Mic 60-2040

UA&SINu, i’e r LcliioldJjor ;. T i l i- J'lhlkTIAN VHS&IONL AND TMK ^ -P A N a O J LI ^OUTtt’JRN HIIODITIA, 10HS-1923,

The American University, D., 19C0 rUstory, mooerti

University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan Copyright by Per Schioldborg Has sing I960 THE CHRISTIAN MISSIONS ANT THE BRITISH EXPANSION IN ------SOUTHERN HH0DE5I /, 1~TOH-Ig23------

b7 , - Pei* Haaalng

Submitted to the

Faculty of the Graduate School

of The American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirement b for the Degree

of

Doctor of Philosophy

in

H isto ry

Signatures of Committee!

Chairm an: P fcrvC L

d i j t Z & r U r l " ■

Sd*rf &■*»£■ ^ - ^ 4 - l j * , Datei g o , ______TT June I960

The American University Washington, D.C. TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE...... v i i

INTRODUCTION ...... ix

CHAPTER

I . SOUTHERN RHODESIA TODAY ...... I

IT . SOUTHERN RHODESIA BEFORE 1888 ...... 8

Ancient History ...... 8

The Shona ...... 11

The Ndebele ...... 13

The Coming o f th e M i s s i o n a r i e s ...... 22

The First S e ttle rs ...... 2$

Africa and Europe ...... 28

Enter Cecil John Rhodes ...... 35

German Aspirations ...... 38

The Boer Intentions ...... LiO

New Missionary A ttem pts ...... h2

Summary ...... Ii8

I I I . MISSIONARIES AND CONCESSION HUNTERS, 1 0 8 8 - 1 8 9 1 ...... 50

Bulawayo 1887 ...... 50

The Moffat T reaty ...... 5 l

The Journey of Bishop G.W.H,Knight-Bruce ...... 59

The Rudd Concession ...... 60

The Bulawayo C onfusion ...... 72

The Gun Deal ...... 82 i i i

CHAPTER RACE

London and th e C h a r t e r ...... 87

Bulawayo Again ...... 97

Rhodes1 Pioneers ...... lOli

S u m m a ry ...... I l l

IV. INTERNATIONAL COMPLICATIONS...... llU

The Portuguese ...... llli

The Germans ...... 1?3

The Afrikanders ...... 126

Summary ...... 132

V. THE WAR AGAINST LOBENGULA, 18?3 ...... 133

Missionary Advance ...... 133

The M issio n a rie s and th e B r itis h South A fric a Company . . . 136

The First S ettlers ...... lU3

Lobengula and the New S itu a tio n ...... lixb

The Victoria Incident ...... 1L6

The Public Excitem ent ...... 153

Lobengula and the W eir ...... 156

Jameson, Rhodes and the W a r ...... 158

The Missionaries and the War ...... 161

The Victoria Agreement ...... 16?

Further Negotiations ...... 168

On to Bulawayo ...... 170

The End of L o b e n g u la ...... 17lx

The Aftermath ...... 175 iv

CHAPTER PAGE

Summary . , , ...... 100

VI. THE REBELLIONS, 1096-1897 ...... 18?

The Jameson Raid ...... 103

The Ndebele Rebellion * lRl)

The Shona Rebellion, the B eginning ...... 106

The Indaba in the M atopos ...... 187

The Shona Rebellion, the C ontinuation ...... 109

The End of the R ebellions ...... 19b

The Missionaries and the Rebellions . * 195

The Causes of the R ebellion ...... 206

No real pacification ...... 2o6

The cattle question . * ...... 210

Forced labor ...... 211

The African police force ...... 216

European injustice and pride ...... 217

Other causes ...... 221

Post Rebellion Development ...... 22b

Nbw Missionary E ffo rts ...... * ...... 227

Sum m ary...... 229

V II. THE MISSIONARIES AND THE LAND...... 231

Land Grants to M issions ...... 232

The Land Commission o f lb9h ...... 237

The Land Question, 1096-191U ...... * ...... 239

The Native Reserves Commission of 191b ...... 2b2 V

CHAPTER PAGE

Summary ...... 257

V III. THj< EDUCATION UP THE AFRICANS...... 25?

The Propress of Education ...... 259

The Educational Phi 1crophy of the M issionaries ...... 273

The Attitude of Officials anti Settlers to the

Education of the A fricans ...... * 279

Summary- ...... 286

IX. THt BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY, THE SETTLERS

AND THE MISSIONARIES...... 288

The British South Africa Company ...... 289

The Settlers ...... 293

The M is s io n a r ie s ...... 301

Summary ...... 306

X. SOME ASPECTS OF THE GROWTH OF THE CHURCH...... 308

The Problem in perspective ...... 308

No Written Language ...... 311

African Conservatism ...... 311

The Life of the European Settler b ...... 3llj

Rivalry Between M issions ...... 317

Obstacles Overcome ...... 318

The Missionaries and the Lobola Custom ...... 321

The Missionaries and Polygam y ...... 323

The Pledging of Girls in M arriage ...... 32U

The Separatist Movement ...... 325 v i

CHAPTER PACE

The Alliance with the S ta te ...... 327

A Sign of Growth ...... 329

Summary ...... 329

X I. CONCLUSIONS...... 331

APPENDIX A. THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF CECIL RH O D ES...... 3b?

APPENDIX B. AFRICAN CHUKCH MEMHKRSHIP STATISTICS...... 357

APPENDIX C. STATISTICS, NUMBER OF AFRICAN SCHOOLS...... 3&0

APPENDIX D. STATISTICS, NUMBER UF AFRICAN STUDENTS...... 3^1

APPENDIX E. STATISTICS, GOVERNMitffT GRANTS EARNED BY MISSIONS . . . 362

APPENDIX F . STATISTICS, GROWTH UF THE POPULATION...... 363

APPENDIX G. DIVISION OF LAND, 1959 ...... 361*

APPhMDIX H. ABBREVIATIONS ...... 365

APPENDIX I . MAP OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA ...... 366

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 3b8 PREFACE

Among the things the author has learned in the course of the oresent study is that he is indebted to an amazing number of persons and

institutions on whose time and generosity he has drawn in order to be

able to nursue what he has in mind. He can truly say with St. Paul: I

feel myself under a sort of universal obligation, I owe something to a 1.1 men, from c u ltu re d Greek to ig n o ra n t savage,Below w ill be found a short list of persons and institutions to whom I gratefully acknowledge my d eb t.

To the Division of World. Missions of the Board of Missions of The

Methodist Church for allowing me time and support while studying at the

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., and for granting the study leave in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, in the early part of 1958.

To the American University, Washington, D.C., for its invaluable guidance and encouragement in the study programme ,

To the London Missionary Society, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, the Methodist Missionary Society, London, and their archi­ vists for permission to study their manuscripts and have them microfilmed for further reference.

To the National Archives of Rhodesia and Nyaealsnd for giving me access to their public records and manuscripts, and for the unfailing help and courtesy experienced during several weeks of constant study at the

A rchives.

^ Epistle to the Romans, l:llt, translation of J.B. Phillips, Letters to Young Churchea (New York: The M acmillan Company, 1952), p. 3* v i i i

To Bishop Ralph Edward Dodge for his encouragement and his willing­ ness to arrange for the study leave without which this work could not have been d one.

To the late Dr. Edwin W. Fmith for the two most valuable days of consultation and discussion at his home in Deal, Kent, England, in 1953

and 195h.

To the Reverend Herbert Garter, C.B.EL, the secretary of the

Southern Rhodesia Christian Conference for opening up the old unpublished issu es records of the Conference and for go freely discussing various/with the a u th o r.

To Dr. H. L. Gann, B. L itt, (uxon) of the National Archives of

Rhodesia and Nyassisnd for his valuable guidance at the Archives and his willingness to read the manuscript and offer valuable guidance.

To many of ny missionary colleagues and African friends with whom

I have discussed different points of the study and who have offered correctives hy their comments and suggestions, and without whose indulgence

T would not have been a hie to avail nyself of the study leave.

To Epworth Theological College for offering the author their newly constructed guaat house while he did his work in Salisbury, Southern

Rhodesia. Without this kind offer the cost of staying in Salisbury would have been prohibitive.

To my wife for her constant encouragement and help. Without her courage and adaptability the study would never have been attempted nor co m p leted . INTRODUCTION

The idea that missions and imperialism could seriously be linked together did not enter my mind during my days bs a Seminary student, and when anti-mission publications alluded to missions as forerunners or spearheads of empire, the idea was lightly dismissed. The early years of my missionary career coincided with the Second World War, but I was too deeply engaged in learning my new task for the idea to cross my mind.

It was not until the collapse of the Chifmg Kai-shek regime on the

China mainland in 19 U9 and th e exoduB of all Christian missionaries from

China as the new regime took over, that I became really interested in the problem of the relationship between the Christian missionary movement and the general expansion of the West. In the reading of the great flow of literature^ that followed the "debacle of the Christian Missions in China," the old questions of the gunboat on the fangtse river in 1809 protecting missionaries, the Opium War of 1656 and the entry of missionaries into o the countries of the Far East according to treaties that in some cases

David M. Paton, Christian Missions and the Judgement of Pod ( London t Student Christian Movement Press, 1953)';””Leonard M. Outerbridge, The Lost Churches of China (Philadelphia! The Westminster Press, Undated, probably 1952); A Shina Missionary, "First Thoughts on the Debacle of Christian Missions in China," International Review of Missions, XL (October 1951), pp. IoL 1-Aj2 0 ; a Retired Missionary, "The Prospect in China," Inter­ national Review of Missions, XL (April 1951), pp. 20Lt-206; Harold S, Matthews, compiler, Lessens to be Learned from the Experiences of Christian Missions in China (A Study Made Under the Auspices of the Research Com­ mittee of the Division of Foreign Missions of the National Council of the Churches of Christ in the United States of America, 1951),

^ Treaty of 185U between the United States of America (Perry) and Japan; Treaty of Tientsin, 1058; Treaty of Peking, i860. X had been forced upon unwilLing people, became alive again. The relation­ ship between the Christian missions and the expanding West was a real one.

In South Africa "political parsons" like the superintendent of the London

Missionary Society, Dr. John Philip, and the Reverend Adolphe Mabille of the Paris Missionary Society in Basutoland, had exercised a lasting influence on the political affairs in South Africa.

What had been the situation in Southern Rhodesia, the field of my own missionary labor? It soon became clear to me that no systematic study of early Rhodesian history from this point of view, had been undertaken.

During the academic year 1952-1963 when I was doing some teaching at the

Methodist Theological Seminary for Scandinavia and Finland, in Goteborg,

Sweden, I began to study the matter in earnest, but soon discovered that the field was so vast and the problems involved so complicated that the question could not be tackled in a general way. It had to be confined to a definite area in a given period of time.

An opportunity was given to me to study at the American University,

Washington, D.C., U.S.A., during the academic year 1953-5b and with ample resources of the Library of Congress open to me, I was able to pursue my studies. At that time two studies of this kind had just been published.

This confirmed the desire to find out about the situation in Southern “i R hodesia.

^ Fridtjov Birkelie, Politikk og Mjgjon (Oslor Egede-Inetituttet, 1952), dealing with Madagascar, 1661-1875) Roland Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa (London and hew iork: Longmans, Green and Go. 1952), dealing with the period l656-19li9« x i

(Jne of the first discoveries was that a large number of missionary publications offered no help at ail. I waded through volume after volume of various ingiish, American, German and Scandinavian publications without getting any light on the subject.^1 A distinguished periodical like the

International Review of Missions did not seem to reveal that a country called

Southern Rhodesia even existed.

Whet was even more s u r p r is in g was how co m p arativ ely l i t t l e could oe gleaned from most of the Annual Reports issued by various churches and missionary societies* Many of these annual reports are very distinguished publications with a well of information, but the relationship between the missionary and his work to the political movements in his country of operation was only infrequent Ly mentioned, une reason for this omission was that annual reports and missionary magazines were mainly for the con­ sumption of the large number of supporters of the missionary enterprise, and might therefore be termed "propaganda," where the brighter side of the missionaries' experiences had a greater value than the problems and diffi­ culties connected with mission work. Another reason was, of course, that political isBues are often only partly understood by the participants and as the missionary movement was international in its scope, one did not want to publish reports and letters that might make a complicated situation even more difficult, and when the complication had passed, it was no longer news.

k The following are some of the publications which in this respect were so disappointing: The Chronicle of the London Missionary Society; Church Missionary Intelligencer and Record; The Missionary Herald; Missionary News; The Missionary Review of the World; Svensk Missions T id s k r if tj World Dominion. Jd i

There is a surprising number of books and printed records available dealing with Southern Rhodesia, most of these did not suit my purpose.

Some of the books were very superficial, deaLinp only with the external aspects of the missionary's life, others were reminiscences of early u settlers and government offi cials.

On the other hand, there is a large number of excellent and valuable books on various aspects of Southern Rhodesian history, even if some of them are rather biased for or against the British South Africa Company,

There is an impressive list of books written on the life of Cecil John

Rhodes, founder of Rhodesi a, covering almost every aspect of his life.

Nearly all of these books on Cecil Rhodes have been examined and read.

Of special value have been the official publications like the Command

Papers, the Colonial Office White Papers, annual reports of the Chief iJative Commissioner, the director of Education, and various government commissions that have been sitting from time to time dealing with different aspects of African affairs.

Going through old newspapers is a very time-consuming and not always rewarding task, but ail the volumes of The Times (London) from 1888 t i l l

1923 have been searched for material on Southern Rhodesia. In the same

^ Examples of books of this type are: Gunnar Dahlquist, Mastaren byggar (Stockholm! Svenska Kyrkans Diekonistyrelees BokfoTlag, 1935)} C o lin H arding, Far B ugles (London.* Simpkin M a rsh a ll, L td ., 1933),* Harry Klein, Stage Coach Oust ^London, Toronto, New Yorlfi Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., 1937)V S. M. Konigmscher, In the Lion Country (Washington, D.C. : Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1925), Z.W. Lawyer, !_ Married a Missionary (Abilene, Texas: Abilene Christian College PreBS, 19H3JT"Charlotte Mansfield, Via Rhodesia (London: Stanley Haul and Co., Undated, probably 1911)* a d .il fashion all the volumes of The Rhodesia Herald have been studied up to

1912, and after that date only occasional volumes have been searched.

Occasionally other newspapers were glanced through. For the attitude of the settlers toward the missionaries the newspapers are an invaluable source of information, although many of the settlers never sent letters to the papers.

There is no comprehensive history of the work of Christian missions in Southern Rhodesia and even fairly reliable statistics are hard to come by. But some enterprising missionsries of different denominations have published brief histories of their individual missions giving the main outline of the work, telling where and when the mission started, who were the missionaries engaged in the task and the different types of work undertaken,^ For the Roman Catholic missions a very useful source has been the Zambesi Mission Records which in the earlier years was a very paper printing several valuable letters.

All of these, however, are small works with a popular appeal, and one is still waiting for a comprehensive work on the history of the missions in the country, taking into account, not only the brighter aspects showing the growth of the missions, but also dealing with policies and idesls,

Henry Isaac James, Missions in Rhodesia under the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1890-19(Old Umtali: The Rhodesia Mission Press, 1935); H, St. John Evans, The Church in Southern Rhodesia (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1 9 h 5); Clarence Thorpe, Limpopo to Zambezi (London: The Cargate Press, 1951) i W. J, van der Merwe , The Day Star Arises in Mashonaland (Lovedale, Cape Province: The Lovedaie Press, 1953 )} M.J. Savage, Achievement (New Zealand: Published by H.H. and A.W. Reed for the Foreign Mission Executive Committee, Associated Churches of Christ, 19Lt9) j Brethren in Christ Church, Bowing and Reaping, 1090-191:6 (bulawayo: Brethren in Christ Church, 19bb). xiv conflicts within the mission, attitude to other Christian bodies, and the whole complex relationship to the government and the varied reaction of the

African peopie to the Christian message. Here is a virgin and fruitful field of research waiting to be undertaken.

Southern Khodesia is also suffering from a paucity of missionary biographies. The only one which has been discovered is the one written by a missionary to India, C.F, Andrews, on John White of Mashonaland. It is noteworthy that this biography of an outstanding Methodist missionary from England has been written by a missionary of the Church of England.

Colorful Anglicans like G.w.H. Knight-hruce, the first Anglican Bishop of

Mashonaland, and S. A. Cripps, the deep thinking poet et Marondamashanu,^ have not yet been given biographicaJ treatment. Neither are there biographies of outstanding missionaries like Charles D. Helm, who inter­ preted and witnessed the famous Rudd Concession, A.A. louw, Sr. who was the main translator of the Shona Bible, nor of bishop Joseph Crane

Hartzell who started the work of the Methodist Church at Old Umtaii.

In the search for material the author spent some time at the

Missionary Research Library in New lork City, which has a very diversified and valuable collection from all over the world and of great interest to the students of the missionary enterprise.

On th e way back to Southern RhodesiB in 19Sh there was an opportunity to study for a few weeks in London, where with the help of a typist and the microfilm I was able to avail my3elf of some extremely valuable material, some of which is available nowhere else. The London Missionary Society,

^ Marondamashaiu is the Shona word for Five Wounds (of Christ). XV

the Society Tor the Propagation of the Gospel and the Methodist Missionary

Society opened up their collections of letters written by their early m issionaries to Rhodesia to their home secretaries, and also in the CBse of the London Missionary Society, the Letters of their secretary, Dr. R.

Wardlaw Thompson, to the missionaries in the field.

The early m issionaries were excellent letter writers and many of them, Desides having a heautii'ul handwriting, wrote vivid descriptions of their expert ences and of topics of public interest. Most valuable material has in this way been made available on such topics as the missionary a tti­ tude to the Ndebele War of 1093 and the hdebele and bhona Reheilion of

1 8 9 6 . In these letters one can find the real attitude of the missionaries

towards the British South Africa Company, ita officials and its African p o lic y *

After my return to Southern Rhodesia in 1 9 T was able to spend some time in the Central African Archives where the student may avail himself of a large library on nearly ail aspects of life in Central Africa, a manuscript division containing personal letters and diaries of early m issionaries, travelers, settlers and government officials, as well as the

Public Records of Southern Rhodesia to which a most valuable Guide and an extensive index is furnished so that the student can in a short while con­ centrate on that which interests him. One noteworthy feature, for which the author is most grateful, is that the records are made available for the entire British South Africa Company oerlod till October, 19?3, when

□ During my stay there the name was officially changed on March 21, 1958) to the National Archives of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. x v i responsible government wcc introduced. The Public Records ol‘ Great Britain are not available after 1902, and some missionary society recorde are not a v a ila b le a fte r 191b*

However, the British South Africa Company during the period of

Government, was often subject to severe criticism from several sources*

It stored many of its records in London, and unfortunately part of that collection was destroyed in an air raid over London in 19Lh. Many of the early records are therefore not complete. Of very great service to the student has been the publishing by the Central African Archives of the

Oppanheimer Series of diaries and letters of early missionaries and travelers and an extensive bibliography of Cecil John Rhodes.

The main outline of the history of LSouthern Rhodesia with accurate dates for the main events can be found in any one of the standard reference o books on Southern Rhodesia or Southern Africa, and the main facts in the life of the different missions have also been recorded in the works referred to above,^ but in the former, scant reference is made to the work and influence of the missionaries and in the latter only the bearest outline is given of the political and tribal background of the country.

But the political and tribal history is not incidental in the life of the

Church, and the Church does not live and operate in a vacuum. On the contrary, the church is vitally affected by the social and political forces at work in the country of its operation and it in turn influences the

^ One recent publication of this kind is Eric Walker, A History of Southern Africa {London, hew York, Toronto! Longmans, Green and Co., L9?7).

P* x* x v ii course of events. In the case of the missionary movements it is also greatly influenced by the secretaries of the various societies, who again are influenced by its Mission Board or Board of D irectors,^ and they, in turn, are sensitive to public opinion and the opinion of their supporting constituencies. This definite international aspect of the missionary work and its impact on public opinion in the West made the government agencies on the spot sensitive to the opinion of the local missionaries, partly because of the value that missionary opinion had in the governments own public relations in Europe and America*

The purpose, therefore, of the oresent study is an attempt to inter­ relate the various influences at work and to try to Indicate the part played by missionaries in the life of Southern Rhodesia. In order to make the work manageable the period has been limited to the time the territory w e b governed by the British South Africa Company, that is, 1888 to 19^3, with the necessary background history leading up to the granting of the

Rudd Concession by the Ndebele Qiief Lobengula in 18B8. Because of the time available for research being limited and because of the necessity of keeping the work within a reasonable number of pages it has also been found necessary to concentrate on some of the main events and more impor­ tant issues.

Being a missionary the author may, consciously or unconsciously, have been subject to two p itfalls. On the one hand, he might have had a tendency to view the missionaries in too favorable a light and gloss over

^ The London Missionary Society has a Hoard of Directors. x v i i i or omit evidence of their shortcomings. On the other hand, he might have tried to show his im partiality in such a way as to be too severe in his judgment on the actions of the missionaries. Aa far as the author is con­ cerned, he has made an effort to present a fair and balanced judgment. He ha3 suppressed no evidence unfavorable to the missionaries and criticism of them w ill be found on several occasions in the following pages.

