The Future As Anthropology: Socialism As a Human Ecological
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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Primlitive Comnmunism Anld the Origini of Social Inequality
Primlitive comnmunism anld the origini of social inequality RIrCHrrARDi B. L ;EE Unziversity of T'oronzto H-ow did social iniequiality comre inito b>einig? SomTe argue thiat it hias always beeni presenit, that it represenits an inievitable anid niatural state of affairs. Thlerefore, iniequalityi as a social phienomienion does niot requiire explanation. Others, fromi Rouisseau to thie presenit, believe thiat thie causes of social ineqcuality cry out for explanationi. On~e way to approachi this seeminrg paradox is to explore thie conicept of primritiv·e commlrunismn , or the communiiial mi-ode of productioni - the niotioni thiat thiere was a period of hiumiani history before thie rise of thie state durinig whiichiprivate property was· uniknowni and iniequalities of wlealthi anid power were minimrial. Maniy anithropologists wouild unidoubtedly accept thie broad validity of this niotioni, judging fromr its p>revalence ini initroductory textbooks. Yet few would be prepared to explore thie imlplicationi s of th is acceptanice, anid fewyer still would be prepared to embirace theç ruibric of primitive communiismr. Primritive commriunismn is a simiple conicep>t, yet the very words evoke uneasiness anid emibarraçssmenit, conitaininrg two of the rnost loaded terms ini Westerni ideology. Yet that fact doesni't explaini whiy the conlcept is ani emibarrassmienit to so maniy who profess Marxismi. Neverthelessl will argiie thiat without thie concept of a commu-linal miode of produictioni, ani attemipt to accounit for the developmienit of social comnplexity in 225 RICHIARD B. L.EE prehistoric sedenitary societics is doomned to mrystificationi anid failuire. T'he very title of thie seminIar oni whiich this book is based, "Thie Development of Political Systemrs ini Prehiistoric Sedenitary Societies," was designied to sidestep thec issue of social iniequality. -
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of Permanent Revolution Theory: the Formation of Marxism As a Tradition (1865-1895) and 'The First Trotsky'
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions. MRes thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/74328/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions Full name of Author: Manuel Salgado Munoz Any qualifications: Sociologist Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Research School of Social & Political Sciences, Sociology Supervisor: Neil Davidson University of Glasgow March-April 2019 Abstract Investigating the period of emergence of Marxism as a tradition between 1865 and 1895, this work examines some key questions elucidating Trotsky's theoretical developments during the first decade of the XXth century. Emphasizing the role of such authors like Plekhanov, Johann Baptists von Schweitzer, Lenin and Zetkin in the developing of a 'Classical Marxism' that served as the foundation of the first formulation of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution, it treats three introductory dimensions of this larger problematic: primitive communism and its feminist implications, the debate on the relations between the productive forces and the relations of production, and the first apprehensions of Marx's economic mature works. -
Mode of Production and Mode of Exploitation: the Mechanical and the Dialectical'
DjalectiCalAflthropologY 1(1975) 7 — 2 3 © Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam — Printed in The Netherlands MODE OF PRODUCTION AND MODE OF EXPLOITATION: THE MECHANICAL AND THE DIALECTICAL' Eugene E. Ruyle In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material produc- tive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstruc- ture and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that deter- mines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.2 The specific economic form, in which unpaid surplus labor is pumped out of the direct producers, determines the relation of rulers and ruled, as it grows immediately out of production itself and in turn reacts upon it as a determining agent. .. It is always the direct relation of the owners of the means of production to the direct producers which reveals the innermost secret, the hidden foundation of the entire social structure.3 In the first of these two passages, Marx in crypto-Marxist bourgeois social science, and appears to be arguing for the sort of techno- then by exploring the possibilities of supple- economic determinism which has become menting the "mode of production" approach increasingly fashionable in bourgeois social with a "mode of exploitation" analysis. -
Towards a Unified Theory Analysing Workplace Ideologies: Marxism And
