavenda children in Pietersburg. It is naive to find all schools in Pietersburg refusing to teach Tshivenda merely as a language or subject. He indicated that even the member of the Executive Council (MEC) will acknowledge that they are failing.

This is marginalisation of the Venda language. Pietersburg is at the center of the former Lebowa homeland. It should be remembered that the dismantling of the homeland systems made Pietersburg the capital of the provincial government. This made it possible for the provincial government to transfer Head Office staff of the former Venda government to Pietersburg. These Vhavenda people are in Pietersburg not as a matter of choice but as a must.

Instead of the provincial government intervening in persuading the schools to introduce Tshivenda as a subject, they are seen to be folding their arms. The Vhavenda children who find themselves living in Pietersburg are disadvantaged at schools. In some schools they do not learn their own language even as a subject. This is marginalisation of the Tshivenda language on the young generation who are supposed to know it in order to pass it on to their children and the next generation.

The government these days emphasises the learning of science and technology at the expense of humanities. Enrollment in African languages has dropped significantly. A contributing factor is the scarcity of jobs in humanities. The teaching profession is saturated. This makes parents not to be motivated to send their children to study the humanities. The result will be the flooding of 23 science and technology sooner or later.

4.1.1 The Parliament.

Members of parliament who are Tshivenda speaking in Cape Town, do talk in Tshivenda at certain times. This is not a daily affair though. Mr Madadzhe indicated that even though at the provincial level in Pietersburg there are interpreters and translators, implementation is not yet ideal. Much remains to be done.

4.1.2 The Provincial Language Council.

Mr Madadzhe told me that the Provincial Language Council has been instituted. The problem with this PLC is that money is needed for this body to be functional. There are at the present moment pamphlets to be distributed to the people to read. Practically nothing is being corrected, language wise.

4.1.3 Names of Buildings.

President Mandela has named one of his state residences Mahlambandlovu. This is a Tsonga word for the Tshivenda one that is Matambandou. This is very good for the state but one questions why a single state building has not been given a Tshivenda name. The Vhavenda people feel that their language has to be recognised and empowered rather than being marginalised.

4.1.4 Street Names.

Louis Trichardt which is surrounded by Tshivenda speaking communities does not have a single Tshivenda name. The new Transitional Local Council, which has been in office for almost four years has not done anything by changing some of the names to Tshivenda names. It must however be stressed that of the fifteen councilors, nine are black.

At Sibasa, the former so called "White Island" i.e. a white area surrounding the former South African embassy, the names of streets are still non-Venda, even though the majority of the whites have moved out and blacks have moved in. The names like "Mopani, Bergvlam and Kremetart" still appear. The Tshivenda word for Mopani is Mupani.

4.1.5 Roads.

The names of roads do not reflect the composition of the South African population. We hear of 24 the Ben Schoeman Highway between Johannesburg and Pretoria as well as the Golden Highway in Johannesburg. It is important to name some of these highways Tshivenda names. There are names of the Vhavenda heroes who fought colonialism in the 19th century like Makhado Tshilwavhusiku tsha ha Ramabulana. Since the N1 starts in the Venda area in the North it can be named Makhado Highway.

4.1.6 Education.

Private Schools.

At private schools around Venda the children are taught through the medium of English from as early as grade 0 (zero). Some of these schools are Tshikevha, Gondo Likhethwa and Emmanuel Christian School. In certain instances Tshivenda is only taught as a subject and in others not taught at all. The children are encouraged to use English at all times. During a parents meeting I attended at Gondo Likhethwa, the parents were encouraged to talk to their children through the medium of English at home. They were also advised to read the English bible and other English reading material to their children so as to improve their English.

One parent blamed the teachers (who are Tshivenda speaking) for having talked to their children through the medium of Tshivenda at the sports ground during a sports day. I must emphasise that this parent is a male headmaster at a neighbouring primary school, where the medium of instruction at lower primary level is Tshivenda.

The Teachers.

Teachers at schools usually tell pupils that Tshivenda is not important. That is why many do not do it at degree level. Those who do it risk non-employment as the domains where it is valued are very few.

Those that do Tshivenda at post-degree levels are shy to reveal that they are doing Tshivenda when asked. This demotivates the young people from doing it. The young people do not see their seniors doing Tshivenda as role models.

The Universities.

The University of South Africa teaches Tshivenda through the medium of English. The students who graduate lack the terminology. They learn through English but have to teach through the medium of Tshivenda. This state of affairs does not develop the language but is seen as another 25 way of marginalising it.

The University of the North, which used to teach through the medium of English, has changed to the teaching through the medium of Tshivenda. Their results must be better off compared to those at the University of South Africa.

The University of Venda, which is at the heart of Venda, has ever since its inception in 1981, been teaching Tshivenda through the medium of English. This was irrespective of the fact that Northern Sotho, which is not a local language, has been taught through the medium of Northern Sotho.

Professor T. W. Muloiwa, (the Head of Department of Tshivenda at the University of Venda) has however introduced the teaching of Tshivenda through the medium of Tshivenda from 1996 starting with these students in the first year of study. This year, 1998, the teaching is at its third year level. The post graduate students are still being taught through the medium of English.

One wonders why it took them so long to change to the teaching through their own language. One can only deduce that generally speaking the Vhavenda people are the people who do not have confidence in their own language. We look down upon our own language. Maybe it is the reason why people from other language groups do not want to talk our language.

Makhado College of Education, a teachers training college, in the heart of Venda, teaches Tshivenda method through the medium of English. The student teachers, when they go out to do practical teaching, are expected to teach in Tshivenda. What a contradiction. The content however is taught through the medium of Tshivenda.