The author has for some years been convinced that the missionary movement and its place in the life of the people of Africa has too often been ignored or, what is worse, misjudged by people who have undertaken to write on Southern Rhodesia, past or present. Therefore, when the documentary evidence haa justified it, the author has praised the mission­ aries, their actions and their ideas.

The author has made the same effort towards im partiality in the case of European settlers and Africans. He deplores the romantic and unrealistic view which makes all European settlers into vicious land grabbers and all Africans ±nto innocent children. There has been ignorance, prejudice and human failure on both aides. The Shona people have a proverb which is applicable to this situation. It says: If you point your linger at your neighbor, there are three fingers pointing beck at you.

What, then, has been the basis on which judgment has been passed?

What has been the author's standard of reference?

The missionaries were the messengers of the Christian Gospel, which status demanded a high standard of honesty and integrity in life and actions and a deep sense of responsibility in their public utterances, Un this basis the author has found it impossible to approve of a number of their xix

actions and points of view, Their untiring efforts in behalf of the

spiritual, educat:onal, social, and medical welfare 01 the African people

he has judged on the same basis.

The settlers frequently claimed superiority over the Africans, not

only technical, but moral and spiritual superiority as well. The account which follows w ill prove their technical, but hardly their moral or

spiritual superiority.

All, however, who played a part in this fascinating story were

involved in the human dilemma of limited knowledge, insight and judgment.

Therefore, as the present observes this human drama in history, a measure

of humility is desirable, because our generation, as well, is involved in

this same human predicament. Unless the present generation looks upon the past with discriminating understanding, it has no claim on mercy from the n ex t one.

The spelling of African names presents a rather difficult problem.

In the records one of the main characters has had his name spelled in many different ways, such as Upengulu, Upengula, ho Benguia, Lo fctengula and Lobengula. {Cecil Rhodes called him Loben). In this work the spelling has been taken from one of the most recent works on the Ndebele and the 12 Shona tribes.

12 Hilda Kuper, A.J.B. Hugnes and J. van Velsen, The Shona and Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia, CHAPTER I

SOUTHERN RHODESIA TODAY

The British Colony of Southern Rhodesia'*' is situated on the highland plateau between the Portuguese possessions in East and West Africa and the two great rivers Limpopo and Zambesi, The actual boundaries are: on the east and northeast the Portuguese colony of Mozambique; on the north the

Zambezi river; on the west the Bechuanaland Protectorate; on the south the

Limpopo r iv e r .

The total area of Southern Rhodesia is 150,333 square miles of which nearly 100,000 square miles are above the altitude of 3,000 feet and about 26,000 square miles above l(,000, which means that only 2U,333 square 2 3 miles are below 3,000 feet. Of this land the Africans and the Europeans

1 The country was named for Cecil Rhodes. It appears that Dr, Leander Starr Jameson, great friend and right hand man of Cecil Rhodes, firs t sug­ gested it in 1090 J.O, McDonald, Rhodes, a Life (London i Philip Allan fie Co., Ltd., L929, p. 13b), and by 1895 the term was used almost universally in South Africa, On May 1, 1095, the Administrator’s proclamation defined the provinces and districts of Rhodesia as Mashonaland, Matabeleland, and Northern Zambezia. On the other hand, it was used by Her M ajesty1 s Govern­ ment in December, 1095, and Joseph Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary con­ firmed it officially in a letter to the High Commissioner for South Africa, Lord Rosemead, on April 2, 1097 (Do No, 517, pp. 356, 1*22 and 1*96). Lewis Miohell wrote that this action of Her M ajesty’s Government "was a source of sincere gratification” to Rhodes, Lewis Michell, The Life of the Right Honourable Cecil John Rhodes, 1853-1902 (London: Edward Arnold, 1910, Vol. 2, p. 203T.

® The term African i3 used to denote in general the Indigenous people of the country. The term Native is not acceptable to them and is, therefore, not used in the present thesis, except when it appears as part of a name.

^ European is a term used in Southern Rhodesia for all Caucasians, whether they are Europeans, Americans or Caucasians bom in A frica. 2 have their own share , according to the Land Apportionment Act of 1930 and its subsequent amending A.ots,^ Because of the high elevation of moat parts of Southern Rhodesia, the country is not excessively hot and Europeans have generally found the climate delightful, although they do not like to settle below an altitude of 3,000 feet.

In Southern Rhodesia the year is divided naturally into the rainy season and the dry season. The rainy season normally begins in the middle of November and continues with only minor breaks till the end of March.

April rains are very rare. The average annual rainfall for the country is

30 inches, varying from below 1$ inches in the Limpopo valley to above 50 inches in certain sections of the Eastern Highlands. The temperature during the rainy season is not excessive, although at lower level it might be somewhat oppressive.

At the close of the rainy season the temperature falls steadily, and by June it may be uncomfortably cold, ground frost may occur, and a burning fire in the house w ill be appreciated* From the middle of August the temperature rises again until it reaches its peak in October and early

November just before the rains come again. In Salisbury, the capital, the average maximum temperature for the hottest month of October is 90 degrees

Fahrenheit, and the average minimum temperature for the coldest month of

July is 37 degrees Fahrenheit. The highest average rainfall for February is 8.99 inches and the lowest average rainfall for September is .07 inches.

Southern Rhodesia is a rich agricultural area, the two main crops

^ For a table showing the present division of land, see Appendix IT. 3 being maize and tobacco, but wheat, barley, rye, oats, cotton, a variety of vegetables, and both tropical and non-tropical fru it are also produced. tiscon, The raising of pigs and cattle produces /butter and milk. There are more than 3,000,000 head of cattle in the country, about half of which belong to the Africans, and 150,000 pigs of which about two-thirds belong to the

A fric a n s . More th an 1,500,000 bags o f tnaize a re m arketed ev ery year, and about 50,000,000 pounds of tobacco are grown annually. More than 50,000 acres of forest have been planted, and Southern Rhodesia has an impressive program of so il and water conservation both on European owned land and

Native Reserves, with digging of contour b, planting of trees, building of dams and large irrigation schemes. The total agricultural output in 1951 was valued at i27,000,000 or #81,000,000.

There are considerable mining activities in gold, coal, crome, asbestos, mica, tungsten, tantalite, tin, iron ore and phosphate, and the to tal mineral output in 1952 was valued at L21,210,fJ05 or more than

#60,000,000. The secondary industries are expanding rapidly and cover items such as tex tile, steel, cement, soap, matches, aluminium and enamel works, tin smelting manufacture, cutlery, ploughs and tyres. The value of the output of industrial goods in 19b9 was 120,1471,000 or #5 7 , 218 ,000.

The population of the country at the last census in 1951 was as d fo llo w s I^

^ The main facts in this section here been taken from A. Qordon- Brown, editor, The Year Book and Qulde to Southern A frica (Londont Robert Hale Lim ited, 195U") • b

A fricans 2,010,000 Europeans 135,596 Coloureds^ 5,96b A sia tic s >4.3Ii3

2,155,903

From 1090 till October 1, 1923 Southern Rhodesia was governed by

the British South Africa Company with a Legislative and Executive Council

having a fixed number of nominated and elected membera* When the question

of the termination of the Company's rule was decided, the choices before

Southern Rhodesia were three: union with South Africa, closer cooperation

with Northern Rhodesia or self government. In a referendum the electorate

chose the third course.

In the nineteen thirties a commission enquired into the possibility

of a closer tie with Northern Rhodesia, but when the Second World War

interrupted further development, nothing more was done until 19b5 when

further steps were taken to investigate the possibility of a closer tie with Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. After a long series of conferences

in Central Africa and London, a Constitution for a federation of the three

territories was agreed upon in 1953 which was to be submitted to the

several governmental bodies for their approval.

A referendum was held in Southern Rhodesia on April 9, 1953, the result of which was that 25,570 voted for Federation and lb,729 voted

against. This was 63 percent of the votes cast in favor out of 82 percent

of the electorate. It 1 b estimated that leas than 500 Africans voted.

The Legislative Councils in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland also voted for

the proposals, and the Federation Bill was passed in the British House of

^ In Southern Rhodesia a colored person is one of mixed anoestry. Commons on June 2b, 1953 1 with 188 votes for and 165 votes against the

P ill. On July lb, 1953 the House of Lords passed the Bill and final

British approval was given on July 28, 1953*

During its short history the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland

has had to face considerable opposition from the Africans in Northern

Rhodesia and Nyasaland, who have consistently maintained that it was intro­

duced against the wishes of the Africans. The Southern Rhodesia African a

have not, on the whole, been against the Federation, in fact, the ruling,

Federal Party maintains that it is unique in Africa. It follows neither

the policy of the Union of South Africa with its Apartheid policy, nor the

way of Ghana with self-government for Africans. It maintains that it is

the heir of Cecil Rhodes’ dictum ’’equal right for all civilized men south 7 of the Zambesi.” The Federation defends a policy of partnership between

^ T h ere seems to be some developm ent in th e th in k in g of Rhodes on this question of the franchise. In a speech he made in the Cape House on June 23, 1087, on the ”Native Question” he said: ’’These are my politics on native affairs, and these are the politics of South Africa. Treat the natives as a subject people as long as they continue in a state of barbarism and communal tenure; be the lords over them, and le t them be a subject race, and keep the liquor from them. . . . The native is to be treated bb a c h i l d and d e n ie d th e f r a n c h is e ; he i s to be denied liq u o r a ls o .” Vindex, Cecil Rhodes, His P olitical Life and Speeches, 1881-1900, (London: George Bell and Sons, 1900), pp. 159-160. In the same speech he resented the interference of missionaries on behalf of the franchise. On returning from England after having faced the Parliamentary Committee of Enquiry after the Jameson Raid, he said in a speech at the Cape: "What was the point? It was not a question of race; it was this—that they desired equal rights for every white man south of the Zambesi irrespective of race, and then would come gradually the union of South A frica.” Tne Times (London, April 22, 1097), p. 5e. Equal rights in Southern Africa were to be ex­ tended to Boer and Briton only. In a speech at the Annual Meeting of the De Beers in Kimberley, in February 1900, he made it clear that equal rights were for Boer and Briton only. Vindex, 0£. clt. , pp. xv-xvi. This was admitted by two of his biographers. Gordon Le Sueur, Cecil Rhodes the Man and His Work (London: 6

Africans and Europeans in the belief that each group needs the other for the peaceful and prosperous development of the country. It is, of course, being said that the policy is either not honest or is too slow for the

Africans, yet it has quite an impressive record of African development since 19?3* It has opened the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in Salisbury on a m ulti-racial basis and on a very high academic level.

The policy has made it possible for African professional men in Southern

Rhodesia to have offices in European Areas, haa made significant advances in African education, has given the country a liberalized Franchise Act under which an estimated 10,000, if they so desire, can make their voices heard in the political field. Economically the Federation has prospered and the taming of the Zambesi river by the big Kariba Hydro-Electric

Development w ill bring abundant and comparatively cheap electric power to the Federation for further industrial and mining development*

However, the African population ie subject to pass laws, which restrict and control the movement of the African population in the European areas. The Registration Certificate which every adult African male is required to carry, provides a means by which the police and the administra­ tion can identify the Africans.

The Africans in Southern Rhodesia are finding the pass laws and the present division of land increasingly hard to tolerate.

John Hurray, 1913), p. ?6| Michell, oj>. c it., Vol. 2, p. 2?£. However, when he afterwards met members of the colored community, he said: ttMy motto is equal rights for every civilized man south of the Zambesi - What Is a civilised man? A man whether white or black who has sufficient education to write hie name, has some property or work, in fact is not a loafer." Michell, 0£. cit,, Vol. 2, p. 276, Southern Rhodesia,being sensitive to world opinion,is keenly aware that capital will only be attracted to the country if there is stability, the outcome of good race relations. In this connection it may not be out of place to mention that there has not been any civil disturbance in the country since 1097.

One is therefore justified in making the claim that Southern

Rhodesia ia one of the most important countries in Central Africa, and if a relationship of mutual trust between Europeans and Africans can be developed, the future of this great state may be prosperous and significant* CHAPTER I I

SOUTHERN RHODESIA BEFORE 1800

Ancient History th e Although /ancient history of the African interior is very vague

indeed, it appears to be generally accepted that the Bushmen were the first

known inhabitants of the Central Africa plateau* It is also assumed that

it is their artistic legacy which can be seen today in so many caves in

Southern Rhodesia, wonderfully preserved paintings of people, animals and

hunting scenes* The Bushmen were pushed south by the wandering Hottentots, unless the Bushmen and the Hottentots sprang from the same stock *^" These in turn were conquered, absorbed or driven south by the strong and virile 2 Bantu tribes whose origin is often thought of as being in the interior of the Congo or near the great lakes* In the nineteenth century the Bantu tribes were still wandering in the interior of Africa but some had reached the southeastern part of the continent now called Natal.

The early history of what is now Southern Rhodesia is therefore wrapped in a shroud of mystery. The Zimbabwe ruins^ near Fort V ictoria

1 Eric Walker, A History of Southern Africa (London, New York, Torontot Longmans, Green & Co,, l?57),p* 6 . p c The term Bantu means people. It comes from the root -ntu, and in singular it is muntu which means men, person, and in plural bantu. It is a linguistic term and it is on linguistic grounds that the many tribes are linked together in irthe Bantu speaking tribes." This word is found in all Bantu languages in various forms j amongst the Nyika, near Umtali, Southern Rhodesia, the terms are munhu meaning man, vanhu meaning people. Europeans use the term munt in a derogatory sense.

^ Similar to the Zimbabwe ruins are the Khami ruins near Bulawayo and smaller ruins in the Inyang a and Mtoko areas* 9 which wore discovered by a hunter Adam Renders in 1868 and described to the world by the German explorer and geologist Karl Mauch in l87h, date back into the uncertain past, and no one knows definitely who erected the buildings or how old they are, A carbon dating in the United States of

America in 1952 of a piece of timber taken from under the Zimbabwe Temple indicated that the date may be about 500 A,D«^ At present those who search for a solution to the Zimbabwe m ystery seem to think that the

Temple dates from about 700 A.D. and that they were built by a Bantu people who had been influenced by Arabs who in turn traded with India*

Xt is uncertain whether India traded directly with the Bantu or used the

Arabs as middle men, but India was the recipient of most of the gold mined K by the Bantu.

That gold was mined in ancient times is certain, because a very large number of workings have been discovered since the European occupa­ tion* It is estimated that gold worth eleven million pounds (about thirty million dollars) was extracted in ancient times.^ What everyone, however, seems to agree upon is that the Temple ruins were there as ruins when

Vasco da Gama arrived at Sofala in 1$02.

In 1560 a Portuguese member of the Society of Jesus, Gonzalo da

Silveira, made a journey inland from Mozambique to Sena where he baptised

k Gordon-Brown, editor, op. c it., p. 6?0A.

^ Walker, op, cit., p. 10.

^ Heinrich Schiffers, pie Quest for Africa (London: Odmans Press Limited, translated from the German by Diana Pyke. Ho date given, probably 1957) > p . 100. 1 0

$00 slaves and administered to the small Portuguese settlement. From 7 th e r e he re c e iv e d perm ission to e n te r th e kingdom o f Monomotapa. He traveled past Tete, crossed the river Mazoe, passed the Mount Fur a and was in tro d u c e d to the Monomotapa,

At first da Silveira was received with great honor and was offered gifts of cattle, gold dust and wives, which he refused. He had brought g with him a small statue of "the Mother of God,” and after some explana­ tion da Silveira soon induced the Monomotapa to kneel with him before the

statue. Twenty-five days later the priest baptized the Monomotapa and his mother, and soon three hundred tribesmen followed the King's example

and were baptized. However, the quick success did not last long, because

Muslim priests and traders soon poisoned the mind of the Monomotapa and convinced him of da Silveira 1 s treachery, Although da Silveira was told about the plot against his life, he did not flee, and on March 1$, l$ 6l

at the age of 3$ he was killed and his body was thrown into the river* 9 This marked the end of missionary work among the Karanga for a long time.

However, the Monomotapa Etopire, as the Portuguese called it, waH reported to have considerable gold deposits, end since there were rumors of some silver minea at Chikowa on the Zambesi, the Portuguese traders and explorers kept on trying to reach the interior. In 1571 Francesco Barreto,

7 According to W, J, van der Merwe i t i s Shona fo r "The one who e n s la v e s , 11 The Day Star Arises In Mashonaland (Lovedale, Cape Provincei The Lovedale PreBS, 19$3), p. 2,

8 ZMR, Vol. 1, 109fl, pp. 13?f.

9 V ide, in fra , p . 11. 11 trying to find the reported silver mines, took hie party up the Zambezi valley. Although he reached the court of Monomotapa, the tsetse fly, the fever, and the Arabs brought the expedition to an end in 157?.^

Further attempts at missionary work in the Monomotapa empire ware mads in the seventeenth century by the Dominican Order, which must have had some success because there are some indications that the mission pene­ trated as far as Manicaland and the present sites of Gwelo and Bulawayo,

As late aa the eighteenth century baptism still took place in the Mono­ motapa empire, but in 1775, during the decline of the Portuguese power, the Dominican priests were called to India, and the curtain was again drawn cutting off this part of Africa from the European w orld,^

The Monomotapa empire extended inland over a considerable area, but no one knows how far into the interior his dominion reached, how long it lasted, or how many tribes acknowledged his rule. It seems quite certain, however, that the Karanga under Monomotapa formed a strong con­ federacy in the interior of Africa, but it is uncertain when this Bantu tribe settled in the country between the Zambesi and the Limpopo,

The Shona

The Monomotapa empire must have deteriorated before the end of the eighteenth century, because when the country again became known to the

European world in the nineteenth century, the Karanga was a small, peaceful

^ Walker, o j j . c it. , pp. 21-22.

^ W. J. van der Merwe, o£. c it. , p. 2. 12

tribe, and the other Shona tribes under* chiefs like Mtoko, Kangvwide,

Mutasa and Makoni, were all like small independent units without any

strong cohesion. These Shone tribes seem to have been of a peaceful dis­

position and are reported to have been industrious enough to have developed

a comparatively advanced culture. They knew how to smelt iron end work it,

and to mine gold. They had considerable wealth in cattle and produced maize, rupoko, 12 rice and cotton. They also knew how to make blankets

from the bark of trees. Their physical and intellectual abilities were highly regarded by early missionaries and travelers like Robert Moffat, 13 John Mackenzie and F, C, Selous.

The Shona tribal authority waa vested in the chief who had consider­

able power over his subjects, and being not only their war leader but also t h e i r judge and p r i e s t . The c h ie f ta in s h ip among th e Shona did not go from father to son but from the chief to the chief's oldest living brother, which meant that their tribes frequently had old chiefs who had not only

lost their strength but alao their power and good judgment* The people at times murdered their chief in order to obtain a change of rule. This fact alone led to weakness, for when the chiefs had power over what must have been very small tribal units, and when these tribes often harrasfied

^ Plant with small grain.

13 j # p, r. W allis, editor, The Matabele Journal of Robert Moffat (London: Chatto & Windus, 19h$) , V o l. T, "p. 250; JSM, December ^ , ltJOtf, CAA, Ms. Division, John Mackenzie, April 10, 1889, C. 39l 8 ,of 1890, p. 173; John Mackenzie The Contemporary Review, January lflftl, p. 125; G.W.H. Knight-Bruce, C.59l8,of iff#), p.~ 1 0 6 ; A. F. Johnson, ^ 36^ of 1008, p. i a . 13

each other by intertribal raids for the capture of women and cattle, they were in a very unfavorable position when they were faced with the pressure

from external forces. The boundaries between the various tribes were very vague, but as the tribes were small there waB ample space even for their cattle and shifting agriculture. The Shona acknowledged a supreme being, Mwari, but their religious life was centered in the ancestral

spirits who as guardians of the tribe preserved the old tribal customs and beliefs. These ideas all tended to conservatism which almost amounted to stagnation in every area of life .^

The N debele

In the southeastern part of Africa, called Natal, there lived in the nineteenth century a chief of the Abatetwa tribe called Dingiswayo, 1 ? who had revived the old Bantu practice of arming his impis v who were

"circumcised, celibate, beef-fed and fiercely disciplined,A rm ed with

the stabbing assegai and big ox hide shields, they were taught to attack in a crescent formation with the "bull’s head 11 in the middle and the

"bull’s horns” on the flanks with a strong support in the rear. Dingiswayo

Good accounts of the Shona people can be found in the following works: H. Kuper, A. J. B. Hughes, and J. van Velsen, The Shona and the Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia (London? International African Institute, 1955) • ~Charles Bullock, The Maehona and the Matabele (Cape Town and Johannesburg; Juta & Company, Limited, 1950}} Edwin W. Smith, editor, African Ideas of Ood (London: Edinburgh House Press, 1950), W. J. van der Merwe, 'Fhe Shona Idea of God (Fort Victoria: Morganster Mission Press, 1957),

Bantu term for a regiment, and army.