Marxism and Racial Oppression: Towards a Unified Theory Charles Post (City University of New York) Half a century ago, the revival of the womens movementsecond wave feminismforced the revolutionary left and Marxist theory to revisit the Womens Question. As historical materialists in the 1960s and 1970s grappled with the relationship between capitalism, class and gender, two fundamental positions emerged. The dominant response was dual systems theory. Beginning with the historically correct observation that male domination predates the emergence of the capitalist mode of production, these theorists argued that contemporary gender oppression could only be comprehended as the result of the interaction of two separate systemsa patriarchal system of gender domination and the capitalist mode of production. The alternative approach emerged from the debates on domestic labor and the predominantly privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power under capitalism. In 1979, Lise Vogel synthesized an alternative unitary approach that rooted gender oppression in the tensions between the increasingly socialized character of (most) commodity production and the essentially privatized character of the social reproduction of labor-power. Today, dual-systems theory has morphed into intersectionality where distinct systems of class, gender, sexuality and race interact to shape oppression, exploitation and identity. This paper attempts to begin the construction of an outline of a unified theory of race and capitalism. The paper begins by critically examining two Marxian approaches. On one side are those like Ellen Meiksins Wood who argued that capitalism is essentially color-blind and can reproduce itself without racial or gender oppression. On the other are those like David Roediger and Elizabeth Esch who argue that only an intersectional analysis can allow historical materialists to grasp the relationship of capitalism and racial oppression. -
Ideological Andpolitical Basis of the Galician Workers Party (POG)
DILINAME | GZ0005 | GALIZA 059 IDEOLOGICAL ANDPOLITICAL BASIS OF THE GALICIAN WORKERS PARTY (POG) DILINAME DIGITAL LIBRARY OF NATIONAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE CENTRE Maurits COPPIETERS IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL BASIS OF THE GALICIAN WORKERS PARTY (POG) CATALOGUING DATA ID: GZ0005 Nation / region: Galiza Epoch: Second half of the Twentieth Century Title: Ideological and political basis of the Galician Workers Party (POG) Original title: Bases Político Ideolóxicas do Partido Obreiro Galego Category: Proposed policy Description: Excerpt from the generated document on the first congress of the Galician Workers Party Language: Galician Date: 1977 Author(s): Partido Obreiro Galego (POG) Reference persons: Nogueira, Camilo; López Facal, Xan Keywords: Galician nationalism, nation, autonomy, statute, federalism, Constitution, self-determination, Galician Left, socialism, marxism 2 DILINAME | GALIZA 05 CONTEXT Galician Workers Party (in Galician: Partido Obreiro Galego) was a political party in Ga- licia founded in October 1977. POG was led by Camilo Nogueira and Xan López Facal. The founders of POG saw autonomy as a first step towards Galician self-rule. In the 1979 general and municipal elections POG formed part of the coalition Galician Unity (Unida- de Galega). In the 1980 plebiscite on the Galician Statute, POG propagated for a blank vote. In December 1980 the party was reconstructed as Galician Left (Esquerda Galega). ABSTRACT Excerpt from the generated document on the first congress of the Galician Workers Party (POG, Partido Obreiro Galego, in galician language). The POG defines itself as a people’s Marxist, revolutionary party who fights for democracy, the national liberation of Galicia and socialism. LINKS Fundación Galiza Sempre: http://www.galizasempre.org NATIONALIST ASSEMBLY OF LUGO MANIFESTO 3 4 DILINAME | GALIZA 05 IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL BASIS OF THE GALICIAN WORKERS PARTY (POG) 1. -
Marxism and Civil Society: the Left and the Politics of Decay
ACCESS: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN EDUCATION 1995, VOL. 14, NO. 1, 73–84 Marxism and civil society: The left and the politics of decay John Ehrenberg ABSTRACT While much of the contemporary literature on civil society is surprisingly inconsistent and incoherent, it does share a near-universal hostility to classical marxism's political orientation - and especially to its theory of the state. Ironically enough, though, it was Marx's own criticism of civil society which drove his maturing communism and its contradictory insistence that class political power be used in the service of a social transformation whose end result would be a classless society without a state. An examination of the currently popular notion of civil society which places it in its historical context, traces its theoretical development, and subjects it to critical examination is long overdue. What follows is an attempt to trace the outlines of a marxist response to this most recent attempt to resurrect a version of liberal pluralism which is distinguished from its dreary predecessors by only its deeper cynicism about the possibilities of collective action. The current fascination with civil society originated in the Eastern European dissident intelligentsia's effort to attribute the crisis of Soviet-style communism to what became known as "the revolt of civil society against the state". Deeply hostile to the claims of a self-described vanguard party and to its bureaucratized version of politics, a literature took shape during the 1980s which ultimately identified 'actual existing socialism' with heavy-handed and inefficient central planning of heavy industrial production for its own sake, bureaucratic stifling of initiative, wooden incantations of service to the working class masking deep privilege and corruption, and a grasping and meddlesome state apparatus. -
The New Left in the Sixties: Political Philosophy Or Philosophical Politics?