It is also very important to note that I have never heard of English being taught through the medium of Tshivenda or any other South African language. The universities have a role to play. They have to empower black languages, more specifically Tshivenda that has been marginalised for a very long time.

The lecturers have to write books in Tshivenda. Students who are doing Tshivenda at the University of Venda have indicated that they have difficulties with the unavailability of reading material in Tshivenda. It is time that those who are committed to the survival of this language start to contribute to it's growth.

Mr Madadzhe maintains that all official languages are equal. He challenges the universities to develop the black languages. He went further to say that until black languages are empowered, 26 equality shall not have been achieved in South Africa. iv) Primary and Secondary School Levels.

Mr M. C. Neluvhalani (the former Lecturer of Tshivenda Method at the University of the North) is of the view that a school should be identified in all the provinces where there is no Tshivenda being taught to be introduced. He is convinced that if this is done it will conscientise other South Africans that Tshivenda is not a foreign language but a South African one. This can also help to unify South Africans.

The examiners for Tshivenda, grade 12, made it very difficult for the pupils to pass. For example, the November 1995 Tshivenda paper 2, which was extremely difficult for the candidates. This paper was said to have been set by Mr T. Ramadi, who used to work at the former Department of Education and Training in Pretoria. He asked a question on the orthography. This aspect was not in the syllabus. When children of other language groups are obtaining symbol A to C, in Tshivenda it is very difficult to get such symbols especially A and B. So, our examiners are proud to see pupils failing Tshivenda.

Mrs Mafenya also indicated that our examiners for Tshivenda do not use current matters when setting comprehension tests. They often use those belonging to the olden days. If comprehension tests are to be set for today's children, let them be for today's youth. They will understand them better and do well in the examinations.

The grade 8 and 9 pupils are required to pass one language with 40% and the other with 34%. Children can thus decide to pass English with 40% and Afrikaans with 34% and fail Tshivenda. It becomes unnecessary to pass Tshivenda. In grades 10 to 12, children are expected to pass only one first language. There are Vhavenda children who are doing first language Tshivenda and English as second language. If such a pupil can manage to pass English as a first language then it becomes unnecessary for him to pass Tshivenda as a first language. The syllabus has become a tool to marginalise Tshivenda. That is why many parents send their children to the private schools where Tshivenda is in many instances not taught. They do not see the value of teaching this language.

The whites who have to learn black languages do not learn Tshivenda but Zulu, Sotho and Xhosa. They are not interested in learning our language. The only whites who learn our language are those who learn it in an informal situation. They only learn it because the circumstances force them to learn it, e.g. a farmer who on a daily basis has to work with Vhavenda labourers.

27 The Department of Education (Head, Regional, Area and Circuit Offices) sends hundreds of circulars to schools per year. Almost all these circulars are written in English. Not a single circular is in Tshivenda. This position is not acceptable to Vhavenda people who feel that their language, as one of the official languages, has to be used also, so as to promote it.

Correspondence from schools to Circuit, Area, Regional and Head Offices is only through English. The Department therefore regards English as a superior language. Tshivenda is not afforded any status at all.

Professor N. A. Milubi, (Head of the Department of Tshivenda at the University of the North) in a paper he read at Tel Aviv University (1995:12) said, "The idea of choosing one language as the only national language while marginalising others may only engender resentment and can be a source of conflict and a seed for future bloodletting."

He stressed that minority rights be protected at all costs by the State. Any language forms a core for the people. It is imperative to empower and develop all languages as the constitution has directed. v) The Educated and the Rich. The children who are found in private schools in Venda are those of the educated and of the well- to-do parents. They even take them to far away private schools in Pietersburg, Pretoria and Johannesburg. They want their children to learn through the medium of English. Even if Tshivenda is not one of the subjects taught, they do not care. What they want is English. Those that do Tshivenda and a subject like linguistics are looked down upon. The educated will not send their children to ordinary Venda schools. Mr Madadzhe said that it is ironic to find the missionaries and the white doctors learning Tshivenda as a language.

Professor Milubi told me that those who are educated and are sending their children to the private schools are 50% of the population. We are left with 50% of the population that is not taking their children to private schools.

If the remaining 50% improves and also take their children to private schools, it will lead to the immediate death of the Tshivenda language. He indicated to me that one learns a language that one feels is most beneficial to one's interest. Parents want their children to learn English because it is associated with economy.

4.2 The Government Services.

28 4.2.1 Documentation.

In the area of the former Venda, government documentation still comes in either English or Afrikaans. Very important circulars still reach Vhavenda or the grassroots community in these two languages only. It looks as if they are meant for the learned only. If such a document reaches a Vhavenda who cannot read these two languages, the message will be useless and it will not reach the people it is intended for. Even those who have a little knowledge of English may misinterpret the message.

4.2.2 Hospitals.

Hospital cards and files in hospitals around Venda are written in English and Tshivenda. This is of little value because the patient is not required to complete it himself/herself. The clerks complete the forms by means of question and answer with the patient.

The majority of doctors at Siloam Hospital cannot speak Tshivenda. This necessitates that the nurses work as interpreters between patient and doctor. It is possible that mistakes can be made that can lead to the issuing of wrong medication.

The names of hospitals also are non-Tshivenda. There are three hospitals around Venda which are Siloam, Doland Fraser and Tshilidzini Hospital. Tshilidzini Hospital is the only one with a Tshivenda name.

4.2.3 Police.

The majority of police around Venda are Vhavenda speaking. When people go to police stations to report cases, statements are taken in English. It must however be remembered that those police that take statements are in most cases junior police and that they are not trained as translators. This being the case, it is possible that mistakes do happen.