^ Walker, o£. cit., p. 175. lU was succeeded by Shaka, head of the then minor Zulu tribe, who did away with the circumsion, but stiffened the discipline and appointed whom he 17 want ed as indunas of his impis and welded the var j ous factions into the powerful Zulu nation. Since Shaka was a tyrant many of his indunas deserted and traveled northward, from whence they must have come. Some went along the eastern coastline under Zwangendaba and formed what is now the strong Ngoni tribe in Nyasaland; others under Shoshangane formed the Shangana tribe and settled in what is now the Portuguese colony of

Mozambique and in southeastern Rhodesia, Shoshangane was followed by

Mzila who was followed by his son Gungunyana, whom we shall meet again.

One of Shaka's most successful indunas was Mzilikazi who, as a result, was especially subject to the jealousy of his cruel master.

After having completed a successful raid in 1820 against one of the neighboring tribes, he was afraid to return and with several thousand of his warriors he fled northward, wandering for several years over the plains of southern Africa plundering, raiding, destroying and spreading fear and desolation, then settled for a while in the Marico river district in what is now the Transvaal. During this time of wandering, Mzilikazi incorporated into his tribe factions of conquered tribes, so that after a while the Zulu element became considerably diluted.

The interior of Africa was at that time in a state of confusion with what amounted to a "Volkerwan derung 11 with one tribe pushing the other in a sort of chain reaction. Sections of tribes broke loose, too, and

^ Bantu term for leader of a regiment, A counselor to the chief. 15 started out on their own. Mzilikazi and his impis met the Tswana and the

Mantitie with their offshoots, the Koiolo. The Kololo later on became

David Livingstone’s favorite tribe. During this time Mzilikaze welded his followers into the Ndebele nation, keeping the Zulu m ilitary system with discipline and raiding. In March 1636, Mzilikaze sent some of his most trusted indunas, among them Umcombate, to Cape Town to conclude a treaty of friendship with Sir Benjamin D 1 Urban, who a c te d on b e h a lf of the Cape government. One of the clauses of the treaty was that Mzilikazi 10 would protect missionaries within his territory.

In IB 36 and 1837^ the Boers, who had taken part in the great exodus from the Cape Colony, began to make their presence felt in the interior. 20 For Mzilikazi the Boers constituted a stronger enemy than he had hitherto known, When an American mission party under Daniel Lindley was caught in the middle of a conflict between the Boers and Mzilikazi at Mosega, they decided to move to Natal to start work and when they had 21 gone the Boers burned down their mission station. Later on in November

1837 the Boers under Potgieter and Uys came back and drove Mzilikazi

Edwin W, Smith, The Life and Times of Danle 1 Lindley (London: The Lpworth Press, 19h9) , p. 8^1 C.552U of l8H8, p.

^ F. W. T, Posselt, Fact and F‘iction (Bulawayo: The Rhodesian Printing and Publishing Co., Ltd., 1 9 ^ 7 PP* 166-171,

20 An excellent account of this is to be found in Eric Walker, The Great Trek, (London: Adam and CharleB Black, 1936)•

^ E. W. Smith, o]o. c it., pp. 93-106, 16

away. 22

During the time Mzilikazi lived in the Marico district, he had been visited by the veteran missionary of the London Missionary Scceity, Robert

Moffat from Kuruman, who had arrived in He choanal and from Scotland in 1817-

The first visit had taken place in 1829 and the second in 1835, and between the missionary and the terrifying chief a peculiar and strong friendship had grown up, characterized by E.W. Smith as "one of those peculiar events 23 in history." There is a tradition within the tribe that Mzilikazi went to Moffat to seek advice and had been counseled to move north of the

Limpopo riv e r,^ but John bmith Moffat definitely repudiated this story 25 and declared that he had never heard of it.

On his way north Mzilikazi drove away the Kololo tribe, a branch of the Sotho tribe, which in turn went across the Zambesi and conquered the

Lozi, who at a later date annihilated the Kololo altogether from 36 Barotseland.

Mzilikaze eventually crossed the Limpopo and after many wanderings finally settled in the country south of Zambesi about lflhO and built his

22 Ibid. , p. 107.

2^ Personal interview with the writer, July, 19 5L.

2^ A.W., "The Expulsion of Nkulumane, w in Nada, No. 13, 1935, p. 93i Kuper, Hughes and van Velsen, op. cit., pp. L8-Li9.

J.S, Moffat to Shippard, December 12, 1887, CO. No. 358 of 1889, p. 2 *

2^ Kuper, Hughes and van Velsen, o£. cit., p. U9, footnote; C.W. Mackintosh, Some Pioneer Missions of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland (L iv in g sto n e , N orthern Rhodesia: The R hodes-L ivingstone Museum, 1950), pp. 7 -8 . 17 royal kraal near the Mstopo h ills and ceiled it Gubuluwayo or Buluwayo,

"the olace of killing.7' In l8U7 the Boers under Hendrik Potgieter followed him and tried to raid across the Limpopo, but Potgieter was 27 repulsed and the Boers were cut off from the north for some time.

The Ndebele eubdued the Karanga, the heirs to the old empire of

Monomotapa, which by this time had lost most of its former glory; but the Karanga were able to influence the Ndebele to accept part of their religious system, namely the Mwari or M'limo cult centered in the tremen­ dous mountain fastness called the Matopos. The M'limo was the God operating through mediums, who lived in the Matopos, who in turn exer­ cised tremendous influence over the life of the Karanga, The Ndebele incorporated the belief in mediums into their religious system, and both ivBiliknai and his son Lobengula are known tc have consulted them.

The ro le of the Chief among th e Wdebele approached t h a t of an absolute monarch. His word was law and justice was carried out sw iftly and with an iron hand. But he did not rule without the consent of his people, who, in the case of Lobengula, had claced him in his position, and he wcc in constant consultation with his council of indunas who were his chief advisers. Each impi, headed by an induna, had its special m ilitary kraal, many of which were scattered over the country. Since the

^ Marshall H. Hole made the following remark about th is event; "This was the last organized attempt made by the Boers to challenge the Matabele by force of arms. In some ways it is a matter for regret that it failed, for it might have precipitated the break up of a tyranny which was to last for another forty years. If on the other hand it had succeeded the high veld of Rhodesia, with its immense mineral and mining resources, must have become an annex of the Transvaal, and a permanent barrier against British expansion in the north." The Passing of the Black Kings (London; Philip Allen & Co., 1932), p. 1 0 6 . 18 young men lived almost exclusively on beef many of them died young, but those who survived became strong and developed a marvelous physique.

The fighting force did not work in the fields, that work being done by women and slaves. Work was below their dignity. They hunted and raided.

Every year in January or February an army of up to 15,000 or 20,000 men gathered at Bulawayo for the great war dance which was held at the royal kraal. On this ceremonial occasion the chief would throw an assegai to indicate the direction of the year's raiding.

The annual raiding soon conquered the Shona tribes to the east, as they were small, disunited and unwarlike. The whole economy of the

Ndebele was based on this system of raiding to collect cattle and slaves 29 and exercise the overlordship of the Ndebele. The victims who were too weak to walk were slaughtered and the others were taken to Bulawayo as loot. The captured young boys were incorporated into the m ilitary system and the young women were given to the soldiers for wives.

This was a terrible system which caused neighboring tribes to live in dread of the Ndebele. The small Shona tribes, reduced in number, could offer no resistance; therefore, whenever the Ndebele came raiding, they fled into the caves and hills which abounded in their country.

The stronger tribes, like the Ngwato to the south under their chief

Khama and the Loai north of the Zambesi under their chief Lewanlka, also stood in awe of th e Ndebele im pis.

^ F.stimate of Johann Colenbrander, 0. 8130 of 1896 , p . 10.

^ For an account of domestic slavery among the Ndebele and the attitude of early Europeans to it, see: J. Cooper Chadwick, Three Years w ith Lobengula (London: C assel and Company, L td ., I8 9 h ), p . 101. The cruel, devastating power of the Ndebele system has been variously judged. Some make light of it ,3^ suggesting thet the atroci­

ties usually associated with Bulawayo were largely the invention of the whites. 31 But the cruelty of the raids is too well documented by travelers and missionaries to be brushed off lightly. The fact that other peoples in history have committed cruelties does not justify the cruelty of the Ndebele. A keen, detached observer like F. C. Selous, who traveled over vast parts of the African interior in the eighteen eighties, said of the raid's effect on the Shona people that "very soon every stream in their country ran red with their blood, whilst vultureB and hyenas feasted undisturbed amidst the ruins of their devastated 32 homes." This was not hearsay but rather the result of actual observa­ tion, and the testimony could be corroborated by men like Robert Moffat,

f , D. T. P o s s e lt, Upen^u la th e S o atterer (Bulawayo! The Rhodesian Printing and Publishing Co., Ltd., 19II?), p. 107* But even Posselt has a good account of the murders committed on lobengula's order, on pp. LB-50. See alBo J. S. Green, Rhodes Goes North (London* G. B ell and Sons, Ltd., 1936), p. 89. Green called the raids, "often quite mild af f ai r s ."

31 Green, o j j . cit., p. B5.

3^ F, C. Selous, Travel and Adventure in South-East Africa (London Rowland Ward and Go., L td ., IB93T, pp. 81 , llE^llS; C. E, Fripp and V. W. H iller, editors, Gold and the Gospel in Mashonaland, 1886 (London: Chstto and Windus, 19L9), pp. 1?, 20, 97, and 1 371 J. P. R. Wallie, editor, The Northern Goldflelds Diaries of Thomas balnea (London: Chatto and Windus, 19L6) , V ol. I I , pp. m U S T i R obert Undwin Moffat, John Smith M o ffat, M issionary. A Memoir (London: John Murray, 1921), p. 22li\ Adrian Darter, The Pioneers of Ptash on aland (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent and Co., Ltd., 191L), pp. ^9-60j C, D. Helm, in "Universal Brotherhood," No. XI, July 19lb, pp. 1-2 (Reprint from the Annual Report of the IMS, 1895, and bound to The Chronicle of the London Missionary Society), See also the devastation described by the German missionary, C. Beuster, in 1892, in Harald von Sicard, Extracts from the Archives of the Berlin Mission, 1887-1892 (CAA Me. WLvieion), p. 37, 20

John Smith Moffatt, and Bishop Knight-Bruce. The wives of Mzilikazi after his death, said, "He WAS a king] He knew how to k ill.1'^

Mzilikazi died in i860 and was buried in a cave in the magnificent

Matopo hille, even in death overlooking his new, fertile and extensive kingdom.

After the passing of the founder of the Ndebele nation, considerable uneasiness reigned because of the uncertainty about his successor. Since

M zilikazi'a son Nkulumane^ was supposed to be in Natal working as a garden boy for Sir Theophilus Shepstone, Secretary for Native Affairs, the indunas were reluctant to declare anyone else the new king until they were sure of the position of Nkulumane, But Sir Theophilus Shepstone wrote in a letter to the Reverend W. Sykes at Inyati that the person in

Natal disclaimed being Nkulumane. Later on Nkulumane changed his mind, but Shepstone's letter to Sykes seemed to have been decisive for TJmcombate, who ruled as a regent after M zilikazi1s death, so he and the other indunas elected Lobengula the new king* Lobengula was reported to have been so perplexed and astonished at this choice that he sought refuge and advice in the home of the missionary Thomas Morgan Thomas before he returned to 36 37 his people and faced his rivals. According to Thomas Baines, Lobengula

33 Fripp and Hiller, o£. cit. , p. IS.

The name was g iv en to him in honor o f R obert M o ffa tt, who was s ta tio n e d a t Kuruman in Bechuanalsnd when M z ilik a z i f i r s t knew M o ffat,

3% Wallis, o£. cit., Vol. II, p. 3^0,

^ Colin Harding, Frontier Patrols (London; G, Bell and Sons, Ltd., 1937), p . 1 0 .

37 Wallis, o£. cit., Vol. I, p. 265. 21

-1 f t was declared king on January 2h, 1070, and hp rem ained king u n t i l he died near the Zambesi river in January l89b, fleeing from the advancing forces of the British South Africa Company.

The territory over which the Ndebele king claimed dominion was not, according to European standards, very well defined. To the south the

Limpopo was the recognized boundary, but there was a disputed territory between the Shashi and Kacloutsi rivers whlah was claimed both by

Lobengula and Khama, the Christian Chief of the Ngwato, But since few people were living there and it was comparatively far away from either of them, neither made it an issue of war. To the west the country turned gradually into desert, although Lobengula1a impis had raided as far west 39 as Lake Ngami. To the north the Zambesi river was recognized as boun­ dary with the Lozi chief Lewanika, although Lobengula's impis made frequent raids north of the Zambesi. To the east where the Shona tribes lived, the boundaries were very vague. The Sabi river was often con­ sidered the boundary, but the claims of Lobengula and the Portuguese did not coincide. It must not be overlooked that several of the chiefs in the eastern Hashonaland claimed that they were independent both of the

Ndebele and the Portuguese.

The Ndebele actually only occupied an area in a circle about 60 miles around Bualawayo,^ and Lobengula did not really recognize any

Lobengula's mother was a Swazi, and he was therefore not of "pure" Zulu stock*

39 The first of these raids to Lake Ngami took place in 1083* hut was largely unsuccessful because the Tauwani had guns; the next raid was completely unsuccessful because of the great drought and because the TauwaniTs poasesaion of guns. Selous, o£. cit,, p. 101 ff«

C. 8130 of 1896. P* A2, 22

"line," Who were they vbo could draw a line for him? Ths Shona were his dogs and were not entitled to any opinion. The Zambesi was hiB river, and the Portuguese he had never seen. Even Khama was considered a mere dog by Lobengula. This overbearing attitude of the Ndebele sprang mainly from the fact that their imols so far had not met with any significant defeat and they thought themselves invincible, v

The Coming of the M issionaries

In lf?5li R obert M offat made a th ir d v i s i t to M zilik azi in M atabele- land in an effort to deliver fresh supplies to his son-in-law Dr. David

Livingstone. On this tour he was conducted by an officer of the Bechuana- land Border Police, Samuel Edwards, son of an early missionary of the

London Missionary Society in Be chu anal and. Later on Lobengula made

Edwards his "immigration officer" at Tati, and Edwards became the manager of the Tati Goldfields Company.

At this time the London Missionary Society was planning a further advance into the interior to the Ndebele and the Kololo tribes, and in

1857 Moffat again trekked inland to aeek M zilikazi 1 a permission to open a mission amongst his people. The chief had learned to distrust and dislike the white man, but so strong were his tiea to Robert Moffat that when Moffat promised to bring his own son, John Smith Moffat, as one of the first party of missionaries, Mzilikazi reluctantly gave in .^ 1

^ This promise caused some embarrassment to John Smith Moffat when he did not become a regular missionary of the LMS, but accepted an annual subsidy from his brother-in-law, David Livingstone. O fficially, then, as far as the LMS was concerned, he was not one of their first missionaries to the Ndebele. He worked as a missionary in cooperation with the others, although at this time not actually supported by the LMS. 23

Moffat returned to the south to make preparations for leading the

Ndebele Mission party to Bulawayo. But certain compileations developed

because the Transvaal Boers had for some time tried to claim that "the

missionary road" to the north came under their jurisdiction, although at

that time the London Missionary Society missionaries were the virtual

holders of it. The Boers tried to stop the mission party, but after

Robert Moffat had appealed to the Governor of the Cape, Sir George Grey,

they passed unmolested. Moffat arrived in Bulawayo on October 28, 1839,

his party consisting of Reverend W, Sykes, Reverend Thomas Morgan Thomas,

and Reverend John Smith Moffat and their families.

Mzilikaze was glad to see his great friend again, but he was very

reluctant to point out to Moffat the site where the party might settle.

He kept delaying so long that Moffat almost threatened to take the whole

party back again. But on December 23, 1859, the missionaries were allowed

to settle at a place called Inyati forty miles northeast of Bulawayo and

at once proceeded to establish themselves. Robert Moffat stayed with the

party for another six months and left Inyati on June 1 8 , i8 6 0 . The two

men, Mzilikazi and Robert Moffat, were never to meet again.

Mzilikazi and his indunas had been reluctant to admit the mission­

aries into their land, and it was only brought about by the great friendship

^ C. P. Groves, The Planting of Christianity in Africa (London: The Lutterworth Press, 19hf4-1958), Vol. II, pj 281. See also letter from W. Syfcbs , February 2, 186 ?, to W. Thompson, CM Microfilm, Reel 3. One of the reasons for this effort by the Boers to close the road was the Sand River Convention of l8|>2 in which Great Britain recognized Transvaal's independence, and promised to stay south of the Vaal river. The Boers also said that the Africans obtained fire arms through this channel. See also, Hole, op. cit., p. 117, 2h between Mzilikazi and Moffat. Mzilikazi admitted that he was afraid that the missionaries were spies and that afterwards other white men would follow. He must have remembered that when he was living in the Marico river district, the missionaries arrived first, and shortly afterwards the Boers came who finally drove him away to the north. He was therefore especially afraid of the Boers, but he wee also afraid of the power the missionaries might acquire over his people. Some of the Ndebele wondered what crime the missionaries had committed in their own country since they had come to settle in Matabeleland.^ As later events showed the old chief had been correct in seeing the missionaries as the vanguard of the advancing Europeans, and this fact was widely acknowledged in South

Africa at the tim e.^

John Smith Moffat was transferred to the Bechuanaland Mission at

Kuruman in 186$, but it ie important to note that he was in Matebeleland be a special missionary,being the son of the great Umshete whom every

Ndebele knew as a specielly trusted friend of their great chief M zilikazi.^

Richard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society, 1793-1895 (London: Henry FrouHe, 189917 V ol. r™p.' 62Uj J. F, k, W a llis, e d ito r, The Matabele Mission (London: Chatto and Windus, 19hS), p p . 93- 9li, 179-1BO.

^ Douglas Mackenzie, John Mackenzie. South African Missionary and Statesman (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), p* 89.

^ F. R. Thompson, Matabele Thompson (London: Faber and Faber, Ltd., 19J6), pp. 98-110; Hole, o£. cit., pp. 96-111; H. L. Gann, The Birth of a Plural Society (Manchester: Manchester University Prose, 19f>&T, p. 22,

^ It is noteworthy that Lobengula as late as 1893 in his distress wrote to J. S. Moffat and appealed to him as "You son of Umshete," this being the affectionate term used for Robert Moffat. During this time J, S. MoiTnt also established contact with Mzilikazi 1 s

son, Lobengula, whom he was going to meet later in life under very hi different circumstances. He also learned to know some of those men

who later became Lobengula's advisers,

William Sykes was the leader of the mission, and he became Mzili-

kazi's trusted friend end adviser on matters dealing with individual

Europeans or European governments and as such acquired considerable power, 1*6 a power that was sometimes resented by European travelers and hunters.

It is difficult to ascertain whether the missionaries assumed more

authority than they really had, or whether some of the resentment wsb b9 caused by misunderstanding, Thomas Morgan Thornes also gained the con­

fidence of the old chief, who used him to write his letters for him ,^

and when Mzilikazi was sick, just before his death, it was Thomas he

called to give him the white man's medicine.

The F ir s t S e t t l e r s

Four years after the arrival of the mission party, John Lee with

his family of eight children arrived and, after having gained the confi­

dence of Mzilikazi, was allowed to settle at Mflngwe, not far away from

Bulawayo, That permission was granted to these early settlers and

h? W a llis , 0£. cit., p. 211,

Wallis, The Northern Goldfield Diaries, op. c it., Vol. I, p. 97.

X]nid-» P* 203.

Helm to Thompson, December lS, 1801, CAA, Microfilm.

^ Neville Jones, Rhodesian Genesis (Bulawayo: Rhodesia’Pioneers and Early Settlers’ Society, 1955)7 P* "By consenting /to the coming of the hunters]/ he ^izilikezi/ sealed, unwittingly, the death warrant of his nation,” Hole, oj). cit., p, Ulu 26 hunters to enter the Ndebele Kingdom was to a large extent (if not entirely}

:Vio to the very favorable impression that the early missionaries made on

M zilikazi. In 1865 the greet elephant hunter Henry Hartley got per­ mission to come into the country to hunt. The next year he was accom- psniftd by the German geologist Karl Mauch, end on July 28, 1866, Maueh discovered gold bearing quartz in Mashonnland. In the following year he published exaggerated accounts of the "Mashcnalend Q oldfields," and a little later in 1067 the Tati goldfieldp were discovered between the

Shashi and Macloutsie rivers, in the disputed territory between the

Ndebele and the Npwato.

These d is c o v e rie s made a number o f Europeans move n o rth in search of gold and adventure, and had the diamonds not been discovered near

Hope town on the Vaal river In Cape Colony in 1867, Mashonaland might have been forced open to European settlement much earlier than actually h ap p en ed .

In 1069 the London and Limpopo Mining Company sent Sir John

Swinburne into Kashonaland, and Thomas Baines went as the representative of the South African Goldfields and Exploration Company, But Mzilikazi had passed away In 1068. Umcombate was the regent during the interregnum and i t appears that the missionary Thomas Morgan Thomas used his power over Cm comb ate to help Sir John Swinburne in his efforts to get a con­ cession, which Baines very much resented and which he predicted would

^ W, A. E llio tt, Gold from the Quartz (London! London Missionary Society, 1910), p. 71.

^3 S c h if f e r s , oj>. c i t . , p, 208, 27 q, cause strife and perhaps bloodshed.'" The unrest caused by the unsettled question of the succession to the chieftainship and the inrush of white people, made Umcombate order all the white men except the missionaries, to leave the country as a temporary measure. 55 But after they ail were gathered around Bulawayo, the order was not further enforced.

