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Session Transcripts - Conference 2001 the Second Annual Conference the Balance of National Strength and Security Israel in Battle and in the International Arena

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Session Transcripts - Conference 2001 the Second Annual Conference the Balance of National Strength and Security Israel in Battle and in the International Arena Session Transcripts - Conference 2001 The Second Annual Conference The Balance of National Strength and Security Israel in Battle and in the International Arena Sunday, December 16, 2001 Opening Session: Transforming the National Agenda Chair: Dr. Uzi Arad Dr. Uzi Arad: I would like to open with a few remarks on the character of this affair. This is an annual convention that we are holding in order to evaluate the balance of national strength and security, and every word here has been chosen carefully. As for security and strength, we are using a very broad definition. Namely, security is looked at from both a political point of view, as well as economic and social ones. And this interdisciplinary or multidisciplinary approach has proven to be right and also to become congruent with the general approach of the interdisciplinary center. As for strength, this is a term chosen a year ago. We thought at the time that it was somewhat problematic, but the last year has proven that we chose right because the term strength, “hosen” in Hebrew, became the definition of what Israel needs in order to cope with what lies ahead. But the fact that the word strength has become a term which is now widespread, we tried to redefine it. Some try to define it as the staying power, or the stiff upper lip, which defines the ability to suffer pain. However this is only a passive definition, as if there’s some sort of a contest going on of how much suffering one can take. Some will define strength as the ability of a country to strengthen or to reinforce in current everyday life everything that it has accumulated until now. But, I think it was right that we chose this word in order to try and give an accumulative effect to all of the above. As for balance, we wanted to state things within a methodological framework. We have to try and weigh things on an annual basis in a certain rhythm, and try and put things on those scales in order to see what the balance is, but people try and see what the balance is in various ways. Some compare what we have now to what we had last year, some look at challenges and answers, some look at what is desired versus what we actually have. And I suggest an interdisciplinary approach to the definition of balance as well, rather than adhering to some sort of rigid definition, and express hope that our discussions here will eventually clarify the meaning that we attribute to balance. By the way, in the folders that you received, you’ll find a paper that will not be presented here. However you received it, and it is trying to evaluate where Israel rates among the industrialized nations on the one hand, as compared to rivals on the other hand, which is another way of trying to find the balance methodically. So then, this is the framework that we decided to take or to set for the second year now, in order to try and examine the many issues that we have on the national agenda, and we hope that the discussions will be fruitful and will provide many recommendations and new insights. Some people may ask what is the purpose of a conference like this, and I have this feeling that sometimes, you know, people say: “it’s going to be alright” and you know that it’s not going to be alright, and some people in the same way say: “what is the purpose of things,” and you know that the purpose is not exactly what they’re after. Trying to do things just in order to reach a certain purpose is sometimes the safest place to do things wrong because you haven’t thought them out carefully enough. And therefore I suggest that the fact that we are trying to analyze things thoroughly here before we actually talk about the purpose, will be the key to success. And I wish us all good luck and a successful event. And I would like to ask the President of the Interdisciplinary Center, Professor Uri Reichman, to the podium. Prof. Uri Reichman: Thank you, honorable President, Mr. Moshe Katsav, the Dean of the Lauder School of Government, Professor Sprinzak, Dr. Uzi Arad, head of the Institute for Policy and Strategy, Mr. Biger, head of the Caesarea Edmond de Rothschild Fund, Brigadier General Amos Gilboa, distinguished guests. With your permission I would like first and foremost to express my gratitude to the President for granting us the honor of having his presence here. I thank Professor Uzi Arad who spent days and nights with a lot of talent in setting up this convention. I’d like to thank the presidium. Led by Ambassador Zalman Shoval, Dr. Liora Meridor, and the former leaders of the Mossad, Meir Amit, Shabtai Shavit, Yitzhak Hoffi. I’d like to thank all the members and the workers of the Institute, and everybody who lent a hand. The Herzliya Conference never would have been launched without the contribution of many individuals and organizations, and primarily the Edmond de Rothschild Foundation, led and supported by our friend Avraham Biger, Ambassador Ronald Lauder, and many other entities that are enumerated in your invitations. The Herzliya Conference is taking place while a tsunami is taking place in Israeli public opinion. Tsunami is a very forceful natural event, a big wave caused by an earthquake under the sea that sweeps over the earth. Many people in Israeli society, at least recently, have changed their political views entirely. Many of us assumed that peace is the 1 result of Israeli concessions. If we only make enough concessions then we will have the peace we’ve all longed for. The reality in which we live is entirely different, however. The Israeli public as a whole, except maybe a small group that sticks to its former views, sees things very differently. Many people believe that Arafat ultimately was never interested to end the conflict. He left us a choice between committing national suicide by allowing the Palestinians the right of return, and on the other hand murderous violence, that would eventually disintegrate Israeli society. One way or another, there was a very significant and powerful change in Israeli public opinion, and this change will inevitable have a bearing on politics, on social life and on other aspects of life in Israel. The reasons for this change and for this tsunami are straightforward. After the far reaching proposals made by former Prime Minister Barak, and their rejection, not in further negotiations, but by violence. The brutality of the Intifada, including the lynchings, and the murders in our city centers, the blow that was rendered upon us from Israeli Arabs, and eventually the recognition that Islamic fundamentalism is capable of perpetrating atrocities as we have seen on September 11th in the United States, the only crime of the Americans who were assassinated there was being American. Since World War II, no such “clean” acts, so to speak occurred, in which people were killed only because they were affiliated with a certain group without any controversy over resources, land or power. Nevertheless, I would like to make two comments in the opening of this conference, which talks about change in the Israeli society. The ultra-orthodox of Immanuel, the Russian-speaking children at the Dolphinarium, the street in Jerusalem, the shopping mall in Netanya, the bus stops, the trains, a kiosk in Tel Aviv, or a coffee shop in Haifa - Israeli society as a whole was painted with blood and with the pallor of death. As it happened more than once in Jewish history, those who are out to kill us redefine and stress our unity. It is clear to us today, more than before, that we are of one family. In these times of strife, the difficult times in terms of defense and of economic strife, we have to turn these difficulties and these conditions and turn them into new strengths. It is possible. Israel society is waiting for ethical and social leadership; it is waiting for a leadership that will reach out to society as a whole and create new training infrastructure, new education, and will prepare infrastructure for growth in the future. We have to prepare and also check and see how we can take care of Israeli red tape, so that we can stand united for the future. The Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya has taken upon itself a small part in this role of training and teaching our future generation, and I would like to tell you that there are thousands of people in Israeli society that are working very hard to assist in bridging gaps, and our establishment is involved in quite a few projects designed to help people and promote education. Second comment: Even in times like this, even when it is clear, at least to me, that we have to fight force with force; when it is clear that there will be no panacea, and no immediate comprehensive peace agreement; even when, in my mind, the right way to go is not by looking for magic solutions or unilateral solutions; it is clear to us that over time, there will be communications, there will be talks. These talks may be slow, they may come in phases, but they will occur, and it is important today too, to bear in mind that on the other side there are human beings as well. We’re not talking about those who wreak death, but there’s an entire population that has to be given faith in the future, has to be given a chance for control over their own future.
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