4.2.4 Courts.

The courts around Venda conduct proceedings in English. There are interpreters for those who cannot speak English. The people find this very sinister because usually we find that all the participants are Vhavenda speaking people, i.e. magistrate, prosecutor, the complainant, the defendant, the witnesses as well as the legal practitioners. Under such circumstances it is surprising why the department of justice does not empower the Tshivenda language to be used. This can go a long way towards recognising it as an official language. 29 English and Afrikaans are the languages used. Interpreters are used where a person does not understand either of the two languages. When a Tshivenda speaking person is to appear in court in areas like Kwa-Zulu Natal, Eastern Cape or Western Cape, it becomes very difficult to get interpreters for Tshivenda. This results in the delay of the trial, to the detriment of the accused. Since Tshivenda is one of the official languages, we expect it to be used in courts around Venda. Where the magistrate, prosecutor, defendant, legal representatives and witnesses are Tshivenda speaking people. We expect Tshivenda to be used as a language of the court. This language should also be used for recording of proceedings. Because the courts are in a position to provide interpreters, they should be able to provide them at al levels of the legal system. Translators must also be provided in order to translate the proceedings of any case when need arises.

Joseph J. Mhlongo of Marble Hall in Mpumalanga commented in The Sowetan of Monday, June 29, 1988, page 13, under the heading "Tribal bonds styling unity" that "the composition of the national structures like parliament, the judiciary and the media" does not reflect the country's demographs. He went on to say, "How many Tsongas, Vendas and Ndebeles do we find in these structures compared with Xhosas and Zulus?"

Mhlongo feels that the minority language groups like Tshivenda have to be found at all levels of the courts. This encourages unity of all South Africans. Patriotism is important for all South Africans. We all have to feel that we are real South Africans.

4.2.5 Home Affairs.

When the Vhavenda people have to apply for identity documents, they have to do it in English or Afrikaans. All the documentation is not in Tshivenda. The people do not see this as a good sign of recognising Tshivenda as a language that has to be used by the State.

4.2.6 Road Signs.

All the road signs are in English all over Venda. The State says that they are following international trends. If international trends are to set the pace, then our languages will dwindle because they will have no domains in which they can be used. Signs in Tshivenda can be used with English, e.g. "Drift Ahead" and the Tshivenda words like "Dindi Phanda." This can go a long way in empowering our marginalised language.

4.2.7 Changing of Names of Institutions. Recently there has been talk of the change of the name of the University of Venda. This matter 30 also appeared in newspapers. There has been no talk of the changing of the name of the University of the North. Northern Sotho is the dominant language of the Northern Province. The former homeland of the Northern Sotho was Lebowa. In Northern Sotho the University of the North is called "Universithi ya Lebowa." Even the name Northern Province in Northern Sotho is called "Provinsi ya Lebowa."

When one looks at the retaining of former homeland name of Lebowa with the University of the North and the name of the province, one starts to wonder why everything that bears the name Venda has to be changed. This is marginalisation at the highest level by the State.

4.2.8 Tax Forms.

The tax forms from the South African Revenue Services (SARS) are written in English and Afrikaans. One has to understand one of the two languages in order to complete them. As Tshivenda is one of the official languages, the Vhavenda people feel their language is being marginalised. This is so because if one misinterprets what is needed on the forms, it may ultimately lead to him/her owing the SARS tax money or vice versa. These tax forms have to be in the language Vhavenda people understand because those that cannot read and write English or Afrikaans are expected to complete them.

4.3 The Media. 4.3.1 The Radio.

At Phalaphala FM, which is the only radio station broadcasting in Tshivenda, broadcasters usually announce time in English. Even during programs English words are uttered. When I listen to SAFM which broadcasts in English, I have never heard them use Tshivenda words. Why our announcers do it, I do not know.

The broadcasting material concerning culture, the way of living of the Vhavenda people and their traditional songs are not given priority. They are given very minimal times compared to matters that are non-cultural.

Radio Thohoyandou, which was originally the mouthpiece of the former Venda Government has been discontinued. It was said to have been the radio station of a Bantustam. It is a fact that this radio station was very close to the people. It was located at the heart of Venda. It was accessible by all in Venda. The retained Phalaphala FM is based in Pietersburg with offices in Louis Trichardt and Johannesburg. 31 Radio Thohoyandou used to promote the Vhavenda culture by staging traditional dance competitions annually. Those competitions were Tshogombela dance for females. Tshikona dance for the males and Malende dance for both males and females.

It is important to note that TV Bop has not been discontinued. The SABC has retained this television station as it has been. They retained it knowing that it was of apartheid formation. This makes the discontinuance of Radio Thohoyandou to be seen by Vhavenda people as further marginalisation of their language by the State.

4.3.2 The South African Broadcasting Corporation - Television programmes.

There is not a single Tshivenda program that is broadcast every week. The program that the

Vhavenda and Tsonga people used to enjoy every Monday at 18:00 on SABC, Swa hombe - Zwa Nthesa, has been discontinued. Instead of the SABC adding some more programs for Vhavenda people, they even go to the extent of taking away the little this nation has. If this is not marginalisation at its highest level by the public broadcaster, I do not know what it should be called. During the last quarter of 1997 the SABC introduced a Tshivenda drama series. This made the Vhavenda people very proud of their language. What annoyed us was when a Muvenda spoke, there were translations into English. As this drama was played in Johannesburg and Venda, there were also those who could only speak languages like Sotho. When they spoke, there was no translation into English.