With the accession of Lobengula to the chieftainship in lfl70 the country quieted down again, Thomas Haines was given a verbal concession 56 to search for gold, which was confirmed in writing in 1871, and Sir 57 John Swinburne got the still famous Tati Concession in 1872, Also in

1070, Lobengula gave permission to Reverend J. B. Thomson of the London

Missionary Society to open a second mission station at Hope Fountain only ten miles southeast of Bulawayo. On August 19, 1871 Lobengula sent a letter to the Governor of Natal in which he said, inter alias "I am the friend of white men, I am opening my country to them and I hope in years to come that lasting friendship and advantageous intercourse w ill 58 be established between us."^ This hope got its first dent exactly two months later, for when a white man transmitted syphilis, a disease

5W i ., op. cit., pp. 198-200, Apparently Swinburne UBed his rank and his money to enlist the support of Thomas. Thomas left the LMS in 1072 and s e ttle d on the farm S hiloh.

55 I b id ., p . 199.

56 h. M, Hole, The Making of Rhodesia (London: The Macmillan Company, 1926) , o. 6 , This concession was in the end bought by the B.S.A. Co . in 1089.

57 Fripp and Hiller, Gold and the Gospel in Mashonaland, i860, op. c it., p. 18, footnote. This concession was excluded when the B.S.A, Company got its Royal Charter.

5® Wallis, og. cit., Vol. TITf p. 6 8 6 ; Posselt, og. cit., p. 31. 28 unknown to the Wdebele, to an Wdebele g irl, Lobengula’s first thought was to k ill both the girl and the man. But Thomas and the other white men tried instead to make him take active measures against the disease. 59

We shall see how Lobengula's hope of cooperating with the white man finally was crushed twenty-two years later.

In the first year of Lobengula's reign, Edward Mohr, first German 60 to travel north of Limpopo, visited Lobengula and the Victoria Falls.

In November the same year Henry Hartley brought a letter from the Trans­ vaal government constituting John Lee a Justice of the Peace of the South

African Republic and its consul at the MBtebeleland court, but Lobengula refused to accept him, saying that if the South African Republic wanted to talk with him they could send a special man,^

Africa and Europe

In 1R73, Reverend John Mackenzie of the London Missionary Society in Bechuanaland where he had arrived in i860 just In time to miss the

Kololo disaster , 62 made a Journey to Mbtabeleland. It was a private

Journey, but it was combined with carrying a message from Khama to

Lobengula. Several communications had passed between the two newly

W a llis , o£, c i t ., Vol. II, pp. 553-555*

^ Edward Mohr, To the Victoria Falls and the Zambesi (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, lH?S).

^ W allis, op. c it., Vol. IT, pp. 5^7-518, 562-553.

^ The K ololo M issio n was planned a t th e same tim e as the Ndebele Mission and was undertaken with H. Helmore as the leader. The mission soon returned after a terrible disaster where several of the party died. 29

established chiefs, each in turn being advised by the resident missionary

of the London Missionary Society*^ uri this journey Mackenzie saw the

rich potentialities of the land and began to formulate his views on

British imperial expansion in Central Africa*

Mackenzie's views found an early and clear expression in a speech

that he made in iR?3 to the Bechuanaland D istrict Committee of his mission,

of which committee he was chairman, and in a confidential letter of May ?,

1976 to Sir Henry Rarkly, the High Commissioner for South A frica.^ He deplored the unsilling and left-handed manner of British colonial policy

in Africa and desired England to take charge of the northward progress in

South Africa. Although the missionary was usually in advance of everyone

else in Africa, followed by the trader, the British Government should he

thought, take a lead and appoint a British Kesident in Matabeleland in the 65 east and Damaraland in the west. The Boer Doppers from Magaliesberg

d i s t r i c t were H00 stro n g on th e Limpopo r iv e r plan n in g to go to Lake

Ngarni, but some might go into Mashonaiand. The Ndebele tribe, he thought, was not worthwhile preserving in independence in the country which they

^ Douglas Mackenzie, opl c it. , p. 1L7. In November 107U Rev, J, B. Thomson of Hope Fountain was the intermediary between Lobengula and the B ritish Government when R* Southey, Lieutenant-Governor of Griqualand West, sent a message to Lobengula through Mr. Thomson. See Cape Argus, March 2, 1075, Photostatic copy in CAA, Matabele Mission, Vol. k, Ms. Division, See also: Hepburn to Thompson, June 13, lBHS, and Wookey to Thompson, August k, 1908, quoted in H. W* Goodloe, Jr., Missionaries as Transmitters of Western Civilisation in Nineteenth Century Africa (.Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of St, Andrews, 19.55), ££7159-170.

^ Mackenzie, o£, cit., p. 169 ff,

^ A special conservative faction of the Dutch Reformed Church in the Transvaal, to which Paul Kruger be Longed. 30 had taken by force thirty years earlier, forming a dead wall, as they did, to the progress of missionary, trader and hunter.

I cannot help thinking /Mackenzie wrote to Sir Henry Barkl^/ that you are bound to interfere on the part of England to put down the out­ rages perpetrated from year to year by the Matabele. And surely your duty to England end to the various English Colonies in South Africa calls upon you to orevent if possible the addition to this territory by the Transvaal, of a country fairer and even more fruitful than the South African Republic itself. The Dutch can be checkmated and the outrages of the Matabele gradually put down, by the prompt appearances in the interior, of a British Commissioner or Resident, especially appointed and sent by you, as representing Her Majesty's Imperial Government in this country.

This action would accomplish several things at the same time: force the

Boers to settle down to till the soil and yield to the European civili­ zation, check the warlike qualities of the Ndebele, protect the ShonB tribes, settle the question of British supremacy, and open up Maehonaland to British miners and farmers. This was a forceful expression of opinion by a forty-year-old missionary» Matabeleland had by now become an object in the "scramble for Africa" and it will be necessary to trace the various moves made by British, German and Dutch interests before 1088.

In the eighteen sixties' Europe had become alive to the fact that

Africa was not only a feverish coastline but a vast continent with untapped,

Mackenzie, 0£. c it., p. 176, The senior IMS missionary in Bechuanaland wrote to W. Thompson on August 7, 1885, expressing himself in favor of the British taking possession of the rich and fertile land between Limpopo and Zambesi. "Why should England not possess and administer it? We on the spot see nothing to hinder it here. Is it too late yet? I fear it Is, but if it is not, the time is short, and if any­ thing is to be done, it w ill need to be done swiftly and at once." Quoted from R. W. Goodloe, Jr., op. c it., p. 1 6 9. These views that mission stations justified British protection were echoed in The Times (London), April 19, 1889, p» 10b . 31 unmeasured and partly unknown resource. David Livingstone had made his famous journeys and had appealed to the British public to keep open the roads he had made for "Christianity and Commerce," and in 1873 he died at the lonely outpost at Chitambo's village in Northern Rhodesia.

The horrible impression the slave trade in Africa's interior had made on David Livingstone caused him to advocate "C hristianity and Com­ merce" as the hest means of hea_Ling Africa's open sore. Christianity was not enoughj new types of goods had to be introduced; the natural resources of the country had to be developed in order that the legitimate desire of the Bantu people for an exchange of goods could be satisfied without the traffic in slaves.

To David Livingstone the Christian missionary enterprise meant more than was generally understood by missionary work. To him it also meant the settlement in the interior of Africa of European Christians who would till the soil, develop the resources of the country, introduce legitimate trade in npw type of goods, end who by their example would be a light to the surrounding tribes. When he made his journey up the Zambesi river in l 8 tl9 , part of his purpose was to try to find land suitable for such

European settlements. He found such suitable land in the Shire"^ Highlands

JLrv in the present day Nyasaland.

^ Groves, oji. cit., Vol. II, n. 176 , pp. 177-178 and 101, and especially p. lfii. Such a settlement as Livingstone had in mind took place in Natal, near Port Shepstone, in 1882 when a shipload of Norwegian settlers arrived. Their purpose was settlement and mission work* The first settlement of the Universities Mission to Central Africa in Nyaea- lend, which ended in disaster, was based on Livingstone's idea of com­ bining missionary and artisan workers. 3?

One of Livingstone’s companions, and one of those who took up his mantle was the famous Dr. James Stewart {later of Lovedaie in the Cape

Province). He was greatly disturbed over the conditions which he found in the Zambesi valley, and advocated for the sake of the advancement of

Africa such drastic measures as the breaking down the power of the chiefs, because the Africans would always be heathen in character unless the chiefs became Christians. He further advocated the incorporation of the tribes with the colonists and their subjugation to the mild and merciful sway of the British government. This he saw would mean nothing less than

British conquest, but he believed that the British colonial institutions were civilizing agencies on a large scale, doing for the population of undeveloped countries what they could never do for themselves. He visualized the British people spreading over the world, bringing law, 60 learning, commerce and Christianity to undeveloped peoples,

Livingstone’s appeal to the British people had been tremendous and it was due to his inspiration that the Universities' Mission to Central

A fric a , and th e A frican Lakes Company had been launched, b o th of which played significant parts in the early history of Hyasaland. British statesmen like Lord Palmerston had spoken quite openly about the benefits that Britain's rule had extended to primitive races. He saw the only hope for the Africans in the British government, and if hngland should fail, Palmerston saw no other nation who could take her place as the

J, P. R. Wallis, editor, The Zambesi Journal of James Stewart, 1862-1663 (London: Chatto and Windus, 19^2), p. 167. See also letter from Livingstone to Stewart, pp. 206-207. 33 69 protector of the nrimitive races. But when the scramble for Africa was

on, one of the reasons for annexing land was simply to forestall others

from taking it* This idea was quite openly expressed both by Cecil

Rhodes and Joseph Chamberlain, but always with the addition that it was

done in th e cause of c iv iliz a tio n and o f law fu l commerce, which was to

be open for all on an equal basis. 70

It was a blending of humanitarian, religious and political motives

and it occurred to few statesmen or missionaries, if any, that a distinc­

tion could be made between the missionary outreach of the Christian

Church and the political extension of the Empire. A later expression of

this idea is found in an article by the Bishop of Aukland, New Zealand,

in which he contended that the British Empire had been given to England

by God, that the empire belonged to God, and that religion had to sanctify

the British expansion.^ This sentiment found perfect expression at the

Wesleyan Synod held in Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, in 1901, in a speech

by the Reverend A, S. Sharpj

It was clearly the duty of the Christian Church to advance and to extend her influence with the advance of empire and to extend and disseminate not only the arts of civilization of this age, but also the religion of the Nation,

It was this blending of religious and political motives which made

^ Arthur Bryant, English Sa^a, l6h0~19U_Q (London: Collins, 199M, pp. 29-30j Arnold Toynbee, An H istorian^ Approach to Religion (London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1956), p. 1.^3.

70 W. K, Hancock, Survey of B r i t i s h Commonwealth Affai r s (London: The Oxford University Press, 1937-191:2) , ^ol» II, p. 82.

71 East and West, 1913j p. kti.

72 The Rhodesia Herald, December 21, 1901, pp. 6e and 6b . 3b

other nations term Britain hypocritical, 73J and the strong socio-ethical

end missionary trend in the Anglo-Saxon Protestantism was seldom appre­

ciated by statesmen of other nations. That European rule extended great

benefits to the Africans was accepted unquestionlngly by the people in

Europe, The L ittle Englanders objected to colonial expansion only

because it was expensive and might lead to diplomatic complications.

The missionaries believed with Livingstone in legitim ate trade as a means of combating the evils of the slave trade, and Cecil Rhodes 1

investment of capital was considered only an extension of trade* The missionaries preferred the protection of the government of their country,

and the colonial powers in turn preferred missionaries who were their own citizens. However, the Frenchman, Francois Coillard, on the Zambesi

advised Lewanika to seek B ritish protection*

When in 1876 King Leopold of Belgium celled his Brussels Confer­ ence of European powers interested in Africa, the International Associa­ tion was formed which was the forerunner of the Congo Free State*

Germany marked its entry into the African game by its well conceived and perfectly timed Berlin Conference on African Affairs in 188b* The Berlin

agreement was signed by nearly all European powers and dealt with the international navigation on some of Africa's great waterways like the

Congo and the Niger, as well as the prevention and abolition of the slave trade in the interior. It also had a clause on the preservation of the native tribes and the improvement of their conditions as well as on the

^ B ryant, op. c i t . , p . 2li3» 35 freedom for religiou 3 , missionary and charitable activities. 7 l- i Another

conference was called in Brussels in 1889-90 in a further attempt to

stop the slave raids in the interior of Africa and to regulate the traffic

in firearms and ammunition, because "the preservation of the African popu­ lations whose existence it is the expressed wish of the Powers to safeguard, is a radical impossibility if restrictive measures against the trade in 75 fire-arms and ammunition are not established.

It is in the light of these international activities that the history of Matabeleland must be viewed.

Enter Cecil John Rhodes

As early as 1069 some ueople in Pietermaritzburg, Natal, sent a memorial to the Governor of Natal about Matabeleland, asking him to supply more reliable information regarding the auriferous regions in

Mashonaland, and to investigate the advisability of sending an embassy to Mzilikazi in order to have a British resident at his kraal who could offer protection to British prospectors,

In 1081 Cecil John Rhodes entered the Colonial Parliament in Cape

Town as a member for Barkly West, and this 20-year-old wealthy financier

^ Chapter I, article 6 . The whole re p o rt can be found in C.1j739 of 1886. The following is part of Article 6 : "Christian missionaries, scientists and explorers, with their fol­ lowers, property, and collections, shall likewise be the object of especial protection. Freedom of conscience and religious toleration are expressedly guaranteed to the natives, no less than to subjects and to foreigners. The free and public exercise of all forms of Divine worship, and the right to build edifices for religious purposes, and to organize religious Missions belonging to all creeds, shall not be limited or fettered in any way whatsoever."

Article VIII. Report found in C. 6 0 U8 of ifi90.

Rhodes represented Barkly West till he died, S. G. Millin, Cecil Rhodes (London: Ghatto and Windus, 1952), p. ith. 36 brought a new note into the political life not only of the Cape Colony b u t h I fo of the whole of South Africa. His dreams and dominating theme oan best be summarized with his words, written on the base of the great statue of him in the Cape Town gardens, "lour hinterland is there,1' pointing north.

His dream and hi a aim was to have th e map p a in te d re d from Cape

Town to Cairo in order that Britain's power oould be the dominant one in

Africa* In order to acquire the north, what is now Bechuanaland Protec­ torate had to be secured for Rritish interests and this became his first goal. He called it "the bottleneck" to the north, and made it "the 77 paramount thing in his politics," The reason was that t.he only road to the north, the missionary road, went through Bechuanaland. To the west of that road was the desert where water could not be found for man or beast, and to the east was the South African Republic, which was interested in keeping the road to itself. How Bechuanaland finally was declared a

British protectorate in August, 1885, is a very fascinating story involving not only Cecil Rhodes, the Caoe Parliament, the Imperial Govern­ ment in London, but also the Transvaal Boer 3 with Paul Kruger as their head, the Christian chief of the Ngwato, Xhama, and his missionary advisers led by John Mackensie, Rhodes* great opponent. It is, however, hardly correct to give Cecil Rhodes the whole credit for this achievement, because both the High Commissioner, Sir Hercules Robinson, and John

77 Vindex, 0£. c it., January b, 189b* p. 339* See also pp. 62, 6U-65, and 113* 37 7 6 Mackenzie played their important parts.

Shortly after the proclamation of the protectorate over Bechuana­ land, Major Samuel Ldwards and h. A. Maund were sent officially to

Lobengula to inform him of the new status of the country of his old 79 ad v ersary , Khama.

In May 1RB5, a meeting held at Aliwal North adopted a resolution proposed by Reverend J. Smith So declaring that no settlement of Matabele­ land would be satisfactory which did not contemplate the permanent occupa- til tion of Central Africa by the Imperial Government, A similar resolution had been sent to the Colonial Office from a group of merchants in Cape 82 Town in l 8 8 Ltt and it was Imperative that Rhodes prepare for his next step in his northward move, because nore and more white men came to

Bulawayo seeking concessions from Lobengula. Lobengula gave this vivid expression of the situation in a letter to Sir Sidney Shipperd, Deputy

Commissioner for Bechuanaland, ’’Some of the white people have come in here as wolves, without my permission, and made new roads into iny country.

78 R, I, Lovell, The Struggle for South Africa, 1875-1899 (New York: The Macmillan Company, 193d) 7 P* h7T Ureen, o j j . c it., pp. 52-53) H arding, 0£. cit., pp. 1, 3,

79 This did not please Lobengula, and in March 1887 he complained in a l e t t e r to S ir Sidney S hipperd t h a t Khama had made a lin e w ith o u t c o n su ltin g him. C.5237 o f 1887, p. 18.

J. Smith was a minister of the Primitive Methodist Church and father of the late, well-known missionary and author, Edwin W. Smith,

81 C.h586 of 1885, p. 15,

82 CO. Class 1*17/10, J6U6. 38

To-day is peace, but I don't know what to-morrow may bring,

German Aspirations

Germany's attitude to this part of Africa at that time was offi­ cially somewhat indifferent, while some individual members of Pie Deutsche

Kolonialgesellschaft took an active interest in African affairs. German missionaries of the Rhenish Missionary Society in South West Africa had as e a rly els 1868 asked Great Britain to come in to protect European missionaries and t r a d e r s , c, H. Hahn of the same mission again in

1882 requested Britain to help to establish law and order, which was gc: greatly needed because of tribal disturbances, The Cape Colony had asked Britain to claim the whole coastline up to Angola in 1869. But the British Government had not been interested.

In November, 1879, Ernst von Weber published in Geographische hachrichten a long article advocating German colonial expansion in fi7 Africa. He stressed the German kinship with the Boers whom he called

Low-German and was o f th e o p in io n th a t German i n f i l t r a t i o n in to T rans­ vaal would not be difficult. Besides opening that country for German colonization and trade, it would provide a stepping stone across the

C,gg37 o f 1BR7, p . 1 8 , dated, March 1 , 1887.

6I* C.ljg65 o f l 88 lu

85 C.3717 of 1883, p. 8 lw

86 C.k265 of lbHtu

C.U190 of I881i, pp. 1-8* This article was translated and s e n t to the C o lo n ia l Office by the Governor of the Caoe Colony, Sir Bartle Frere, 39 Limpopo Into the hdebele kingdom. He outlined a plan for German trading and mission stations along the Zambesi: "Thus, not only for ethnical, but also for commercial and political objects, the foundation of missionary stations in the Central African countries is of the highest

DU importance," The main task of the missionaries would be "the education of the negroes to labour." It is very doubtful whether the German 69 government under Prince Bismarck entertained any such idea, and It is quite certain that the German missionary societies would have no part in it.^ But when Luderitz in July 1063 got his concession on the South

West Coast from the Hottentot chief David Christian, and when Great

Britain was reluctant to take the situation seriously, Bismarck declared a German Protectorate over the territory and hoisted the German flag at

Angra Pequena. Rhodes and others now became scared of Germany's inten­ tions, pressed for and got a British Protectorate over Bechuanaland in

^ Ernst von Weber, Geographische hachrichten, 1879.

"Ich weiss nicht, ob man in Deutschland mit einem solcheh Gedanken bebaugeLt. Jedenfalls is es gut, dass man nicht Miime machte, ihn zu verwirklichen. Zu einem so tiefen Vorstoss in das Innere, zumal von einer so unsicheren Basis aus, wie dae ganzlich unentwickelte Sud- westafrike ohne Walfischbai sie darbietet, sind die koloniaatorischen Krafte Deutschlands bei weiten nicht ausreichend." Typescript of docu­ ments in records of German Consulate, Cape Town, in CAA, dated March 26, 1091, p. 2. See also, Lovell, £g. cit., p, 109.

The foremost missionary thinker in Germany at the time, Gustav Warneck, warned against it in 1090 and again in 1901* "Natiirlich ist es ebenso verhangnisvoll fur die Mission, wenn die Politik sie in ihren Kelkul hineinzieht. Leiht eine Weltmacht, z.B. Frankrei ch oder Deutschland der Mission ihren sterken Arm, so wure es naiv, ihr religiese Motive zuzuschreibenj sie tut es, well sie politische Vorteile erwartet, und dass das die Mission in der Verruf bringen muss, eine Handlangerin fremder Herrschaftegeluste zu sein, its unvermeidlich." Allgemeine Missions Zeitechrift, Vol. 28, 190,1, p. 1 6 8 , See also Vol. 2 5 , 1 8 9 f t , “ p p . 2 0 7 - 21 ^ hO

1889, Likewise in 186? when Count, von Pfeil mnde p lan s to v i s i t

Lobengula from the Transvaal, 91 Cecil Rhodes was spurred on to action by fear of what the German plana were. He "was tired of this mapping out of Africa at Berlin." 92 In Bulawayo the German financier, Eduard

Llppert, had his emissaries seeking extensive concessions from

Lobengula* ^93

The Beer 1 nten tio n s

The restless Boers had been moving inland from the coastal areas for decades, constantly picking quarrels with tribal chiefs and constantly seeking new pastures for their flocks end new homes for themselves.