American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 6, No. 4; August 2016 The New Left in the Sixties: Political Philosophy or Philosophical Politics? Frédéric ROBERT, PhD Assistant Professor of American Studies Université Jean Moulin-Lyon III France Abstract This paper analyzes what the New Left, a multi-faceted protest organization which emerged in the Sixties, was all about. It presents its slow evolution—from the Old Left to the New Left—its main organizations and the different stages it went through to become the main counter-power in the United States striving to transform American society. The paper also insists on the philosophical and political aspects which gave birth to the New Left, while showing to what extent it was different from the Old Left, mainly because it favored direct actions, deemed more effective by its members than time-consuming ideological debates. Introduction The fact that a New Left exists in the United States today (…) is the proof of a reality which manifests itself both in society at large and in the political arena. What this New Left is is more difficult to say, because there is very little unity between the various organizations, programs, and ideological statements which form the phenomenon usually referred to as ‘the Movement.’1 According to Massimo Teodori, a historian and political scientist, it is particularly difficult to understand the American New Left which emerged in the Sixties. It is even more complicated to analyze it. Paradoxically enough, it also found it difficult to analyze it because of the numerous strategic and ideological changes it went through. -
Ukraine, L9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: a Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Fall 2020 Ukraine, l9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe Daniel A. Collins Bucknell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Collins, Daniel A., "Ukraine, l9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe" (2020). Honors Theses. 553. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/553 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine, 1918-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe by Daniel A. Collins An Honors Thesis Submitted to the Honors Council For Honors in History 12/7/2020 Approved by: Adviser:_____________________________ David Del Testa Second Evaluator: _____________________ Mehmet Dosemeci iii Acknowledgements Above all others I want to thank Professor David Del Testa. From my first oddly specific question about the Austro-Hungarians on the Italian front in my first week of undergraduate, to here, three and a half years later, Professor Del Testa has been involved in all of the work I am proud of. From lectures in Coleman Hall to the Somme battlefield, Professor Del Testa has guided me on my journey to explore World War I and the Interwar Period, which rapidly became my topics of choice. -
The Rise and Fall of Communism
The Rise and Fall of Communism archie brown To Susan and Alex, Douglas and Tamara and to my grandchildren Isobel and Martha, Nikolas and Alina Contents Maps vii A Note on Names viii Glossary and Abbreviations x Introduction 1 part one: Origins and Development 1. The Idea of Communism 9 2. Communism and Socialism – the Early Years 26 3. The Russian Revolutions and Civil War 40 4. ‘Building Socialism’: Russia and the Soviet Union, 1917–40 56 5. International Communism between the Two World Wars 78 6. What Do We Mean by a Communist System? 101 part two: Communism Ascendant 7. The Appeals of Communism 117 8. Communism and the Second World War 135 9. The Communist Takeovers in Europe – Indigenous Paths 148 10. The Communist Takeovers in Europe – Soviet Impositions 161 11. The Communists Take Power in China 179 12. Post-War Stalinism and the Break with Yugoslavia 194 part three: Surviving without Stalin 13. Khrushchev and the Twentieth Party Congress 227 14. Zig-zags on the Road to ‘communism’ 244 15. Revisionism and Revolution in Eastern Europe 267 16. Cuba: A Caribbean Communist State 293 17. China: From the ‘Hundred Flowers’ to ‘Cultural Revolution’ 313 18. Communism in Asia and Africa 332 19. The ‘Prague Spring’ 368 20. ‘The Era of Stagnation’: The Soviet Union under Brezhnev 398 part four: Pluralizing Pressures 21. The Challenge from Poland: John Paul II, Lech Wałesa, and the Rise of Solidarity 421 22. Reform in China: Deng Xiaoping and After 438 23. The Challenge of the West 459 part five: Interpreting the Fall of Communism 24. -