What does this mean? It means that the SABC regards Tshivenda as a foreign language which all other South Africans do not know and are not expected to know. That is why they used to translate every Tshivenda sentence. When Sotho, for example is not translated, it means that the Vhavenda are expected to know other South African languages. About those who do not know them, the SABC does not care. No translation is done.

Mr Neluvhalani is of the opinion that Vhavenda people themselves must put pressure on the SABC. The SABC must be told that they are infringing the rights of Vhavenda people by undermining the constitution which says that all languages are equal. He told me that the government has laid down principles (constitution). These principles can only be fulfilled at the grassroots level. The government has leveled the playing field. "Speakers of different languages have to fight for their languages" he said.

The following was the Time Table of the news bulletin for the SABC for the week starting on 32 Sunday, July 19 to Saturday, July 25, 1998.

SABC 1 SABC 2 SABC 3 SUNDAY 19:30 19:00 Multilingual 20:00 English Multilingual 21:30 Afrikaans MONDAY 19:30 Zulu 19:00 Sesotho 17:55 English 21:00 Afrikaans 20:00 English TUESDAY 19:30 Xhosa 19:00 Afrikaans 17:55 English 21:00 Multilingual 20:00 English WEDNESDAY 19:30 Zulu 19:00 Multilingual 17:55 English 21:00 Multilingual 20:00 English THURSDAY 19:30 Xhosa 19:00 Afrikaans 17:55 English 21:00 Multilingual 20:00 English FRIDAY 19:30 Zulu 19:00 Multilingual 17:55 English 21:00 Afrikaans 20:00 English SATURDAY 19:30 Xhosa 19"00 Afrikaans 20:00 English 21:00 Multilingual

From this sketch it is clear that English is the dominant language of the SABC Television news. It is undoubtedly followed by Afrikaans on channel 2 with six slots. Sotho and Tswana therefore share the remaining slots. On the other hand, Zulu and Xhosa share the slots on channel one.

Tshivenda does not appear at all. That the SABC is marginalising this language is not to be doubted. This state of affairs has to change if this matter is not to be used as a recipe for division. Tshivenda is a minority language and it should be accommodated by the SABC in order to implant the feeling of patriotism. The people have to regard the SABC as theirs. This they will do when they share the slots equally with other languages.

4.3.3 The Newspapers.

i) Mirror and Zoutpansberger Newspapers

The Mirror and the Zoutpansberger are two locally based newspapers. The Mirror is based in Thohoyandou, the capitol of the former Venda. The Zoutpansberger is based in Louis Trichardt, which is surrounded by the Venda. These two newspapers now fall under one company.

The Mirror is printed in only one language which is English. What is interesting about this newspaper is that it was registered with the former Venda Government in 1990. The policy of this newspaper from the outset was that it will be published only in English.

When I talked to Mr Anton van Zyl (the head of the Mirror and Zoutpansberger) telephonically

33 on Thursday July 6, 1998, he confirmed that this language policy of the newspaper was not put in place to marginalise Tshivenda. He said it was done for commercial reasons. All advertisements done in Tshivenda did not yield fruits and that is why they resorted to English. He indicated that of the 12 000 copies they printed weekly, not even a single one is returned. He however stressed that ± 80%, i.e. ± 9 600, of all the copies are distributed in Venda. The other 20% is distributed in areas like Louis Trichardt, Alldays, and areas of the former Gazankulu homeland.

I think it is important to make mention of the fact that the reporters for this newspaper who are Messrs Alpheus Siebane, Frank Mavhungu and Samuel Matodzi are all Tshivenda speaking people. Even though they are working as freelancers as Mr Anton van Zyl indicated to me, their language is not part of what they write.

He indicated that Zoutpansberger produces 4 000 copies per week. This newspaper is primarily a Louis Trichardt and Messina newspaper. Some copies are however sent to Thohoyandou, Levubu, Alldays and surrounding areas. 80% of the readers are Afrikaans while 20% are English. He did concede that he has Vhavenda readers. It is true that this newspaper is predominantly Afrikaans with a small percentage of material in English. The reason Mr Anton van Zyl gave was that the newspaper was originally meant for the residents of the town who were Afrikaners in the majority with English in the minority. It must however be emphasised that most of the domestic workers, workers in the town proper and the Tshikota Township, a residential area who is 2 km outside of town, are Vhavenda.

Vhavenda were not considered residents of the town and that is why their needs were not catered for. He did concede that the population composition of the town is changing with the Vhavenda moving in. He said the English material will in due course be increased as this section of the community prefers English. The black people that are coming to stay in the town are actively involved in community organisations and they have to be catered for.

Mr Anton van Zyl indicated that personally he is in favour of writing some material in Tshivenda but commercially it is simply not viable. He made mention of the fact that computers are not ready for the spellings in Tshivenda. The readership of these newspapers is said to be all over the world, e.g. countries like United Kingdom, Finland and USA are reading and even sending their opinions to their newspapers. They are getting access to these newspapers through interne. ii) Thohoyandou Newspaper.

This can be said to have been the mouthpiece of the former Venda Government. It was based in the Venda capitol, Thohoyandou. It was printed in both Tshivenda and English but was directed mainly to the Vhavenda readers. This newspaper was initially distributed free of charge by the 34 former Department of Information and Broadcasting. This is the newspaper the Vhavenda people called their own. Today those who cannot read English have nothing to read. The discontinuance of this newspaper by the new democratic system is seen as another way of marginalising the Tshivenda language.

For this I have to quote Mr Tony Leon (leader of the Democratic Party) during a DP language summit in Johannesburg on Saturday March 21, 1998. The Citizen of Monday 23 March 1998, page 8, reported Mr Leon as saying, "How can all individuals be equal if their languages are not treated equally? How can individuals be free when they are forced to live, listen and learn in a language they don't call their own?" As the constitution indicates that the State must promote all languages, a newspaper for Vhavenda people has to provided.