This expansion and this friction with the different tribes were very rarely sponsored by the Boer governments of the Orange Free State and the South African Republic, but in the end the trekkers could usually depend upon the sympathetic ear of the government of their kinsmen.

After Mzilikazi had repulsed Hendrik Potgieter in 181*7, Transvaal arranged for s treaty of friendship with him dated May 1 6 , 1893, and turned its attention towards the more peacefully inclined Tsvana tribes.

Wo have already seen how they claimed the missionary road and tried to stop the Ndebale mission party in 1859*

M* W, Pretorius, President of the South African Republic in 1859,

The Times (London), March 37, 1902, p. 8 bj Michell, pp. c it., Vol. I, pp. 235^5.

92 Vindex, o£. c it. t September 28, 1B8B, p. 225.

93 Portugal began at th is time to move again, but her revived interest in Africa's interior will be dealt with at a later stage. la had alan formed the plan of settling German missionaries in the interior in order to keep out or supnlant the missionaries of the London Missionary

Society. He also succeeded in enlisting the interest of the Hermansburger

Mission, but the whole idea was brought to nought because of the con­ certed efforts of Robert Moffat and John Mackenzie and the London

Missionary Society secretary in London. 9b

In t.he end the Boers were stopped bv the British, and the London

Convention of lB 8 b tried to define the Transvaal boundaries with the

Bechuanaland Protectorate. In the London Convention no mention was made of the lim its to the north, but the Transvaal agreed to "conclude no treaty or engagement with any state or nation other than the Orange Free

State, nor with any Native tribe to the eastward or westward of the 95 Republic, until the same has been approved by Her Majesty’s Government."

Nevertheless Boer hunters often tried to evade the watchful eye of

Lobengula in order to make smaller excursions into his territory, and in the eighties they renewed their efforts to establish contact with

Lobengula. At one point they even tried to get him to pick a quarrel with Khama and offered to help him against Khama in order to use this 9 6 opportunity to establish themselves within Lobengula*s territory.

In March, 1082, Piet Joubert, Commandant-General of the South

African Republic, sent a letter to Lobengula enlarging upon the faults

9k Mackenzie, John Mackenzie, op. c it., p. 58.

358 of 1069, p. lb.

96 C. 5910 o f 1090, p . 10b, b2 Q7 of Great Britain and professing Boer friendship with the Ndebele.' The

Boers maintained that there was recinrocity in their feelings and that

Lobengula on one occasion sent an elephant tusk to Paul Kruger in

Pretoria to ask for friendship and support nov that Khama had received

the support of Britain, but that Kruger was against any treaty with the pfl Ndebele. New efforts were made and on July 30, 1^7, Pieter D. C. J.

Grobler, on behalf of the South African Republic, signed a treaty of

friendship with Lobengula. According to this treaty the South African

Republic was given jurisdiction of its subjects living in Lobengula’s

territo ry > the right to regulate the influx of Europeans into Matabele­

land and send a consul to Bulawayo, Lobengula’s royal kraal. We shall

hear more about this treaty.

New Missionary Attempts

In this general interest in the territories north of the Limpopo

missionaries and missionary societies took part, driven by a desire to

reach the heart of Africa with the Gospel, The Paris Missionary Society

had for some time been working in Basutoland, and in the early seventies 99 plans had been on foot to send a party of Sotho evangelists, all sup­

ported and led by the Sotho themselves, to Nyailand north of the Limpopo.

The Nyai was supposed to be an independent tribe in what is now the

southern part of Southern Rhodesia.

97 00 ho. 369 o f 1689, p . ?13,

9B Du Tolt, Hhodesla Past end Present (London; William Heinemenn, 1897), pp. 79-80.

99 The Sotho tribes inhabit Basutoland, When the party was in the midst of its planning, word reached them that the Transvaal government considered the missionary road part of Transvaal territory and that the Mission party would not be allowed to pass. It was then decided to place a missionary Henri Dieterlen, at the head of the party, hoping that the Boers would refrain from inter­ fering with a French missionary. The party left Morija in Basutoland on April lfl, 1R?6 and all went well until they passed Pretoria where they were arrested by the Boers. The Sotho evangelists were thrown into prison and only the intervention of a German missionary, who stood bail for 1.300, secured Dieterlen's release. The wagons were examined and no trace of smuggling was found. But the real reason for the inter­ ference was political, since the Poers did not want French missionaries settling north of the Limpopo, and the road to the north in Boer opinion should be closed to outsiders,

The y ear a f t e r , on A p ril 16, 1.877, Francois Coillard, also of the

Paris Missionary Society, left Basutoland as the head of another missionary party bound for flyailand, They succeeded in crossing the Limpopo and reached their destination. They soon discovered, however, that the kyai chief's idea of white teachers was as a source of supply of guns, ammuni­ tion and blankets. When firearms were refused, the mission party was subject to indignities and threats and at one time it really looked as if the whole party would be murdered. As they tried to pull the oxen

100 $ 900.00

ICG- Edwin W. Smith, The Mablllea of Basutoland (London! Hoddes and Stoughton, 1939), p. 220 ff. Mt out of a river in which they were stuck the crowd shoutedi "We will have your blood and everything you possess and we shall see if your God w ill deliver you*n^^

Coillard and his party also found that the Nyei chief was not independent but subject to Lobengula. They were consequently arrested by Lobengula's impis, who first had forced the Nyai chief Masonda to give back everything he had stolen, and took the Coillard party aa prisoners to Bulawayo. Lobengula kept the party there for four months until Anri 1 1878. Mr. Sykes at Inyati interceded for them and explained their mission to Lobengula. He was very much annoyed because they had entered his territory without being given the road by him, and inasmuch as he definitely did not want any more missionaries, they were expelled.*^

Francois Coillard later crossed the Kalahari desert from Shoshong to the Zambesi and started missionary work among the Lozi people, who regarded the Sotho with respect, because they remembered the Kololo people, who had once been their conquerors, and the languages of the

Lozi and the Sotho were alike.The French Protestant missionaries never tried to enter Lobengula1s territory again, having found another fruitful field where they made a very distinguished contribution.

While Coillard was on his way to the Lozi territory, the Scottish missionary, Frederick Stanley Arnot, was at the court of the Lozi chief,

Mackintosh, op, cit., n. 6 ,

1^3 Smith, op. c it., p. 221.

Supra, p. 16. Lewanika, At this time Lobengula sent a powerful delegation to Lewanika

seeking an alliance with him against the incoming Kuropeans. But Arnot was able to persuade Lewanika that 1,Khama was a better men to make friends with than Lobengula,and helped him to establish contact with Jthams, and th ereb y g r e a t l y influenced the course of history in

Central Africa,

In September 1879 the first party of Roman Catholic missionaries appeared at Lobengula's kraal. They belonged to the Society of Jesus and were led by Father Henry Depelchin and brought a lBtter of recommen­ d atio n from Mr. A. C. B a ilie , Surveyor G eneral a t Kim berley, and some form of passport from the High Commissioner, Sir Bartle Frere,^^ They were allowed to live not far from the chief's kraal.

In 1882 a party of the Jesuits went towardB the Zambesi to inves­ tigate the possibility of work among the Tonga, but because one of the party, Father Terorde, died, probably from poisoning, the attempt was 107 finally given up in 1886, In 1887 Lobengula allowed them to start work at Impendent, but they closed it again in 1809 “owing to the impossibility of doing any solid work under the tyrannical government

^ Mackintosh, ojd , cit., p. 10,

106 f^r5t party consisted of the leader, H. Depelchin, three Belgians! Fr, Croonenberph, de Vylder, de Sadler; three Germans: Fr. Terorde, Fr. Fuchs and Br. Nigg; two I ta li fens: Fr. Blanca and Br, Paraviceni; two bnglishmen: Fr. Law and Br. Hedley. (ZMR, Vol. I, 1 8 9 8 , p. 50). The first Superior was Fr. Depelchin; the second, Fr, A. Weld, l 8 b 3 ; the third, Fr, A. M Daignault, 1888; the fourth, Fr, H. bchomberg Kerr, 1891; the fifth, Fr. W. Sykes, 1896. (ZMR, Vol. I, pp. 7-8.)

107 ZMR, Vol. I, p. lhO; see also: Posselt, 0£. c it., pp. UU-U5* b6 i nfl of Lobengula.M Empandeni was not opened again until 18 95 under

Father Peter Prestage.^0^

In 1B72 and in 1863 the Dutch Reformed Church missionary Stephanus

Hofraeyer, who worked in the Zoutspansberg district in the northern Trans­ vaal, was instrumental in sending an African, Gabriel Buys, across the

Limpopo to the hyai tribe.In 1.887 the Berlin Missionary Society, also at work in the northern Transvaal, sent two evangelists to the

Karanga people. These two evangelists returned to report that a messenger from Lobengula had told them that Lobengula was not opposed to having the Word of God preached hy black preachers, hut he was afraid of the white ones*^^ Another attempt was made under the leadership of C,

Knothe, in June to September 1888, but nothing further could be done owing to Lobengula's attitude toward the establishment of new mission stations. Hope was expressed, however, for a speedy opening up of the 112 country by the growing British influence. After nearly thirty years

10fi ZMR, V ol. I , n . 10.

I b id ., p . 10.

HO W. J . van der Merwe, o£. c i t . , pD. 8-10.

H I Der Gesandte von Ngoalongoala ^Lobengula^ hat gesagt: sie haben rrrun nichts dagegen, wenn nur achwerze Lehrer den Vakhalanga Gottes Wort verkundigen. Sie furchten sich nur vor Weissen, dass diese nicht auch von dieser Seite herkamen in ihr Land, (Das wird wohl gegen die Boers sein, da dieselben dort hinzuziehen trachten). Extracts from the Archives of the Herlln Miasion, by Harald von Sicardj Tagebuch der Station Tahakoma,Northern Transvaal, Manuscript in CAA, p. 2.

112 Ibid., p. 7. "Doch . . . Koalokoales /lobengula's/ Herrlich- kett wird wohl nicht lange wehren und bei dem zunehmender Linflusae der Englander in Matabeleland 1st zu hoffen, dass der Mission je langer je freiere Bahn daBelbst wird gemacht werden." hi of missionary endeavor, the visible signs of any result were n il, and the missionaries were all wondering how a change could be brought about.

By the end of 1 8 b? when the stage was set for the next act in this fascinating drama, all the participants were present, the British, the

Germans, the Portuguese, the Boers and the m issionaries. In the centre of it all was the big and shrewd Lobengula, one of the last of the black kings.

The part the missionaries were to play may be indicated by letters written at that time showing their longings and fears, William Sykes was afraid that the Boers would try to force their way across the Limpopo, and he feared that if they did not succeed, they might try their way through Zululand, But he believed that they would not stop, unless

England would give them a n o rth ern boundary and compel them to keep it.

If the Boers did not succeed, then William Sykes believed that the

Germans would move in, and he could see no other reason for the German 113 occupation of both East and West Africa. If the Boers succeeded in trekking accross the Zambesi, "the Mission w ill probably be broken up.

David Carnegie foresaw the smashing of the Ndebele kingdom unless

Lobengula allied himself with a superior power.R„ Wardlaw Thompson, the F oreign S e c re ta ry o f the London M issio n ary S o c ie ty in London, who wrote very candid, and often quite lengthy, letters to the missionaries

Sykes to Thompson, November 5, 10BU, CAA, M ic ro film , IMSR, Heel 3*

lib Sykes to Thompson, February 2, 1887, CAA, Microfilm, LMS, Reel 3*

Carnegie to Thompson, June 17, IBB?, CAA, LMS M icrofilm. U8 had an excellent understanding of what was going on, in spite of his great distance from the scene of the actual operations. To the mission­

aries in Matabeleland he wrote, "one cannot but consider with sorrctfful heart the prospect of strife, ending as it certainly must end ultimately with defeat and destruction of the uncivilised races. And yet perhaps this may be the way of God’s providence for the bringing in of His Kingdom in the vast regions around and to the north of you, which seem now so entirely closed to the influence of the Gospel. Wardlaw Thompson hoped that the British Government would see its way to take Lobengula and his people under their protection. 117

Summary

The conditions in the African interior were unsettled and partly chaotic, no African chief being able to supply the unifying force neces­ sary, and the position had been made worse by the influx of firearms.

Until 1888 the European penetration had been sporadic, partly because the attempts to move inland had been made from the fever-ridden east coast. By 1888 the European powers were greatly interested in Central

Africa; and the Boers, the Germans, the Portuguese and the British all

cast longing eyes at the rich and fertile highlands.

Before 1888 the missionaries forcefully expressed their ideas in favor of an advancing empire, hoping that Great Britain would be able to

Thompson to W. Sykee, October 28, 1886; Thompson to Carnegie, November 11, 1886, LMS Archives, London, Box 20.

I 1? Thompson to Carnegie, November 17, 1887, LMS Archives, London, Box 21, 19 declare a Protectorate over the Ndebele kingdom. The missionaries had achieved a position of influence at the court of the three great chiefs,

Khama in Bechuanaland, Lobengula in Matabeleland, and Lewanika in

Parotselsnd, whom they served as interpreters, intermediaries and advisers.

When th e European in ru sh gathered momentum, the m is s io n a rie s were key persons because of their knowledge of the geography of the country and the language and customs of the people, but also because of the influence that they had gained with the chiefs as interpreters of the Europaan cultures and bringers of new techniques and because of their integrity and disinterested service. CHAPTER I I I

MISSIONARIES AND CONCESSION HUNTERS, 1898-1090

Bulawayo 188?

In the royal kraal at Bulawayo the many forces at work gave the

place the air of an international storm centre. In the midst of it all was Lobengula living in his oxwagon in his kraal, surrounded by indunas,

and from time to time retiring into hie goat kraal to consult the spirits

of his forefathers to get clarification in a situation more complicated

than any the tribe had ever experienced. The problem might have con­

fused a man with greater international experience than Lobengula, who was by no means unworthy of the situation.

Lobengula 1 s kraal was full of white people from many corners of

the world seeking concessions from him to trade, to hunt or to dig for gold. Many of them were poor end frequently of weak character, who

hoped to gain wealth and fame. Others were of a more worthy character, had 0 good education and had considerable influence and means behind them. Common to them all was the desire for some kind of concession from this powerful potentate.

We have already seen how Great Britain had declared a Protecto­ rate over Bechuanaland and thereby moved in as one of Lobengula 1 s n e ig h ­

bors. The Boer Republic had sent Grobler to Bulawayo in an effort to

obtain permission for a consul to reside there, and in the east the

Portuguese began to stir themselves, having been rudely awakened to the

fact that they were about to lose their century-old advantage on the 51

African continent.

Lobengula nod most probably seen the writing on the wall and in his heart accepted the coming of the white men, but many of his indunas, and especially his young warriors were impatient. They thought their impis invincible and begged him to be allowed to wipe out all the white men in the country, "which would be a mere breakfast for them,""*' in order to scare off anybody else who might wish to try his fortune. The atmos­ phere in Bulawayo was expectantly nervous and tense.

The Moffat Treaty

Into this confusing situation came the Keverend John Smith Moffat in December, 10B7. He had left the service of the London Missionary

Society in 1079, had become Her M ajesty's resident Magistrate at Taungs 2 in northern Bechuanaland and in July, 1807, he was appointed Assistant ■a Commissioner for Bechuanaland Protectorate* Part of his new duty was to v isit Lobengula and to keep h±B friendship with a view to a possible

B ritish Protectorate extending to the Zambesi, He was, however, aware that his task would be difficult because of the strong opposition of the

Ndebele conservative party against ail foreign intruders*^ shortly after his appointment as A ssistant Commissioner, he was sent on a friendly mission to Lobengula; arriving in Bulawayo on November 27, he had his

^ Shippard'E Report, C.5918 of 1890, p. 122*

2 R. U. M o ffat, 0£, cit., p. 215.

3 C.5237 of 18^7, pp. 33-3^.

^ Moffat to Shippard, December 29, 1807. 00. No. 3h8, of 1889, p . 3 , . 52 first audience with the chief on December 1, l8b7.

When after twenty-two years they were brought together again

M offat, now 5? years old, was no longer a missionary but a British offi­ cial. Because Moffat and Lobengula had known each other in their younger days,'’ Lobengula must have pondered deeply on the change that had taken place in the son of his father’s old friend. Moffat maintained that he was still a clergyman, but it was as a British Agent that he faced

Lobengula. This fact must have suggested to Lobengula that the border­ line between the missionary and the representative of law and order was very thin. Many of the petfple, too, remembered the great friendship between Lobengula‘s father, Mzilikazi, and M offat's father, Robert Moffat.

This unique position was a great help to Moffat as he represented the

British Government at Bulawayo, and it was this unique position that had caused the government to appoint him to this particular task.

During the Christmas season of 1887 the High Commissioner, Sir

Hercules Robinson, visited the quiet little town of Grahamstown, Cape

Province, on the occasion of an exhibition organised to celebrate the golden jubilee of Her Majesty Queen Victoria. Upon this quiet celebra­ tion descended Cecil Rhodes in company with his old friend the Deputy

Commissioner of Bechuanaland Protectorate, Sir Sidney Shippard, He waa in great haate because the South African Republic had already begun to assume some of its rights under the Grobler treaty and the importance of immediate action was great.

$ R. U. Moffat, o£. cit. , p. 215. 53 But Sir Hercules was very reluctant owing to the absence of any new instructions, and he can hardly be blamed for not wanting to be pushed into an action of this kind as his original instructions were "not to extend British responsibilities in South Africa.hot only had Gladstone been very hesitant about further colonial responsibilities being placed on the British taxpayer, but also as late as 18 S3 Joseph Chamberlain 7 himself had acquiesced in these views. Lord Derby had written to John

Mackenzie in December 18B3 that Her M ajesty's Government did not propose

"to undertake fresh responsibilities with native affairs in South Africa a beyond the British possessions."

Nevertheless, on Boxing Day, Shippard was empowered to write to

Moffat in Bulawayo asking him to find out whether or not the Grobler treaty was recognized by Lobengula and in addition to try to negotiate another treaty with Lobengula, giving—as it were—Great Britain an option on his country. So fast did Hhodes and Shippard work that Mol'fat received Shippard's message 700 miles away before the end of January

1 8 8 8 .9

The Grobler treaty had been obtained under the tragic circumstances that Grobler on his way back to the Transvaal met some of Khama ' b men,

^ Lovell, op. cit., p. 29.

? Ibid., p. 50.

® C.3^il of l 8 8 b, p. 13b. See also: J. i. Spender, Great Britain and the Commonwealth, 1B8&-1935 tLondon^ Toronto, Sydney 1 Cassei and Co., Ltd., No date given), p. 50.

9 B a s il W illiam s, C e c il Khodes (London: C onstable and Company, L td ., 1921), p . 121. 51* whose territory he had entered without Khama ’ 5 permission, was shot,

together with some of his company, in a quarrel with some of Khama 13 men at Baines’ Drift on the Limpopo river. At the end of the dispute that

followed compensation was paid in Pretoria, although Kruger believed that

Rhodes was behind the murder of his consul.^

However that may be, a great controversy had arisen over the validity of the Grobler treaty. Marshall Hole, an able servant of the

B r itis h South Africa Company from th e e a r l i e s t days, m ain tain ed t h a t th e entire treaty was a fraud, because Lobengula would never have thought of

signing such an important document without having it witnessed by at least one of the miasi onaries, his trusted advisers.1'*' Moffat had taken the matter up with the chief and on January 30, 10B8, he could write to

Shippard thBtt

He /Lobengula_7 very gravely and formally requested me to state to your Honour from him that he made no engagement whatever with the Transvaal Government, that he recognizes no right on the part of the Government to interfere in his country, and that he is totally ignorant of apy intention on the part of Mr. Grobelaar to come and live in Matebel^lflnd. All that he has promised is, that he w ill allow Boers to come and hunt as heretofore. I have not the slightest doubt that he is speaking the truth.

Moffftt had earlier informed Shippard that Grobler's purpose had been to renew the old treaty with Mzilikazi, but that his visit had been a fiasco,

Dagobert von Mikuach, Cecil Rhodes. Der Traum einer Weltherr- schaft (Berlin: Vorhut Verlag, otto Schlegel Gmbtt, 193b), p. 10b. C. gpIS of 1890, p. 29.

11 Hole, The Making of Rhodesia, op. c it., p. 61; Hole, The Passing of the Black Kings, op. c it., p. 1 8 8 .

^ C.5521i o f 1 8 8 8 , p . 2. 55

Lobengula having refused, to accept Grobler's present of two rifles. J

However, in s confidential dispatch from Shippard to the High Commissioner,

(dated November 29, 1888, after his visit to Bulawayo) it is clear that

Lobengula had signed a treaty with Grobler,without a missionary witness, but had not put as much into it as Grobler claimed. Lobengula had been assured that it was an exact repetition of the old treaty with Mzilikazi.-^

Lord Salisbury ruled that by the terms of the London Convention of lBBij the South African Repuhllc had no right to enter into such a treaty. He maintained that the Ndebele were not a tribe, but na nation other than the urange Free State” and that "any such Protectorate alluded to over Matabele land would be invalid and that no countenance should be given by Her Majesty’s Government to any claims based upon i t ." 16

Moffat worked very fast, and within two weeks after having received his instructions, he had accomplished his task. On February 11,

1888, Lobengula signed the "Moffat Treaty" promising not to cede any land to or enter into an engagement with any power without the prior consent of Her M ajesty's Government. It was signed by Lobengula and Moffat, witnessed by Moffat's official escort, interpreted by Mr. Tadnton, a

^ 00. Nc>. 35b of 1809, pp. 2, 6 , dated December 12 and 2b, 1887.