The Origins of Totalitarianism, Chap. 10, Section I: “The Masses”
CII'\I'TEH TE:II: A Classless Society I! The Masses OTHING is more characteristic of the totalitarian movements in general N and of the quality of fame of their leaders in particular than the startling swiftness with which they are forgotten and the startling ease with which they can be replaced. What Stalin accomplished laboriously over many years through bitter factional struggles and vast concessions at least to the name of his predecessor-namely, to legitimate himself as Lenin's political heir-Stalin's successors attempted to do without concessions to the name of their predecessor, even though Stalin had thirty years' time and could manipulate a propaganda apparatus, unknown in Lenin's day, to immortalize his name. The same is true for Hitler, who during his lifetime exercised a fascination to which allegedly no one was immune,l and who I The "magic spell" that Hitler cast over his listeners has been acknowledged many times. latterly by the publishers of Hitlers Tischgespriiche. Bonn. 1951 (Hitler's Table Talks. American edition. New York. 1953; quotations from the original German edition). This fascination-"the strange magnetism that radiated from Hitler in such a compelling manner"-rested indeed "on the fanatical belief of this man in himself' (introduction by Gerhard Ritter, p. 14), on his pseudo-authoritative judgments about everything under the sun, and on the fact that his opinions-whether they dealt with the harmful effects of smoking or with Napoleon's policies-could always be fitted into an all-encompassing ideology. Fascination is a social phenomenon, and the fascination Hitler exercised over his environment must be understood in terms of the particular company he kept. -
A Journal of African Studies
UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title On a Marxian Approach to the Study of African Traditional Societites Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3zt3n6cs Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 4(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Tsomondo, Micah S. Publication Date 1973 DOI 10.5070/F742016443 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California - 57 - a~ 11£ NR.ICATIOO (f lHE MflRXIA~ aJ~(EJTIJil ~ TO lHE HISTORICAL STIJDY oF AFRICAN TRADI Tl ClW.. SOCIETI ES by MICAH S. TSOMONOO In our struggle again~European rule in Africa, we must take into account the fact that colonialism was not only ter ritorial but also mental. The geographical occupation of space in Africa had to be facilitated by the creation of a psychological disposition toward subjugation. Colonialism was therefore accompanied by a process of intellectual season ing, a point emphasized by Franz Fanon when he argues that to shouJ the tota'Litai'ian character> of coZoniaZ erpZoit ation the sett'Ler paints the native as a sort of quint essence of evH. Native society is not simp'Ly des cribed as a society Zacking in va'Lues ... The native is decl.a:J>ed insensibZe to ethics; he NpPesents not on'Ly the absence of values, but also the negation of vaZues . He is .. the enemy of vaZues, and in this sense he is the absoLute evil.. The prevalence of such concepts as "primitive", "pagan", "Dark Continent", "civilising mission", etc., shows the extent to which attempts were made to create within the African an infer iority complex which woul d sharply contrast with a parallel and contemporaneous superiority complex in the colonizer.