4.4 Private Enterprise. Since the State is seen to be marginalising the Tshivenda language, the Vhavenda people look forward to the private companies, to look beyond the language in which they print the newspapers and magazines like English, Afrikaans, Northern Sotho and many other so called major South African languages. They should also start widening their nets by targeting the Tshivenda readers and printing in their language. Ever since the Thohoyandou newspaper was discontinued by the new government, I have never read a single piece of writing in a newspaper or magazine in Tshivenda.

Mr Neluvhalani feels that private companies should also advertise in Tshivenda especially in Tshivenda speaking areas. It is no use advertising in English where the majority will fail to get the message. He is of the opinion that a body that translates advertisements be formed so as to translate all old and new advertisements into Tshivenda.

The AVBOB Funeral Undertakers, according to Mrs Mafenya, do their advertising in English, Afrikaans and Northern Sotho in Tshivenda speaking areas. Companies like these have the black - people as their main customers. It will be good if they empower the language of the people they serve who happen to be Vhavenda. The Vhavenda people feel inferiour by the actions of such companies. They would like to see a change of heart soon.

4.4.1 Buses and Taxis.

The notices on Venda buses are written in Afrikaans and English, e.g. "Certified to carry 65 seated passengers and 17 standing passengers - Sertifiseer om 65 sittende en 17 staande passasiers to vervoer." Bus companies in Venda prefer to mix Venda and English words for names of their companies, e.g. Lukoto Bus Service, Mabirimisa Bus Service, Mulaudzi Transport,

35 Petermis Tours, Phadziri Bus Service, Enos Bus Service - its slogan is "Don't follow me follow the Enos." On the buses the advertisements are done on the outside of the buses. Not even a single bus can be found with an advertisement in Tshivenda. These bus companies cater for the majority of South African blacks. They travel from Gauteng to Venda weekly.

Lukoto Bus Service has changed their name to "The Big Three." Their motto is "Serving the Great North." Why they did not put a motto in Tshivenda only themselves know.

Taxis are also full of advertisements in English rather than in Tshivenda. When I was at the Thohoyandou, Sibasa, Siloam, Makhado and Louis Trichardt taxi ranks, I found that messages written on the taxis are generally English, e.g. "Peace magents" "Do not mind the dog (driver) mind the owner" "Tomorrow is another day" "The Lord is my shepherd" "This taxi stops anywhere anytime" "One day the sun will rise."

It is very rare to find messages in Tshivenda. These are the taxis of Vhavenda owners and serving Vhavenda people. Instead of using their own language, they rather use other people's languages. This indicates that they do not value their language and maybe are not even proud of it.

4.4.2 South African Airways.

Companies like the SAA are not doing enough to empower the Tshivenda language. The names of the many aircraft are of the non-Tshivenda language like the Heidelberg. It should be put on record that there are aircraft which have been given non-English or non-Afrikaans names. These are Shosholoza which is a Zulu name for flying, Ndizani which is also a Zulu name for pushing on or movement. Recently a giant South African Airways Boeing 747-400 was given the name Thhayi which is the Xhosa name for the city of Port Elizabeth in the Eastern Cape.

Sikisiswe Macozoma (the Transnet Managing Director) said in City Press of August 23, 1998, page 20, that even though Ibhayi is his home town he did not participate in naming the aircraft.

It should be remembered that Mr Macozoma is a Xhosa and also comes from Port Elizabeth. He even went on to say that "he had had no influence in the naming of the aircraft." One would like to know whether it was a coincidence that he gave this aircraft the name of his home town. The question we have to ask is when will he name one aircraft a Tshivenda name? It will be a good thing if some of the aircraft are given Tshivenda names. If this is done Vhavenda people will start to feel that this company, as a semi-state organisation, is also theirs.

36 4.4.3 Roads .

Examples have been given above. Compare page 25.

4.4.4 Johannesburg International Airport.

Announcements of arrivals and departures are made in English, Afrikaans and other black languages. Tshivenda is not used at all. Why isn't it used when there are Vhavenda passengers, Vhavenda residing in Gauteng, Vhavenda schools in Gauteng?

4.4.5 Spoornet.

Notices and announcement at the biggest railway station in Johannesburg, Park Station, are not made in Tshivenda.

4.4.6 Estate Agents.

When Vhavenda people want to buy a house in Venda and the towns that were formerly under South Africa, like Louis Trichardt and Messina, they have to go through documentation prepared in English or Afrikaans. This is a very difficult position because not every aspect of the contract being signed can be simply understood by the ordinary Muvenda person.

4.5 The Marginalisation of Tshivenda by Vhavenda people themselves.

4.5.1 The impact this marginalisation has on Vhavenda people.

The marginalisation of Tshivenda by the State and many other parties discussed above, seems to be the main cause of Vhavenda people to look down upon themselves. It is thought that the marginalisation has been so severe that the people have lost hope in their language. This is reflected in their way of thinking regarding their language. They have come to accept that their language is so minor that it cannot be spoken anywhere. They have joined hands in the marginalisation of their own language.

4.5.2 Vhavenda Parents at Home.

When one moves around and listens to the Vhavenda parents talking to their children, one quickly finds out that they do not talk to them in clear Tshivenda. The children are therefore 37 disadvantaged and "hindered" by their own parents from learning the true Tshivenda language.