^ CO. No. 36£ of 1889, p. 171* WiiLiams, op. cit., p. 119; JSM, December 5, 1857, GAA, Ms. Division.

15 Vjde, Chapter II, p. bl.

^ 99 .* 358 of 1889, p. lh. Despatch dated March 28, 1888. 56 s k i l l e d lin g u is t, 17 and agreed to by th e indunas Umluguiu, Mungu and "| □ Buzungvane. Moffat left Bulawayo shortly after the treaty had been sig n e d .

At first Lord Knutsford, the Colonial Secretary, hesitated to ratify the treaty because he was unaware of the reasons for the agree- 19 ment, but after having been assured by the High Cbmmissioner that the agreement was simply a promise by Lobengula not to give his country away without British consent and that it did not commit Her Majesty's Govern­ ment to the defense of Lobengula , 20 Lord K nutsford gave b ir H ercules 21 Robinson authority to ratify the treaty on April h, I 8 d8 .

It has been suggested by a recent w riter that perhaps Moffat was unaware that he "paved the way for the newt step in the drama,which, however, is very doubtful. He probably was not aware of Rhodes’ plana for a concession, but he must have known about the intentional British expansion referred to in the instructions given him upon his appointment, 23

^ The tex t of the tr e a ty can be found in C.552h o f 1 8 8 8 , p . 13.

C.B&l} of 1888 , p . 1 8 „ von Kikusch was not correct in saying t h a t Helm helped Moffat w ith i n te r p r e tin g th e tre a ty . But Helm h elp e d Moffat in earlier negotiations with Lobengula. Vide, Helm to Wardlsv Thompson, September 15, 1888, CAA, M icrofilm,

19 CO, Mo* 35H of 1889, P. 15.

20 Ib id .

21 C*58gl* of 1888 , p . 18 ,

22 Neville Jones, 0£. d t., p. 15.

23 C. 5237 of 1887, pp. 33-3lw for before he knew that he would be asked to negotiate a treaty, he wrote

to Shippard that "Such a movement [of the Ndebele beyond the Zambesi/

would open to Kuropeen enterprise a most magnificent field of operations.

If he were not aware of the implications of the treaty, it is impossible

to explain his support of the negotiating that Rudd six months later 2$ conducted with Lobengula,

The question has been raised whether Lobengula realized the

content of the treaty or whether he unknowingly signed his own death warrant, Lobengula was too clever not to know what he was doing. He

was quite aware of the fact that on the bouth African stage bngland

played the leading role. By signing this treaty of friendship with

Great Britain, he gained for himself protection against the Boers whom

he had learned from his father to dislike, and on the face of it his

obligations were purely negative. Yet it proved to be a treaty, not

between two equals, but between the strong and the weak, and it lasted 26 for less than six years.

The South African Republic refused to recognize the Moffat treaty

and maintained that they had the right according to the London Convention

to expansion northward, and as late as May b, the Transvaal Government made public the appointment of a consul for Matabeleland, and announced

^ CO* 35B of 1869, p. 2, December 12, 1867.

Fripp and Hiller, Gold and the Gospel in Mashonaland, 1888, op. c i t . , p . 105.

^ von Mikusch, o£. c it., p. 117.

27 Bok to Robinson, November 30, 1888, C.59l8 of i860, pp. lb5- 187. 56 t h a t e v e r y one had to have a permit from the Kepublic before entering po Lobengula's dominion*

The Portuguese consul in Cape Town protested in April, i 86 b, th a t the Moffat treaty had acknowledged r,the Mashonas and the Makalakas" as tributaries to Lobengula and claimed that Ma 9honaiand belonged to 29 Portugal by right of conquest and cession. Britain, however, answered that they were not aware that Lobengula'e dominion over the Shona had ever been questioned, and that Portugal had never protested the 1836

British treaty with M ailikaai.^

To say the least, the B ritish Government itBelf was somewhat confused over the m atter. In May^lBBSjMr. G, Cawston of London approached the Colonial Office for permission to negotiate a commercial concession with Lobengula, but he was told that such a concession must first be approved by the High Commissioner in Cape Town.^ But as late as

December 20, 18 b8, Sir John Gorst, in an answer to a question in Parlia­ ment, stated that "as we have no protectorate in Natabeleland, we have no right to interfere with any grant or concession which Lobengula may

26 C.gg2h o f 1 8 8 8 , p. 2 6 .

29 o f 1 8 8 8 , p, SB.

3° C.552L of 1 8 8 8 , p. Sh. V ide, The Times ^London) December 27, 1888, p . 6 a, for an able refutation of the Portuguese claims, written b y H. A. Brydenj v id e a ls o , C.B90h of 1090, p. 100.

31 C.552*1 of 1888, p. SB.

32 0*5918 of 1890, p. 185. A s im ila r answer was given on November 3, 1088, by Knutsford to Mr. P. L. van dor Byl, a Cape Town M.P., 06, No. 3 6 9, of 1889, pp. *i9-5i. 59 choose to make*” By that time Lobengula had signed the famous Rudd

Concession.

Already, before the Moffat treaty had been signed, Cecil Rhodes had sent John L. Fry*^ to Matabeleland to try to obtain a concession from Lobengula, because Rhodes realised that a treaty like the one Moffat was trying to negotiate was not enough, only the ^thin edge of the wedge.,T

But Fry fell sick, had to return without having accomplished anything and died soon afterwards. Rhodes disliked the proverbial vacuum at

Bulawayo, and in July the High Commissioner ordered Moffat to go back to Bulawayo,^ where Moffat consequently arrived in August 1808.

Journey of the Bishop G, w, H. Knights Bruce

Before proceeding further note must be taken of a remarkable journey undertaken May-December, 1096, through Matabeleland and Mashona- land by G. W. H. Knight-Sruce, the Anglican Bishop of Bloemfontein,

Grange Free State, for the purpose of investigating the possibilities of opening mission work among the Shona tribes. He was supported for this purpose by special grants by the Society for the Propagation of the

Gospel, and the famous hunter F. C. Selous had helped him with some of the plans for the trek*^ He carried with him a letter from Sir Sidney

33 c «5910 of 1090, p . 18 I4.

Fry visited Lobengula from February 10 - March 1, 1087. C. 5237 of 1807, p. 33.

C.552^ of 1008, p. 3b. Robinson to Knutsford, July 26, 1008.

36 Knight-Bruce to Tucker, SlG Archives, Microfilm in possession of w r ite r . 60

Shippard dated April 29, 1888, as an introduction to Lobengula, In it

Knight-Bruce is called "the Head of all the Clergy of the English Church to -which the Great Queen belongs," and later Lobengula, therefore, called Knight-Bruce the "Indunas of the Teachers," In this letter

Shippard reminded Lobengula of the old treaty between Mzilikazi and Sir

Benjamin D'Urban in which protection was promised to "Religious instruc­ tors.1'^ Knight-Bruce also went with the complete agreement of the

London Missionary Society which did not feel able to start work among the Shona as w ell,3® and he maintained throughout a cordial relationship with the Society's missionaries for whom he had the greatest respect.

He also was of the opinion that without Helm's good offices he would not have been able to go beyond Hulawayo.^ He passed through Bulawayo in

May and proceeded as far as the Portuguese station at Zumbo on the

Zambesi, before he returned to Bulawayo in October 1888 .

The Rudd C oncession

At this time so many people came gold hunting that Mrs, Helm found occasion to express her anxiety about the future, which to her seemed dark,^ One of those who came was a German, Count Schweinitz, and in this case Moffat in a confidential letter asked Helm to serve as an

37 Fripp and Hiller, o£. cit., pp. 133-lib*

3® Ibid., p. 13iu Also Thompson to Knight-Bruce, April 10, 1890, IMS Archives, Pox 23.

39 Bowen Rees to Thompson, August 20, 1888, GAA Microfilm, Vol. 5.

Mrs. Helm to Thompson, May 17, 1888, LMS Archives, London, Box 21. 6 1 intelligence officer, because there was no one else in Matabeleland that

Moffat could tru st. Moffat continued by saying:

There is a certain Count Schweinitz on his WEy up, a country man of Mrs. Hein. He if on a shooting trip, but there is reason to believe that there is more behind—and the Government wishes Lobengula to be advised, while showing him a ll civility and kindness not to let him go out of the back door, via the Zambesi; or to allow him to make such observations as will facilitate at some future date an inroad on Mashunsland from that side. The young gentleman has already been tempering with subordinates in Government offices to get certain information and it is quite fair to put the check on him in this way. X hope Mrs, Helm w ill fo rg iv e m e ,^

In order to understand the role played by Helm in the later events a few more observations are necessary. Un the day Lobengula signed the

Moffat treaty (February LI, 1&B8), Moffat wrote to the London Missionary

Society secretary, R. Wardlaw Thompson, that there ought to be a missionary like Helm, in whom the chief had great confidence, at Bulawayo permanently, since some of the traders had far too much influence owing

1,0 to their proximity to the chief. The London Missionary society secre­ tary agreed to this in a letter to M o f f a t ^ 3 and later to Helm.^

In the meantime Cecil Rhodes had been busy arranging for another

^ Moffat to Helm, March lb, 1088, from Shoshong, JSM, CAA, Ms. Division. Helm gave Moffat further confidential service in connection with Transvaalfs second effort to establish a consulate in Bulawayo, and Moffat called Helm "a very useful and reliable ally in the country, but I must be careful not to compromise him.” Confidential to Shippard, July 1888, JSM, CAA, Ms. D iv isio n ,

^2 Moffat to Thompson, LMS Archives, Box 21. Also letter of September 11, 1088, to Thompson, JSM, GAA, Mb. D iv isio n .

^3 Thompson to M offat, May 2L, 1088, LMS A rchives, Box 21,

Thompson to Heim, u c to b e r h, 1888, UflS A rchives, Box 21. When th is policy landed Helm, as interpreter for Hudd, in trouble, Thompson stated, "I wish it were possible f t o r / our man to be entirely free from any connection with these bargains between the natives and the white men.” Thompson to Carnegie, January 3, 1089, IHS Archives, Box 22. 62 party of concession hunters of b different caliber from the usual ones.

The leader of the party was Charles Dunell Rudd, educated at England’s oldest schools of Harrow and Cambridge, financier and Rhodes' partner he for the past seventeen years; the other two members of the triumvirate were Francis Robert Thompson,^ selected for his knowledge of African dialects and customs; and James Rochfort M aguire,^ a Fellow of All

Souls, Oxford, whose legal training helped him to put the proposed con­ cession into legal terms. Thompson, however, thought of Maguire as just a guest and a somewhat of a nuisance, unaccustomed as he was to travel­ ing on the South African veld.^B They started out from Kimberley on

Autust 15, l 88 tf, and arrived in Bulawayo on September 20. On their way they stopped at Shoshong and enjoyed the hospitality of Mrs. Hepburn, wife of the resident missionary of the London Missionary Society and with her help they obtained a supply of corn. This friendly reception from the wife of a prominent missionary (Mr. Hepburn being Khama's lo adviser), Thompson regarded as a good omen, although only a few days after this good omen and before the party had reached Bulawayo, Helm wrote that the chief did not seem willing to open up his country to gold diggers, and had told Samuel Edwards at Tati to tell the future

Fripp and Hiller, 0£. ait.t p. 150.

h6 Ibid,, p, lffl.

Ib id .

Thompson, Matahele Thompson, op. c it. , p. ?5.

1,9 Ibid., p. 98. t>3 cn prospectors that it was futile for them even to try*

Helm consented to interpret for the Rudri party, ^ since he had

served as interpreter on several occasions, e.g., when the official mission arrived informing Lobengula of the British Protectorate over

Bechuanaland in 1885,^ but he had apparently refused to interpret for

John Fry, who had to be content with Usher as interpreter. J This fact may have had something to do w ith F ry rs fa ilu re , because Lobengula knew his men, and Usher was one of those who kept ns considerable native harem .

While at Bulawayo the Hudd p a rty kept somewhat a p a r t from most of the other whites with whom they had very little in common except the

desire for a concession from Lobengula*"^ But in the Diaries of both

Rudd and Thompson there are several references to their association with

M offat and the m issio n a rie s a t Bulawayo and Hope F o u n tain . When l a t e r

^ Helm to Thompson, September lb, lHflB, CAA, Microfilm, Vol. 5.

^ Fripp and H iller, 0£. cit., n. L83 ,

^ 5913 of 1890, p. 103- As late as May 13, 1093 he witnessed a letter from Lobengula, C.7171 of 1093, p. US*

53 Ivor Fry, Reminiscences, p. 5. Written in 1938* Ms, in GAA.

^ Moffat to Loch, September 2l4, 1890, JSM, CAA, Ms. D iv isio n .

5$ It is interesting to note what Moffat wrote about some of the white men in Bulawayo at that time. He had high regard for some of them like the Wilson, Boggie and Chadwick group, Of others he said, "utterly demoralized - a mere native," or "he has four children with a native wife, from whom hB has just parted," "he w ill play false any moment it suits him," or "not so saturated with Kafir beer as most, has some sense left," "a moral invertebrate,""he has a native wife and is a most untruthful man," "they vie with the worst in a drunken and debauched life and are capable of any falsehood and treachery." Moffat to Loch, September 2lt, 1090, JSM, CM, Ms. D ivision* 6U

on Sir Sidney Shippard and Bishop Knight-Bruce arrived they were added

to the friends with whom the Rudd party kept company. At an early

stage in the negotiations ftudd showed their "proposals to Moffat, and

had a long talk with him, and he entirely approved of them, and 57 put in a good word for them with Lobengula.

When Rudd had written from Tati to Moffat to ask him to facili­

tate his entry into the country,56 Moffat replied that it was quite beside his duty to act as intermediary for private parties, but "if at

any time I am able to throw in a word which would be of service, I shall be glad to do so."5{? He was at that time also of the opinion that "it would be infinitely better if gold matters could be in the hands of one

great corporation and so get rid of a swarm of mischievous meddlers, who may or may not be amenable to Government authority."^ It is also

56 Fripp and H iller, o j j . cit. , p. l85( H. Vaughn Williams, A Visit to Lobengula in 1809 (Pietermaritzburg: Shuter and Shuter, 1987), pp. l i b , 119.

5? Fripp and M iller, oj), cit. , p. 187.

58 Ibid-, p. 177.

59 Moffat, Bulawayo, to Rudd, Tati, September 17, 1888, CAA., JSM, Ms* Division. Moffat took the same line of reasoning when Shippard reproached him for having left Bulawayo too early. (Moffat to Shippard, December 8 , 1880, January 16, 1889, May 5, 1889). Moffat was in a very difficult position and it was not strange that he was not able to play his part to everybody's satisfaction. He resented being linked with Rhodes, (Moffat to Shippard, May 5, 1889) yet his salary came later from the BSA Company. (CO, ho. 37£ of 1889). He declared that it was his duty to "support the Charter in Its entirery* (Moffat to Harris, December 29, 1890), yet Loch had to remind him that he was a Government representative and not an Agent for the BSA Company, (Moffat to Loch, October 1, 1891). The letters from Moffat referred to above are found in JSM, CAA, Ms. Division.

60 Moffat to Shippard, September 21, 1 8 8 8 , JSM, CAA, Ms* D ivision* 65

certain that Helm was in sympathy with the Kudd party^ and Thompson 62 stated that "a good account of us was given by Mr. Helm to Lobengula,” The Kudd party had several interviews with Lobengula and opened

the negotiations by presenting the chief with one hundred gold sovereigns

end by assuring him that they were not like other concession seekers,^

that they did not want land,fa^ they wanted only permission for about

ten men to dig for gold*6'* and in return they promised 1,000 r i f l e s ,

1 0 0 ,0 0 0 rounds of ammunition, a gun boat on the Zambesi and an allowance

of one hundred pounds sterling every new moort.^

The other concession seekers were mainly in four groups: Rennie-

Tailyour, Boyle, Acutt, Riley and Colenbrander representing the wealthy

German financier, Eduard A. Lippert of Johannesburg} E, A. Maund repre­

senting George Cawston of London, Chairman of the Bechuanaland Explora- t 1? tion Company} Wilson, Chadwick and Foyle had formed their own compare;

the fourth group consisted of some of the older white residents in the

country who had no other assets than their presence in Bulawayo, dome

^ Helm to Thompson, March 29, 1689, Uctober 11, 1688, CAA, Micro­ film, Vol. 5*

Thompson, Matabele Thompson, op. cit., p. 12li.

63 Ibid-j P* 10i.

^ I b i d . , p . 178* Helm to Thompson, Mar 29, 1009, CAA M icrofilm , Vol. 5»

Fripp and H iller, o£. c it., p. 227.

^ Ibid., p. 219. The gun boat struch the U 1S secretary, Thompson, "as a fine illustration of the imagination of some Colonial correspondents." Thompson to Carnegie, January 1 , 1009, 1^3 Archives, Fox 2 2 ,

6 7 These two groups arrived while the Rudd party was in the midst of the negotiations with Lobengula. McDonald, Rhodes, A Life, p, 101, of them were traders like James Dawson, J. Fairbairn, and Usher; W. F*

Tainton was an able linguist j one of them was an old German, H. Peterson; others were Phillip, Leach, A, Moore and F. Oreef, a Boer.

Between these groups, with intrigues and counter intrigues, the tension in Bulawayo became acute. The indunas, and especially the young warriors, became nervous and excited and wanted nothing more than to wipe out the white man. Not only the warriors, but also the common people became insulting to the whites and even to the missionaries. Moffat called them to order for insulting a missionary. Of the indunas there was especially one, Lotje, who gave the Rudd party his support.

>Jhen this tension was At its height an official delegation arrived in Bulawayo consisting of Sir Sidney Shippard, Deputy Commissioner for

Bechusnaland Protectorate, Major Goold-Adams and sixteen members of the 70 Bechuanaland Border Police, ail in magnificent uniforms. While this party was on its way up from Tati, the excitement in Bulawayo had become intense owing to rumors saying that a white impi with fifty-three wagons and a cannon was on its way. Special meetings were held at the chief's kraal where both Moffat and Helm assured the chief that there was no impi coming, and Helm told the chief that the confusion must have arisen because of the Administrator's usual escort.' 71 The rumors of the coming

68 Fripp and Hiller, o£, cit., p. 91,

69 I61d., P. 202.

7° Vaughen-Williams, 0£. cit., p. 118.

71 Helm to Thompson, uctober 11, i 8 t!8 , CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5* 67 impi had also caused some difficulties in the negotiations of the Rudd 72 p a r t y . 1 The reasons for the v isit were obscure and even the white men were very curious as to the purpose of a show that, for Bulawayo, seemed m agnificent. 7^ The delegation arrived in Bulawayo on uctober 15, 1888,

The official reason for the delegation was a friendly visit to

Lobengula to talk about the disputed territory between Macloutsi and

Shashi and to enquire into the death of the Transvaal emissary, Grobler,

Shippard had .just made an investigation on the Limpopo river with General

Joubert of the Transvaal and with Khama and hie chief adviser, Mr.

Hepburn.7^ Shippard was also a great friend of Cecil Rhodes and had written a private letter to Moffat recommending to him the Rudd party as being more likely to extend the British influence to the Zambesi than 75 the lukewarm Colonial Office. v O fficially, however, neither he nor

Moffat had anything to do with the Rudd party and they both left

Bulawayo before Lobengula put his hand to the concession.

At the first interview with Lobengula on October 18, i860,

Shippard had with him his aide Major Goold-Adams, three active clergymen,

Bishop Knight-Bruce, who was on his way hack from Mashonaland, Keverend

72 Fripp and H iller, 0£. cit., p. 191*

75 "Matebele” Wilson, D iaries, Typewritten manuscript in CAA tW/ 5/1/1), p. 56. 7Lt T hat was why t h e Kudd p a r ty had found b oth Khama and Mr. Hepburn away when they pates ed through Shoshong.

7^ Shippard to Moffat, August 25, 1080, CAA, Ms. Division, JbM, The impression in South Africa was that Rhodes could "make Sir Hercules Robinson and Sir Sidney Shippard do whatever he wanted." Sam, Edwards to J. Dawson, December 13, 1888, CAA, Ms. Division.

7^ Kmight-Bruce had really wanted to go to Hope Fountain, but bed stayed In deference to the Administrator's wish. Fripp and Hiller, op. c l_ t., p * 9 5 . 68

C. b. Helm as interpreter and senior missionary of the London Missionary

Society, Reverend D, Carnegie, also Df the London Missionary Society,

and Reverend John Smith Moffat, A ssistant Commissioner, who always main­

tained that he was an ordained man, and held regular services while at 77 Bulawayo, Knight-Bruce was favorable to tihippard and his visit to

Bulawayo,

In his conversation with Lobengula at this and subsequent inter­ views, b’hippard did speak about the boundary with Khama, and gave him a

review of the Grobeler incident and also the Grobler treaty. He also

stressed that "the English like to make money by trading and mining, but

do not in general covet land, B and though a Protectorate had been exer­

cised over Khamars country for three years "the English had not deprived

Khama or his peoole of any land whatever,"7^ The only threat he could MO see to Lobengula and his people were the Transvaal filibusters "who seek Hi to destroy his tribe and seize their land, and cattle , 11 He went on

saying that "though we do not covet the land of the Amandabele for our- ho selves, we do not wish to see the Boers gaining possession of it,"

77 A very vivid description of Shippard 1 s visit and his impression of Lobengula as a man c#n be found in C.5916 of 1890, p. i.?h ff* But the content of his talks with Lobengula can be found in a confidential despatch, CXJ No. 369 o f 1809, pp. 169-172,

^ Quarterly paper of Bloemfontein Diocese, uctober 15, 1890, p. 33?,

7 9 go. So. 369 o f 108 9 , p . 170,

00 Shiopard had also previously warned Lobengula against the Boers in letters written to Lobengula, April 29, and June 17, 1887,

01 ®. ho. 269 of 1889, p. 170.

Fripp and Hiller, o£. cit., p. 102, 69 and "that any concession seeker who says he is asking for mineral grants on behalf of the QueenTs Government is speaking falsely," To this last remark the bishop of Bloemfontein made the observation that "it is almost impossible for the Matabele to understand that any individual can act without his Government or King. Everything here is reported to and done hy him; he is told if a cow will not leave a hut, or that one of his calves are dead, as explicitly as he is told about the last fight; and, as Chief, gives permission equally for an impi to go out, or for a man to beat his w ife."^

Shippard was aware that Lobengula saw that it would be to his advantage to have an alliance with England "if only he could trust the

English, but there's the rub,"^ evidently Shippard did not have much faith in his own mission because he saw "no hope for the country save ytr through the purifying effects of war.1' J The same opinion was expressed, not so politely, in a letter to Mr. F, J. Newton, who was Acting Adminis­ trator in Shippard1s absence,

T must confess that it would afford me sincere and lasting satisfac­ tion if X could see the Matsibele Mat j aha cut down by our rifles and machine guns like a cornfield by a reaping machine, and I would not spare a single one if I could have iqy way. The cup of their iniqui­ ties must surely be full and nearly full now. Never till I saw these wretches did I understand the true mercy and love for humanity con­ tained in the injunction given to the Israelites to destroy the Canaanites. I understand it perfectly now.”"

Fripp and H iller, o jd , cit., p. 102,

8lt 00. No. 369 o f 1889, p . 170.

Co. No. 269 of 1089, p. 170.

Shippard to Newton, Uctober 29, 1088. Newton later on became a high government official in Southern Rhodesia. 70

This last sentiment wea sim ilarly expressed by Bishop Knight-Bruce.

Shippard l e f t Lobengula on Uctober 22, and Lobengula promised to

write to him through Moffat, or in his absence, through Mr. Helm. At

his l a s t interview Shippard had with him Goold-Adams, M o ffat, Helm and

Carnegie. Moffat left a couple of days later. It was of great impor­

tance to the Administrator that these men whom he took with him when he 09 interviewed the chief, were held in great esteem by Lobengula, and

Marshall Hole also makes it very plain that Sir Sidney not only spoke

on the subjects mentioned above, but also that

. . . he was able to assure the chief as to the stability and influence of the financial group headed by Rhodes and represented at the kraal by Rudd, Maguire and Thompson, and to convince him that they were not of the same class as the ordinary "concession hunters" and other adventurers who had been plaguing him fo r some time with their importunities, and that he could treat with these three in security and faith.

In view of Knight-Bruce1 s statement referred to above^ and

Shippard's own report to his Government, it may perhaps be doubted that

Marshall Hole is correct in imputing the above statement to Shippard.

However, it could hardly be only a coincidence that on October 27, only

0? c. p. Pascoe, Two Hundred Years of S. P. G. (London: Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign FarEs, 1 9 0 1 ), p p . 362-362A.

08 C.5191& o f 1090, p . 127.

8^ Hd I c, The Making of iihodeBla, op. c it. , p. 72.

ibid,, p. 71; Hole, The Passing of the Black Kings, op. c it., p. 201; von Mikusch, 0£ , c i t . , p . 126.

91 Fripp and H iller, o£. cit., p. 102. 71

five days after Shippard left, Maguire could draw up the terms of the

concession, and on October 30, 10H8, in the presence of some one hundred

indunas and headmen,^ the last indaba^?ook place, during which it was

made plain that the Kudd party wanted the whole country or nothing at

all. At one point Rudd threatened to leave as they were unwilling to

give in. But in thB end Lobengula, sitting on a brandy case in the

midst of his goat kraal, met Kudd, MBguire and Thompson with Helm as oL interpreter, and "much hustled and anxious," according to Rudd, signed

the paper giving away the mineral rights of his whole kingdom. The docu­ ment was signed by the three men; Helm and J. G. Dreyer, the transport

driver for the Kudd party, signed as witnesses. No indunas signed as

Lobengula declared it unnecessary. In addition Helm endorsed the con­

cession testifying that it had been properly explained to Lobengula and

his council of indunas according to the constitutional usages of the od Ndebele nation . 7J

In addition to the written agreement, there were certain verbal

pledges binding Rudd to deliver the first installments of rifles before

any white employee or machine was introduced, and that all white miners engaged should fight in the defense of the country if called upon, and

finally that advertisements should be inserted into the more important

92 I b id . , p . 201,

^ Zulu word for palaver, consultation.

9^ F rip p and H ille r , og. c i t . , p . 202.

9^ Ibid.. pp. 219-220. 72 papers in South Africa and England cautioning speculators against 96 e n te r in g th e c o u n try . Rudd le ft Bulawayo th e n e x t a fte rn o o n while

Thompson and Maguire were to remain in Bulawayo to look after the interests of the concessionaires. On the way back. Kudd and Dreyer lost the road, got away from the water holes and Kudd, thinking he was going to die of th irst, hid the only copy of the concession in an ant-bear hole together with three thousand pounds. The men were later found by some Tawana herdsmen, given help, and then reached Kimberley on November

19, 1888 ,

When Rhodes received the concession, he read the document snd was

30 greatly relieved that he said: ’’with this signature and the certifi- 97 cate of the missionary I am ready to go nap, double nap,'1^1 and started to prepare for hie next move.

The Bulawayo Confusion

In Bulawayo conditions became critical, Shinpard, Rudd and Moffat had gone and, except for Thompson and Maguire, the field was left open, to the rival concession hunters who began to sow seeds of suspicion in 98 the chief’s mind* He was told that he had signed away his country, and asked how he really knew that there was a Queen in London. K. A.

Maund, who represented George Cawston of London, and who in Mr. Helm’s

96 CO, ho. 3&9, of 1889, pp. 210-211.

9? Thompson, Matabele Thompedn, op. c it., p. 138.

Cooper-Chadwick, oj>. cit,, p. 96; Helm to Moffat, March 15, 186?, CO, No* 372 of 18B9, p. 75T 73 99 presence had tried in vain to get a concession from Lobengula, ^ persuaded the chief to send Colenbratider and himself with two of his most trusted indunas, Babyan and Umjete, to see the Queen and find out for themselves.

So toward the end of the year they left, and then arrived in London on

February 27, 1889, the journey no doubt being paid for by the gold

Lobengula had received from Rudd and his p ar tner s.

But the excitement would not die down in Bulawayo; Rudd's rivals continued their pressure on Lobengula and this time the suspicion fell on the missionaries, especially Helm, as Tainton, who had been approached by the Rudd party to be their interpreter, but who had been unable, being out of favor with the chief at the tine, had told the chief that the papers from South Africa, in which copies of the concession had been printed, said the chief had sold his whole country. So on January 18,

1889, the chief sent for Helm and asked him to read the concession. ThiB

Helm did and gave the same interpretation again, that the concession said nothing about land, only about minerals in the land, that no power was given except to do what was necessary in order to get gold out of the land. It was nonsense to say that the grantees could do whatever they liked in the country. They would not bring in more than ten white men to work and they were subject to the laws of the country.

Based on this meeting some of Hudd's rivals sent to the newspapers a notice that Helm had been tried by the chief and would probably have to

^ Moffat, confidentially, to Heany, July 2U, 1889, JSM, CAA, Ms. D ivision*

100 nMatabele11 Wilson, Diary, p. 6?, pp. 217-218, CAA Ms, Division. 7ii leave the country.’^'*'

A little more than a month late", on March 12, while Helm was at the chief's kraal he was asked again to read the concession to the Indunas and the white men present, this being a favorite African method of veri­ fying that the same answers are given each time that the questions are asked. At this indab a, Thompson, the third man in the Rudd party, was also cross examined to determine whether the chief had given away the land, which to the African way of thinking was an impossibility. Both

Helm and Thompson assured the assembly that Rudd had asked for the right to dig for gold and that no land was asked for. Heim offered to give a written statement to this effect, but the opoosition party refused ... 102 t h i s .

The next day Helm was accused of interfering with the trade and the letters of the chief, and of receiving messengers from Khama without referring them to the chief. All of this Helm denied* In the end he was t o l d by th e induna o f Bulawayo, Umakwekwe, to le a v e th e teach in g and to become a trader. When Helm afterwards took him to task for this, he laughed and said he was only teasing him.The next day Helm went again to the chief and saw him privately, but on being interrupted, he departed end went home.

Following this meeting a letter was sent to the Bechuanaiand News stating that "Helm did not understand the language sufficiently to aot as interpreter in so important a ease." Times (London) April 29, 1889, p. 5a* Wilson, o£. c it., pp. 98, 100-101. For Helm's capacity as interpreter, see Cooper-Chadwick, op. c it. , p. 97. The LMS secretary was not inclined to believe that this "trial" had taken place. Thompson to Helm, March 21, 1889, IHS Archives, Box 22.

"Mat^bele" Wilson, Diary, p. f)5, pp. 217-218, ^03 Helm to Thompson, March 29, 1889, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5. In the meantime the chief had sent for the two missionaries,

E lliott and Rees, from Inyati, forty miles away. They arrived in

Bulawayo on March l£, 1809-^^ They knew, of course, of the Kudd party and the concession, but were unaware of the strained feeling in the royal kraal and the happenings with Helm referred to above. After they were led into the chief's presence with Kudd's rivals, Dawson, Usher,

Tainton, Moore and Cohen, a Jewish trader, they were asked to read the concession to the chief. About the first half there waa apparently no disagreement, dealing as it did with the payments to be made by the

Rudd party. In regard to the last part one induna, Umhlaba, asked a pertinent question, ”lf the mining rights of a like tract of country could be bought anywhere else for a similar sum." To this the mission­ aries, E lliott and Kees, answered in the negative.

In the evening they heard about what had happened to Helm; therefore the next day they went to Hope Fountain, about ten miles from

Bulawayo, and consulted with Heim and Carnegie. They all together went to the chief and explained that they would stand or fall together.

There was complete trust and harmony among them, even if they had honest 10 E> differences of opinion about the content of the concession, Elliott

10k E lliott to Thompson, March 27, lti89, CAA Microfilm, Vol. In regard to the meeting various versions have been published. The present writer has found no basis in the original letters for the form this case haB been given by J, H. Harris in The Chartered M illions (London: The Swarthmore Press, Ltd., 1920), pp. e>7-68). It also appears that Stuart Cloete in Against These Three (Hew York: Garden City Pub­ lishing Company, Inc., 19U7), p. 219, has not grasped that there were two lots of missionaries concerned. Ho case can be made out for the idea that Helm changed his mind after the concession had been signed. See also, Wilson, og* c it,, p. 103. 10? K lliott to Thompson, March 27, 1889, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5. believed it unfortunate that the terms of the concession were drafted in such general terms, that many of the verbal promises had not been included, and that if the concession should fall into "the hands of rascals all would be bad for the Matabele."^1^

As Helm had been slandered not only in Bulawayo, but also in the South and African and London press, the three missionaries sent a joint statement to three South African papers stating their confidence in HeLm's integrity and his ability as an interpreter, and although they admitted the disagreement between them in the matter of interpre­ tation, they regretted that Helm's willingness to help out visitors and 107 strangers should have been turned against him.

At this point it might be opportune to consider the part played by Helm in these transactions. He has been criticized for being naive 100 and for not having left any records behind, and even for having 109 written out the concession and wilfully misguided Lobengula, The account given above shows that Helm left ample records behind, and that the events would be rather obscure if the missionary records had not been preserved. In the original letters from Helm and the other missionaries at the time no evidence has been found for these accusations

106 I b id .

Letter of July lo, 1889, to Cape Argus, Diamond Field Adver­ tiser and Be chu anal and hews, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5. Tainton tried to get E lliott to take side against Rhodes, but E lliott refused to be involved. Wilson, o£. cit., p. 105.

108 Green, 0£. cit,, p. 100,

109 Millin, og. cit., pp. 117-118. 77 nothing has been found th&t throws doubt on Heim's integrity. The most, it seems, that Heim may be blamed for is an error in judgment, the error of not having foreseen the use that the grantees were going to make of the concession,^'*

In regard to the point that was most important to the Ndebele, the land, it aopears that in the light of later evidence, Helm and

Thompson were correct; the concession offered no land rights. If it had, why, then, did the British South Africa Company in 1891 buy the so-called

L ip p e r t Concession?The judgment of the Privy Council in the Rhodesian 112 Land Case was that the concession gave no right to the land* That the British South Africs Company proceeded to occupy the land can hardly be blamed on Helm. He understood the concession in "an honourable and reasonable way."1-^

In regard to the question nut by the induna, Hmhlaba, Helm him­ self gave a good account of his own view in one of his letters,11^ and

Hole, in The Passing of the Black Kings, p. 20U, discussed this point at some length, but it appears that Helm acted not as an adviser to Lobengula, but rb interpreter. Helm to Thompson, March 29, 1889, Mrs. Jessie Lovemore, Helm’s daughter, said about her father that he had told Lobengula: "If you have decided to grant concessions, then it would be far better to give all to one company," Jessie Lovemore, Thy Beginning (Mimeographed manuscript by the Rhodesian Pioneers and Early Settlers Society, 1956), p. 5h* Italics in original.

m Vide, infra, p, 126,

J. P. R. Wallis, One Man’a Hand (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1950), pp. Ik9-150.

’L1^ Helm to Thompson, March 29, 1889, CAA M ic ro film , V ol. 5.

Helm to Thompson, March 29, 1889, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5. 78 he got some unsolicited (and to him unknown) support from a German source which considered the payments made excessive.

It seems that Helm must be judged according to the situation in which he found himself, and that even the letter which Thompson, the IMS secretary, wrote to Heim in response to Heim’s long letter of explana­ tion, does not do full justice to Helm, when it stated that "your explanation shows that you were led into the whole business quite

Innocently.

It is not suggested that Helm was without prejudice in the matter.

He was a missionary, and he was, no doubt, an Englishman, which facts colored his views and also influenced his actions. It must not be for­ gotten that Helm knew that the Boers had no greater desire than to occupy

Lobengula's country, and that he was also aware of the Portuguese claims end the activities of certain German individuals. Under these circum­ stances his interests lay with the British interests. It should also be considered that many individuals and syndicates were pressing and worrying Lobengula for concessions and that in the end he would have to give in. Helm stated: "I can only say that I acted as I thought was the best believing that the Rudd Concession was the best means of getting the

Chief out of his difficulties with regard to Concession seekers. I would rather have been out of it altogether.

115 "Daher wurde dann fur diese Ruddsche Konzession ein verhalt- nismiifesig hoher Preis gewahrt." Typescript of three documents in records of German Consulate, Cape Town, dated March 26, 1891 , p . 3 , CAA Ms. Div.

116 Thompson to Helm, June 13, 1889, LMS Archives, Box 22.

H7 Helm to Thompson, March 29, 1089, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5. 79

The men behind Rudd was Rhodes, who two years later became the Prime

M inister of the Cape Colony.

Furthermore, the London Missionary Society secretary had earlier expressed his desire to have a missionary at the chief's kraal and thought that a British Protectorate over Matabeleland would be desirable. HR

Helm’s colleague in Bechuanalnnd, John Mackenzie, was also of the opinion 119 that the missionary's duty was to advise the chief in political matters.

Helm could not a t that time have known o f some of th e less adm irable s id e s o f R hodes' character, which came to l i g h t l a t e r in Rhodes' l i f e .

Helm played the part he did believing that he really served the best interests of the Ndsbele and Shona people.

How much of the terms of the concession did Lobengula understand?

Sir Lewis Michell thought that "had he /^Lobengula/ been able to fore­ cast the future, a massacre and not a treaty would have received his sanction."l ^0 Marshall Hole agreed that i t was "impossible to think that with fu ll understanding he j^Lobengula/ put his signature to a deed which was virtually a surrender of the whole of Mashonaland to a commer- i on e i a l company. n i t -L

The subsequent events showed that Lobengula was confused, but even he had some experience in these matters and had certain precedents which

Supra, Chapter II, p. U 8 , footnote 117.

119 Douglas Mackenzie, John Mackenzie, op. c it,, p. 171,

l ^0 Lewis Michell, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 2h3,

121 Marshall Hole, The Passing of the black Kings, op. c it., p. 206 , could guide him. Very soon after he had become king, a certain Mr.

Levert had asked for a concession to dig for gold at Tati. Lobengula had given a verbal concession, but he vert drew up a written document

that Lobengula put his hand to. He was very angry, however, when Levert

proceeded to act upon the letter of the law, and began to administer

Tati goldfields without reference to Lohengula, whose authority In reality had been superseded, Lobengula remarked to Thomas Baines that

he had given Levert a cow to milk and he might have milked her dry, but he wanted not only the milk but the cow as well, as if he had won her 1 2 ? by conquest. Baines, however, thought that Levert was justified in

considering he had a claim, "but Bengulu is evidently of opinion that

in granting the mining privilege he has not parted with any territo rial rights*"123

As early as 1870 when he finally gave Reverend J. H, Thomson the

second London Missionary Society station at Hope Fountain, he made it 1 2 li quite clear that the mission could use the land, but the land was hie.

So when Baines himself asked for a concession, he stressed that he was

after the metal and not the land, and he was very doubtful about the 1 2 ? advisability of asking for a written statement. Had Lobengula for­ gotten ail this when he negotiated with Rudd? Un the other hand he had

ff. P. R. W allis, The Northern Goldfields Diaries of Thomas Baines, op. cit., Vol. II, p. ?5b.

^ Ibid., p. 5?3.

i b i d . , p . 5 U6 .

Ibid.. Vol. Ill, p. 6 6 3 . 01 been told by Knutsford, Shippard and Rudd that no land was wanted, only the right to dig for gold, and Lobengula kept referring to the point of th e te n men who would come to dig.^"2^

The only conclusion the present w riter can draw is that Rhodes and his company read far more into the concession than they ever told

Lobengula, Rhodes and his associates thought in terms, not only of mining, but of land, occupation and sovereign rights. Lobengula thought in terms of mining rights only. Lcbengula’s mistake was to trust the word of the emissaries of Cecil Rhodes.

While the tension was high, another person arrived in Bulawayo whose name was to be linked most intim ately with the new territory, the charming and fashionable Kimberley doctor, Leander Starr Jameson* He had been sent by Rhodes to deliver the first half of the premised rifles and ammunition and at the same time to relieve Maguire, who was thoroughly bored, and Thompson, who was nervous, and to allay the fears of Lobengula and fill the vacuum created by Rudd's leaving* He arrived on April 2, and applied all his charm on Lobengula who at once liked him, which affection increased when Jameson cured the chief of gout. Jameson achieved his mission, which had been disguised as a hunting expedition, 127 and left on April 12, taking Maguire with him.

The tension was not released for very long, however, Rhodes' adversaries did all they could to poison Lobengula's mind and to stir up

126 00, «£.* of 1892, p. 62.

Jan Colvin, The Life of Jameson* Vol. I, p. 99. 02 hig deepest fears, with the result that on April 23, Lobengula wrote a

letter to the Queen repudiating the Rudd Concession end charging Maguire 1 with leaving the country without his permission* While these intrigues in went on/Bulawayo, in South Africa and London, events were taking place which demand attention new .

The Gun Deal

When Bishop Knight-Bruce had returned from his Journey to Marhona- land and while in Vryburg, Cape Province, on December 0, 10b8, he made a 129 speech, which he thought was in private, hut which was made public.

The effect of it was to produce a considerable number of difficulties 110 for Cecil Rhodes and to make the Colonial Office cautious. J In his speech he remarked that he would not give even one gun in order to get permission to enter Matabeleland, and that he would rather have sacrificed his expedition, "because," he said, "I consider that giving one firearm to any of the Metabele—and everyone must know that it would be used to assist in the murder of hapless innocents—would be an act which, if not in this world, certainly in the next, a man would be sorry for indeedo

Such a price of devilry and brutality as a consignment of rifles to the 131 Matabele cannot be surpassed,"

12R C.591Q of 1090, pp. 201- 202.

129 Fripp and H iller, oj>. cit., p. 129.

1^0 The speech was reported in the Diamond Field Advertiser. December 10, 1008, and was reprinted in Fripp and rtiiler, o£. cit., pp. 137-130.