Professor Milubi feels that people have to be proud of their language. He gave me an example of a petrol attendant in a non-Tshivenda area who should be forced to speak the language of the customer because he wants their money. Blacks are to learn English because their language cannot be associated with economic empowerment.

In the Gauteng province there are many Vhavenda speaking schools. These schools were started during the old order specifically for Vhavenda children. The language of instruction of the primary schools in question up to standard 2 or grade 4 is Tshivenda. The Gauteng government does not recognise Tshivenda as one of its official languages. This is so disturbing.

Mr Madadzhe give examples of Vhavenda people who even go to an extent of changing their surnames when they go to the Reef and other non-Tshivenda speaking areas. The examples are as follows:

TSHIVENDA SURNAME NEW SURNAME Ndouvhada Tloubatla Mphaphuli Mphafudi Manena Mangena Tovhakale Thobakgale

He said the impression this gives to the children is that Tshivenda is a language of low esteem.

4.5.3 In Non-Tshivenda Speaking Areas.

When I was in Johannesburg I came across Vhavenda speaking either Zulu or Xhosa, which are languages totally unrelated to Tshivenda. They hide their identity when they are in the non- Tshivenda areas. Even when one inquires as to why they are using other people's languages amongst themselves, some of them go to an extent of saying that Tshivenda cannot be spoken in those areas. If one talks it, other people will look down upon one.

4.5.4 The Pride of being a Muvhenda is lacking.

Mrs Mafenya criticizes the Vhavenda people who look down upon their own people for being able to speak pure Tshivenda. She also criticizes those teachers who claim not to know Tshivenda even though they were born in Venda, grew up in Venda, educated in pure Venda schools, attended an education college in Venda where more than 80% of the students were Tshivenda speaking people and are teaching at a real Venda school in a Venda village.

38 She feels that there are Vhavenda people who regard it a prestige not to know Venda. They prefer to mix Tshivenda with English in one sentence and feel very good about it. She stated that the Shangaan people feel proud to be Shangaan but the opposite is the case with Vhavenda people. The pride of being a Vhavenda is simply not there. A Muvenda person does not care to know one traditional song. They look down upon their culture. It is impossible to see Vhavenda people striving to get or buy a cassette containing traditional songs or even to play it to friends who are both Vhavenda or non-Vhavenda

4.6 The Marginalisation of Tshivenda by the Church.

The church also feels that there are sections of the South African community that continue to be marginalised by the state. This is supported by the Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, Njongonkulu Ndungane through his spokesman, Mr Theo Coggin, who said that "Archbishop Ndungane felt he was led by God - and not by any other consideration - to speak out for the poor and marginalised." This quote is under the heading "Mandela 'not victimising archbishop" in The Citizen of Monday, 2 March, 1998, page 3 in response to the invitation by President Mandela of senior Anglican clerics to a meeting during which he attacked the views of the Archbishop of Cape Town in his absence.

The church does marginalise the Venda language. It does this having a preacher who is a Muvenda, preaching to Vhavenda in English through an interpreter. Why a preacher should do this is a million dollar question. One can only speculate. One reason may be that the preacher feels that his own language is not very important or worth while and at the same time regards English as a status language.

Maybe it encourages the listeners to be motivated and value the preacher as an educated person who knows much. I must emphasise that this tendency is rife in Venda. It is equally significant that even though I have attended many churches in the past, I have never come across a preacher of an English dominated church preaching in Tshivenda or any other black South African language.

Some preachers in Venda pray in English without an interpreter while the majority of those listening to his/her prayer are Vhavenda people who do not understand English at all. It is equally amazing to hear them say 'Amen' at the end of the prayer. Amen means let it be so. These people do not understand the prayer but yet say let whatever you said in your prayer be so.

39 4.7 Conclusion.

The educated and the rich Vhavenda want their children to be educated through the medium of English. They want their children to learn English even if it means that they cannot learn Tshivenda. They do not see their actions of sending their children to English medium schools as part of the marginalisation of their language.

The adult Vhavenda do not use pure Tshivenda language when talking to the young and this leads the young not to pursue learning the pure Tshivenda language. To many people not knowing Tshivenda is regarded as a prestige.

When Vhavenda people find themselves in non-Tshivenda speaking areas they tend to hide their identity and start to use other people's languages. They are therefore not proud of their own language. They even go to the extent of changing their names and surnames in order to suit their newly adopted surroundings.

The State is seen to be leading the marginalisation of Tshivenda. There are many Vhavenda people who see the state as an organisation that is there in order to oppress their language. They also feel that for their language to survive it should be used in education and administration.

The teachers are not motivating the pupils to go an extra mile in learning this very important language. By not revealing that they are studying this language at post degree level, they show that they look down upon this language.

The Northern Province government brought together three former homelands and combined them with the former Transvaal administration. They made Pietersburg the capital and do not make provision for children of Civil Servants from Venda to learn in their own language. The government these days emphasises the learning of science and technology at the expense of the languages especially Tshivenda.

The churches in Venda are also marginalising this language more these days. The teaching of Vhavenda by Muvenda through English interpreters is not meant to develop this language but to kill it.

Vhavenda people feel that the discontinuance of Radio Thohoyandou is not fair. Many feel that they would have rather supported the discontinuance of Phalaphala FM which is situated in Pietersburg, whereas Radio Thohoyandou was situated at the heart of Venda. The fact that Bop 40 TV was not disbanded makes the Vhavenda people feel that the government is using double standards that marginalises the Tshivenda language.

With regard to the media, I found out that the South African Broadcasting Corporation does not feature Tshivenda in its programs and news bulletins. Whenever a drama series for Tshivenda is shown for every Muvenda that speaks there are translations into English while in the same drama for a Sotho or Zulu that speaks there is no translation. This is viewed as marginalisation of Tshivenda. Vhavenda people feel that their language is regarded as a foreign language.

There is no Tshivenda newspaper and those that existed before the new government was installed have been discontinued by the state. The two newspapers printed at the centre of Venda namely the

Mirror and Zoutpansberger, which are also meant for Vhavenda people, do not print in Tshivenda at all.

The private companies are seen to be doing very little in empowering and developing the Tshivenda language. These companies sell their products to Vhavenda people but nothing is done to improve the language of the people who support these companies.

The Provincial Language Council has been instituted but it is ineffective. One of the reasons given is lack of money.

Tshivenda names for buildings and streets are not found. It is interesting to see Afrikaans names of streets in the heart of Venda.

All correspondence between the department and the schools is through English. As Tshivenda is one of the official languages it has to be used where possible in correspondence and communication.

41 CHAPTER 5

Conclusions and Recommendations

5.1 Conclusions and findings.

Marginalisation of one language by another started a long time ago. The British marginalised Afrikaans during their administration of South Africa by allowing standard English to dominate at schools. The Zulus and Xhosas, as the dominant language groups do not feel obliged to learn Tshivenda which is a minority language, while the opposite is the case {2.1}.

Black languages are not used as high function languages {2.1}.

Multi-lingualism is a very good thing in countries like South Africa where there are many diverse language groups{2.1}

In Australia multi-culturalism or pluralism is fully supported by the state even though English dominates. Multi-cultural education is a tool that reduces the tension and also helps to change the attitudes that usually lead to inequality {2.3}.

5.1.1 The State.

The political organisations which won the elections after the struggle for independence in Africa adopted their language policies {2.1, 3.1}

Language policies have to be designed in such a way that they meet the needs and interests of all the segments of the population effectively and equitably {2.3}

Australian national language policy guarantees the right to government information and service in the native languages. Native education for all students who cannot speak English is allowed {2.3}.

42 Language planning is primarily made on political and economic grounds and reflects the value of those in power politically. The legislators are the people who practice language planning {3.1}

Language planning cannot be neutral. Language planning in South Africa has become one of the most politicised aspects of the South African life {3.1).

Language has been planned for a very long time now and will continue to be planned in future {3.1}.

Language planning in south Africa does not look to the interests of all the languages. English in South Africa is used as a unifying national language to the detriment of all the other languages. This has led to the state whereby South Africans are divided along language lines {3.1)

In South Africa there is no one language that is accepted by all South Africans. Every language has its own supporters. Tshivenda is a minority language {3.1}.

The former South Africa constitution of 1983 was committed to the extensive use of Afrikaans and English to the detriment of the black languages like Tshivenda {3.2}

Education is used by the state to implement policies pertaining to the use of language. If a language is forced on the people it usually leads to resistance. An example is the Soweto Youth Riots in June 1976, when black pupils refused to be taught in Afrikaans {3.2}

The constitution of South Africa (1996) entrenches equality of rights, privileges and benefits for all South Africans. The state is not allowed to unfairly discriminate directly and indirectly against anyone on the grounds of race, ethnic or social origin, culture or language amongst others {3.3.1}.

The constitution recognises eleven official languages. Tshivenda is one of those languages. All those languages are said to be equal in all respects but in practice they are not {3.3.2).

43 Section 6(4)(2) of the 1996 constitution emphasises that official languages should enjoy parity and equal treatment. Every citizen has the right to receive education in the official language of his/her choice at public schools or institutions {3.3.2).

If minority languages are not supported it may lead to their decay or loss. This is usually the goal of the government who at times have covert language policies (2.1, 4.1)

5.1.2 Language Planning.

The government has chosen English as a national language. At the same time they are marginalising other languages like Tshivenda {4.1.6).

Government documentation which is specifically meant for Vhavenda people is done in English {4.3.1).

Street names in Afrikaans are found in Tshivenda-speaking areas while Tshivenda names do not appear in formerly white suburbs {4.1.4).

The development of Tshivenda is being hampered by the PLC which is non-functional {4.1.2)

Transport industry in Venda do not extensively use Tshivenda names and also do advertisements in English rather than in Tshivenda {4.5.1).

Some street names in Venda areas are found to be Afrikaans. In Afrikaans speaking areas we do not find Tshivenda names {4.1.4).

Documentation from the government to the people (Vhavenda people) is in English which is not understood by many people {4.2.1}.

44 Courts conduct their daily services in English. They only use interpreters even when all the participants are Vhavenda people {4.2.4).

The changing of the name of the University of Venda seems to be a priority while the changing of the University of the North and Bop TV is not {4.2.7).

There are no state buildings with Tshivenda names {4.1.3).

5.1.3 Education.

Black people prefer to send their children to English medium schools. Private schools which are English medium are mushrooming all over Venda {2.1, 4.1.6(i)).

Learning at school starts in the mother tongue. Learning of content in any new language should be introduced slowly with careful planning and proper control {2.3).

The children of the educated and of those who can afford to pay are found in private schools. They even send their children to schools where there is no Tshivenda as a subject. They want their children to rather learn English than Tshivenda {4.1.6(v)).

The Gauteng government does not recognise Tshivenda as an official language even though there are many schools which, when they were built, were meant for Vhavenda children only (during the previous order) {4.5.3).

The Vhavenda parents who were transferred to Pietersburg (the capital of the Northern Province) where Tshivenda is one of the official languages, are forced to send their children to schools where Tshivenda is not taught even as a subject {4.1).

Some universities teach Tshivenda through the medium of English. The same goes for Tshivenda method at the colleges of education {4.1.600}.

45 In private schools pupils are taught through the medium of English from as early as grade 0. This is against what Carol Mcdonald recommended, that learning starts in the language the children understand best. That happens to be the mother tongue {4.1.6(i)).

The requirement for a pupil to pass grades 8 and 9 do not force him/her to pass his/her mother language like Tshivenda with 40% only. One language has to be passed with 40% and that this can happen to be a second language. Whites who like to learn a black language at school only take Zulu, Sotho or Xhosa and not Tshivenda {4.1.6}.

The teachers do not motivate the pupils to do Tshivenda. They are also shy to reveal that they are doing Tshivenda at post degree levels (4.1.6(0).

5.1.4 Government Services.

Phalaphala FM, which is meant for Vhavenda listeners, has announcers who at times speak in English. This is usually done when an announcer has to inform the listeners {4.3.1). Radio Thohoyandou, which was the only station that promoted Vhavenda culture, has been discontinued by the new government while Bop TV which was also an apartheid organisation is being continued {4.3.1}.

The public broadcaster does not have a single Tshivenda program in all three channels. Of the many news bulletins offered per week not even a single one is in Tshivenda {4.3.2).

A Tshivenda drama series which was on TV in 1997 regarded Tshivenda as a foreign language by translating when a Muvenda spoke while the opposite was the case when one spoke in another South African black language {4.3.2).

The two newspapers Mirror and Zoutpansberger which are meant for Vhavenda readers do not have a single article or advertisement in Tshivenda. The reporters for Mirror are Vhavenda people{4.3.3(i)}.

46 The newspaper which was started by the former Venda government, Thohoyandou, has been discontinued by the new government. This newspaper's language was Tshivenda and English with Tshivenda dominating {4.3.3(ii)}.

5.1.5 Private Enterprise.

Companies that sell their products to Vhavenda people do advertisements in English and Northern Sotho in some cases and not in Tshivenda {4.4).

Aircraft belonging to the SAA are the assets of the whole nation. There are no aircraft with Tshivenda names {4.4.2).

The names (as well as other messages) displayed on buses and taxis are not Tshivenda but English and other black non-Tshivenda names {4.4.1).

5.1.6 The Church.

The church is found to be fighting marginalisation of the minority languages. On the other hand it is marginalising these languages by preaching in English with an interpreter when all involved are Vhavenda speaking people {4.7)

5.1.7 Vhavenda.

Vhavenda people have been marginalised to such an extent that they accept that their language is not good enough to be spoken when they are in areas like Johannesburg {4.5.1, 4.5.3).

The educated people do not see the value of learning Tshivenda. They want their children to learn English as they associate it with economic prosperity {4.5.4).

47 People like Mrs Mafenya are strongly against those Vhavenda who look down upon their language. She feels that there should be purity in the speaking of Tshivenda (4.5.4).

5.2 Recommendations.

Language policy should look into what people want. It should not only be the product of what the politicians want. Since South Africa is a multi-cultural society, multi-lingualism must be encouraged and protected at all costs. Tshivenda as a minority but official language has to be developed.

Black languages have to be used as high function languages so that no one language can be looked down upon by another as is the case with Tshivenda by the dominant language groups which are Zulu and Xhosa.

The state has a duty to make people see the value of learning black South African languages rather than only going for English.

South Africa must take the road Australia has taken whereby English dominates, whereas all other languages are equally valued and promoted.

Every child has to start learning in the language he/she knows best, as Carol Macdonald recommended. English has to be introduced very carefully after the child has grasped enough knowledge in his/her mother tongue. English can be used as medium only from grade 5. What the constitution prescribes regarding equality of all South African languages is not happening. The state has to start treating all South African languages equally.

Radical moves have to be started by the state to make all South Africans accept one another's languages as well as learning and using them. Language policies must not be forced onto the people as this may lead to resistance.

48 As Tshivenda is one of the eleven official languages, it has to be used where all other South African languages are used. The constitution says{(section 6(4)(2)) that all official languages should enjoy parity and equal treatment. This must be done as a matter of urgency.

The government should stop marginalising Tshivenda and engage in the empowering of this language so that the educated and the rich start to see the value of making sure that their children learn Tshivenda.

In provinces like Gauteng where there are Vhavenda schools, Tshivenda must be accepted as an official language.

Tshivenda must be empowered in such a way that teachers start to feel proud of this language so that they will teach pupils pure Tshivenda which is valued in South Africa.

If only Vhavenda speaking people attend a church service, Tshivenda has to be used. The priest has to show the value of preaching in Tshivenda rather than in English.

The state has to pass legislation that condemns the teaching of black South African languages in English. Tshivenda must be taught in Tshivenda to all Vhavenda students. The University of Venda should retain its name as it is found in Venda.

Private schools have to change their attitudes towards Tshivenda. They have to put Tshivenda on an equal footing with English.

All announcers on Phalaphala FM should use Tshivenda only. Everything they do should be in Tshivenda. The SABC Television must start with Tshivenda programmes. They are the public broadcaster. Vhavenda people have a right to listen and view programmes in Tshivenda.

49 Newspapers like the Mirror should have articles in Tshivenda in order to encourage readership and knowledge of the language.

The Provincial Council has to be financed as it is an important establishment which only aims at the improvement of the marginalised languages like Tshivenda.

Private enterprise can do a lot to develop Tshivenda. Some SAA aircraft have to be given Tshivenda names. Advertisements in buses and taxis around Venda should be in Tshivenda.

Government documentation should be done in English and Tshivenda in Vhavenda areas. This will be another step towards the elimination of the marginalisation of Tshivenda.

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