131 Ibid.. p. 138. 93 When this reached London, very awkward questions were asked in 112 the House of Commons by Labounhere, Bradiaugh and Chamberlain, ' and on December 17, IWHfi, Lord Knutsford sent a despatch to Sir Hercules

Robinson asking about the truth of the concession itself and whether the payment of guns might not cause dangerous complications. J 111 What follows makes very interesting, but somewhat depressing reading because of the strange arguments that were used.

Robinson replied^3^ once to Knutsford that the granting of the concession was a fact, but that he would have to get mere information about the effect of the gun deal. Robinson had sent a copy of the con­ cession to London twelve days earlier, stating that he trusted the effect of the concession to "a gentleman of character and financial standing will be to secure the cautious development of the country with a proper consideration for the feeling and prejudices of the natives."^35

There is a very curious entry in the diary of "Matabele" Wilson for Monday, Uctober 15, 1888, while Sir Sidney Shippard was in Bulawayo, and two weeks before the concession was granted, which stated that

Shippard had asked Wilson: ’Was the native most dangerous with the assegai or the gun?K The reply he got was: "A Katabele was no good with a gun, but with the assegsi, he was a thing to fear,"^3^ It appears that

■*■32 W illiam s, 0£ . c i t . , p. 131.

133 C.5918 of 1890, p. 129.

13l> C.5918 of 1 8 9 0 , p p . 152-153.

13^ C.5918 of 1090, p. 138. A copy of the Concession is printed on p . 139. 136 ”Matabelert B-, Wilson, Diary, Typewritten manuscript in CAA, Wb/2, pp. 53-5U. For a Boer point of view see Du Toit, oj>. c it., p. 67* e l

Shippard must have foreseen the objections that would be forthcoming

and was looking lor an argument to justify the deal. In his reply to

Robinson, Bhippard confirmed the grafting of the concession and said

that Heim was in favor of the concession "because the substitution of

long range rifles for the stabbing assegai would tend to diminish the

loesi of life in the Matabele raids, and thus prove a distinct gain to

the cause of humanityj and because of the great increase of trade promised

by Hr. Rudd would tend to in tro d u c e c i v i l i z a t i o n among th e M a ta b e le ." 33^

On the other hand, Shippard mentioned that Bishop Knight-Bruce

and the Reverend J. U. Hepburn, the London Missionary Society missionary

at Shoshong, Bechuenaland Protectorate, were strongly against giving

the hdebele guns in case they might be used against the Shona and other

tribes. He also reported that Khama, the Christian Chief of the Ngwato, was against this deal.

However, hudd would be glad to give guns to Khama as well, and

Shippard was inclined to agree with Helm that for political reasons the

guns Bhould be allowed to go through, because Lobengula would get them

in any case, and it would be detrimental to British intereats to let

Transvaal supply the arma.

In the beginning of his letter, Shippard stated that he wanted the

Ndabele to have guns because they would be lees dangerous that way; at

the end of his letter the reason given for the supplying of arma was that

he wanted Lobengula to be able to protect himself against Transvaal

137 C.5918 of 1 0 9 0, pp. 153-lhb. 85 filibusters who might be acting under Portuguese authority.This line of reasoning was adopted by ttobinson in his reply to Knutsford^9 end apparently must have satisfied the Colonial Uffice, because nothing more was heard of it, even if the British public had not yet been con­ vinced.^^ That Heim supported the gun deal has recently been confirmed in the reminiscences of his daughter in which she defended the statement of her father.

That Moffat agreed to the above reasoning is beyond doubt, and he must have wrestled with the question since he touched upon it in several letters written at the tim e,^1^ Moffat must have changed his mind con­ siderably since he was a young missionary repairing guns for the hdebele, because as early as in 18&2 he wrote to his father-in-law, David

Livingstone:

There is one very difficult question which w ill have -to--be settled before our relations with the Matabele assume a decided complexion. Are we justified, as missionaries, in mending firearms and using ammunition for purposes of barter among a people like the Matabele, whose annual foray against the weaker tribes is as nuch a part of their lives as the sowing and gathering in of their com? They have lately very much increased the number of their firearmsj the number of guns brought in last year by traders was very great, and, what is more, the foray last year was a most successful one solely because the Matabele were able to use their guns against the unhappy MaBhona, who do not possess t h e m . ^ 3

138 C .5 9 1 6 of 1890, pp. 153-lbln 139 Ibid. , pp. 152-153. Khama must have been given the assurance that the guns would never be allowed to be used against the Shona. Co, No. 392, of 1890, pp. 51-52.

1^0 The Times (London), September 16, 1889, p. lib.

3 ^ Jessie Lovemore, o£. cit., p. 55. Moffat to iihipDard, September 2li, 1090; Moffat to Loch, June 16, 1891. 1U3 j^p.H, W allis, The Matebele Mission, p. 161. Letter dated January lh, 1862. 86

Rhodes had now silenced several missionaries and also Khama, but he had atill to convince Knight-Bruce, who had delivered "that \\X brutal assault" at Vryburg; but later on in the year he could write that Rudd need no longer fear the Bishop since he had repented and had b e e n made "a cordial s u p p o r t e r ." -^ 6 In a letter to the London T im es,

Knight-Bruce gave the reason for his change of mind:

When I afterwards learnt that these rifles were a necessary factor in an agreement by which it was hoped thH the Mashona would be benefited, 1 thought it but just to give others credit for wishing as well to the Hashona as myself, ani withdrew any reflections that 7 had made on the transaction*

He had earlier written a Letter to Lobengula about a horse that he had promised to give to him and he took the opportunity to recommend his friends, Rhodes, Rudd and Maguire, to the Ndebele chief and to assure 1 ) R him t h a t no other people would be better friends to him than these. 1

He also published a very fine commendation of the B ritish South Africa Iho Company and praised its policy on drinks to Africans* But in spite of all this, Knight-Brucs 1 s relationship to Rhodes never became very c o r d ian l. ^5°

Rhodes to Rudd, February 2 6 , 1889, CAA Ms. Division K. 3/b.

Rhodes to Rudd, January 18, 1088, CAA Ms. Division K. 3/U.

Rhodes to Rudd, December 6 , 1068, CAA Ms. Division R. 3/U.

^ The Times (London), May 23, 1090, p. 13e.

The letter ia framed and can be found on the wail in the Chapter House in Bloemfontein Cathedral, Orange Free State.

Quarterly Paper of the Diocese of Bloemfontein, July 15, 1090, p. 2b 7 , footnote. Knight-Bruce to f, Tucker, December 12, 1893, CAA Ms. Division, K .l/3, wMr. Rhodes will probably never forgive rny opposition to the giving of the Matabele riflea.,r 87

It is difficult to find any Justification for the point of view expressed by the missionaries. Ap wr have seen, Moffat and Knight-Bruce changed their minds on the subject, Thomas Baines as earLy as 1870 was aware of the danger, 1S1 and the Ndebele were no strangers to the use of the gun. As late as lR93 the strong effect of firearms used by

Africans is again witnessed,as Basil Williams antly remarked: "Natives, like others, can be trained to their use.11^^ It is true that the Brussels

Agreement dealing with firearms in the interior of Africa was not signed until a year later, but the Colonial uffice could not have been unaware of the prevailing sentiment,The overriding factor was that the guns were necessary to obtain the concession,

London and the C harter

Having dealt with this uneasy question of the guns to Lobengula, we have to transfer our attention to London for the next act in the

Wallis, The Northern Goldfields Diaries of Thomas Baines, op. c it., Vol. IT, p. 321. Seious, Travel and Adventure in South Past Africa, o p . c i t . , p. 101,

162 posselt, 0£. c it., p. 2h»

^53 NevilLe Jones, o£, c it., p. 7 6 ,

Basil Williams, oj). cit,, p. 131, footnote,

*■55 Even such a staunch supporter of Cecil Rhodes and the BSA Co. as Marshall Hole found the argument used "transparent," The Passing of the Black Kings, p. 208. A recent investigator in Northern Rhodesia came to the conclusion that "the importation of guns and powder made worse the Bantu w ars . 11 H. L. Gann, The Birth of a Plural Society, op. cit., p. lli,

Maguire to Newton, November 23, 1868, CAA Ms, Division. The Newton P ap ers, 68

drama. The two indunas, Babyan and Umjete, arrived In London in February,

l8tt9, ' bringing with them a letter from Lobengula, which had been

witnessed by Helm, in which the chief stated his desire for protection

against his enemies, the Portuguese, who had claimed gome territory 158 around the Zambesi and Mazoe rivers which Lobengula claimed as his.

They were given a magnificent reception, were sho>m army maneuvres at

Aldershot and the vaults of the Bank of England and had breakfast with

the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society where they met members

of the South African Committee. On March 2, th ey were received by Queen

Victoria so that they could tell their chief that there really was a

Queen. They were also given a picture of the Queen find two letters to

Lobengula, one from the Colonial Secretary, Lord Knutsford, and one from

the secretary of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society,

The first letter was dated March 26, ldd9, and consisted of a few

kindly remarks that looked innocent enough but which caused quite a stir.

It advised Lobengula to consider carefully the grsnting of iand, and not

to give all to the one who came first and not to exclude others, "A king gives a stranger an ox, not his whole herd of cattle, otherwise what 159 would other strangers have to eat?" It also asked whether Lobengula wanted a temporary or a permanent resident at Bulawayo, Sir Hercules

Hobinson at once registered his disapproval of the advice given to

157 Vide, supra, Chapter III, p. 73.

156 j, McDonald, □£. c it., op, 10^-105.

159 C.5918 of 1690, p. 161*. 89

Lobengula, pointing out the unsatisfactory conditions in Swaziland where 160 endless and conflicting concessions had been given.

The second letter also gave advice about Land and minerals and contained the following paragraphs:

The Society to which we belong has for many years striven to he'lo distant races of men—races not well known in England, and not knowing England well—to obtain justice at the hands of our fellow- c o u n try men.

We have to oppose the action of our own fellow-countrywen when they do wrong although those they are wronging may be strangers to us, and men of another race, fo r As you are now being asked by many for permission to seek/gold, and to dig it up in your countly, we would have you be wary and firm in . resisting proposals that will not bring good to you and your people.

Armed with these two letters and with stories of the wonderful things they had seen, the indunas arrived back in Bulawayo early in

August 1889, But before follow the events in Bulawayo it is necessary to follow Rhodes to London where he was negotiating for his Royal Charter.

He had arrived there at the end of March, shortly after the indunas had left^^He had to face considerable opposition from several sources, but hefore the end of May he had won his case, which was a remarkable feat from any point of view.

His old opponent from the Bechuanaland days,Reverend John Mackenzie, had spent his furlough in Great Britain speaking all over England and had had his articles on the subject published in the most influential papers

160 C.5918 of 1890, March 10, i809.

Hole, The Making of Rhodesia, op. cit., p, 8 /*.

1^2 Colvin, 0£. cit., Vol. I, p. 108. 90

and journals. He was a pure im perialist and was greatLy in favor of s

British expansion and settlement in the interior of Africa. .Not only

was he in favor of it, out also he advocated that it was the duty of

Britain to push ahead with it in order to develop the natural resources,

bring in legitimate cornerce, offer protection to the trioes against

each other and arainst other European intruders, and also afford a

shelter to the missionary agencies of the Christian Church. He main­

tained, however, that it was highly improper to do so by turning the

government of the interior over to a commercisL company, which naturally

looked out for the profit it could get. He was also against extending

the power of the Cape Colony, because he distrusted the ability of the lb n coloniets, especially the Hoers, to deBL justly with the Bantu people.

He also wrote lengthy and very able letters to the Colonial uffice about

the importance of keeping "the Imperial Factor 11 in the interior of

Africa.'*'^ He went so far as to indicate which road should be followed

in order to occupy Mashonaland without i nffringing on Matabeleland proper tod and raising the Matabele fears. ^

The Colonial Office sent his letter of June H to John Smith

Moffat for his comments, which were given in a letter of July 10, 1889,

and can be summed up as follows: "Mr. Mackenzie writes very well, but

1^3 The Contemporary Review. January lBhh, pp. 110-126j November l8 8 ?, D p . 7foil—7 6 9i Mackenzie, John Mackenzie, op. c it. , pp. 3^0, 399-bOO.

l6h g»5?l8 of 1890, April 10, 18 89, pp. 172-177} C.5918 of I 890 , June h, 1889 , np. 197’199.

lb* C.8918 of 1890, August 10, 18B9, pp. 212-2lU. 91 he has a defect, and that is inaccuracy* He is full of theories and

■I makes his facts fit them instead of making them fit the facts.”

The other formidable obstacle Rhodes had to face consisted of

the rivals holding or seeking concessions* But Rhodes was the great

amalgamator wjth excellent experience from the diamond industry in

Kimberley, and one of his maxims waB that it was always easier to deal with a man than to fight him. During the next few years Rhodes was to

conciliate both small and big, genuine and false concession holders in order that he might reign supreme, bome of hie rivals like Lord Gifford, head of the Exploring Como any of Be chu anal and, were no mean financiers, others were Matabeleland whites who had deteriorated to become "white kafirs.”"*^ Put in the end Rhodes manager! to unite them all in the proposed British South Africa Company with men like Gifford and Cawston on the London Board of D ire c to rs*

l t >6 C.b9i8 of 1890, p. 218 ff. One of Mackenzie's recommendations was for a British Resident at bulawayo, which Moffat dismissed as un­ acceptable to Lobengula; but Moffat had himself advocated such an appoint­ ment on June 16, 1089. C.59l6 of 1090, p* lb?. Quotation from Moffat can a lso be found in OD, n o . 372 o f 1809, p . 131.

1^7 "Usher seems to have settled down to the life of a native, with his harem and his Kafir beer.” Moffat in OG, 372 of 1089, PP» 13U -1J?.

16 8 ip^g Ho* 372, p* 1 0 0 , lists thirteen companies and indivi­ duals whose interests in Matabeleland were included in the amalgamated company. Among those were Rider Haggard who earlier had fumed against the Rudd Concession IC.5918, p. IhlJ. But there were many more who only were given a sum of money, but no part in the company, like Selous who was given £2000 for his concession from the later notorious Korekore chief Mapondera. Vide, 0u, Mo. 392 of 1090, p. 17b. It is beyond the scope of this work to go into the finanoial arrangements entered into by Rhodes at this time, but it is of interest 92

But Rhodes 1 greatest obstacles were to be found in Government circles. Joseph Chamberlain was deeply suspicious of Rhodes, for when

Albert Grey asked Chamberlain for advice concerning Rhodes, he got the reply; "I know only three things about Rhodes and they all put me against him; (I) he has made an enormous fortune very rapidly, (IT) he is an Africander (i.e., not an Imperialist), (III) he gave -£10,000 to 169 P a r n e ll . n Members of the Parliamentary South Africa Committee includ­ ing such men as Sir T. Powell-Ruxton, thH onour a ole Evelyn Ashby, the

Right Honourable Earl Grey, Albert Grey, Reverend K. W. Thompson, Reverend

J. Walton, the Right Honourable Joseph Chamberlain,^-7® were a ll against him. The South Africa Committee had attacked the concession given to

Rudd and called it "a single speculator who buys for an old song the 171 most valuable territory in South Africa , 11 And Lord Knutsford had declared in August,1088, that he did not ttthink it probable that a Royal 172 Charter would be given to any Company . 11

Tn the House of Commons some very awkward questions had been asked,

to note that Rhodes had formed the Central Search Association which later on was tu rn e d in to th e U nited Concession Company, which again was th e real owner of the Rudd Concession, When Lord Ripon in October 1892, discovered that the BSA Co. was not the owner of the Concession, he was highly surprised. (C.7171 of 1893, PP* Uo-Ul. Vide CO, No. UUlof 1893 f pt.liO). Lord Buxton stated in 1893 that, had the Colonial Office known of it at the time, the terms of the Charter would have been considerattily modified. (I. Lovell, The Struggle for South Africb. 1075-1H99i °£. cit., p. 181.)

169 Williams, 0£. cit., p. 135. Parnell was the leader of the I r is h P a rty in th e House o f Commons.

170 C.5918 of 1890, p. 181.

Williams, op. cit., p. 130.

CO, No. 372, of 1889, p. 2. 93 n o t only by Labouchere, whose name l a t e r on was never m entioned in

Hhodesia except with disgust, hut also by others, regarding the validity of the concession, the supply of arms connected with it, and the British

sphere of influence, These questions in Parliament brought out the 17 ^ inconsistency in the Government attitude referred to above. Chamberlain himself had on March 11, 1009, asked questions referring to Lobengula* s i nj interest and a possible breach of the peace.

Rhodes, however, managed to win over th ^ famous j o u r n a li s t to.

Thomas Stead, of the Fall Mall Gazette, and on being given the hint that some influential members were needed to bolster up the respectability of his company, he was not only able to win the support of the honest

Albert Grey but also to get the Duke of Fife and the Duke of Abercorn as Directors of the proposed company. He also was fortunate in that when the debate was at its height his chief opponent, Mackenzie, was sick, so that Rhodes was able to win to his view some of Mackenzie's most influential friends, such as Albert Grey. In the end, even Mackenzie, who had done more than any other individual to educate the B ritish oublic as to the value of Central Africa, had to let his achievement serve

Rhodes* Many of the influential men were, to say the least, not against the extension of the British Mmpire, so when Rhodes used his great per­ sonal influence on men to convince them of the serious threats to British interests in Africa by the Boers, the Portuguese and the Germans, and of

Vide, supra, p. 50.

Lovell, 0£. cit., p. Iii3* the great financial support he had for opening up the "new rand" by

means of railway and teLegraph into the far interior, their suspicion

broke down. As e a rly as May lb , lBd9, Lord K nutsford could w rite from

the Colonial Office to the Foreign Office recommending the granting of

the Charter, In doing so he was guided by two main considerations,

namely that Rhodes could have his company registered under the Joint

Stock Company Act, and be virtually independent of the Government, while

a Royal Charter would offer Government control; and it would be less

expensive to the British tax p a y e r , ^7?

In Parliament Baron H, De Worms said that Her M ajesty's Govern­

ment was satisfied that the establishment of a powerful company afforded

the best prospect of peacefully opening up and developing the resources

of those territories, end of securing British interests concurrently with -i 7^ the advance of trade and civilization. The British press also hailed

the new Chartered Company as offering the African people protection and

civilization, and at the same time opening up a country with great 177 resources to white settlement,

Rhodes was not slow in helping the Government to make up its mind by writing a long letter on June i, expressing the intention of the amal­

gamated conpany "to proceed forthwith with the opening of that country, having due regard to the sensibilities of the Matabele nation, and the necessity of extreme caution in the gradual development of their

I7^ C-$918 of 1090, p. 192.

176 The Times (London), August 27, 10d9, p. he. It should be noted that even if the Government was unwilling to spend money, it did want to keep out foreigners and filibusters.

^77 The Times (London), October 15, 1889, p, 8 a -d . 95

enterprise,"778 He pIbo offered 1 3 0 ,0 0 0 (or ft90,000) for the construc­

tion of a telegraph line from Nafeking to Tati and iilj, 0O0 (or 512,000)

for a resident commissioner in Bulawayo who could support the comoany

in advising Lobengula and at the same time be a government official, 179 He was in a hurry and wanted an early reply. This letter won the X 00 support of Hercules Robinson, and Knutsford replied on June lli,thst

th e Government was in fa v o r o f R hodes' proposals* On June 17, Rhodes

asked where he could send the money, but Knutsford cautioned him to wait until matters were more settled.

While things were going very favorably for Rhodes, the letter

Lobengula had w ritten on April ?3 ,arrived in London on June 10, repudi at­

ing the concession because the indunas would "not recognize the paper as

it contains neither my words, nor the words of those who got it," He 102 also accused Maguire of having left the country without permission,

Knutsford turned this letter over to ihodes, and since Maguire's

name was mentioned in the letter from Lobengula and Maguire fortunately was in London at the time, Rhodes turned it over to him, and a long reply

C.5919 of 1090, pp. 19^-195. Rhodes himself regarded his pro­ posals to build a railway and a telegraph line into the interior as a major factor in the granting of the Charter, "It was upon the strength of this pledge that my application was favourably regarded by Her M ajesty's Government and that the British S. Africa Company has been granted a Charter for the development of the countries to the north of British Bechuanaland and the (Transvaal," Letter to Sir Cordon bprigg, O ctober 2h, 1689, Photostatic copy in CAA, Ms, Division,

*79 I b i d . , p* 19b.

100 I b id .

101 lbid*> P* 200-201. 182 Ibid., pp. 201- 2 0 2 , was sent to Knutsford on June 21, 'l'he main points made were that this letter was written by men in opposition to Rhodes and that it was false, since neither a missionary nor Mr, Moffat had witnessed it; that the elephant seal meant nothing since it was kept by one of the signatories, the trader Fairbalrn; that Lobengula had accepted the monthly payment of L100 and that Maguire had been given proper permission to leave with

Dr. Jamewon on April 1 2 . This must have satisfied the Colonial

Office, because a few days later, on July 5, Salisbury agreed with

Knutsford that Rhodes could be informed that the Charter would be granted.

On August 20, Rhodes received some important and unsolicited support in the form of a letter from Francois Coillard, the famous French missionary of the Paris Evangelical Missionary Society, who was working among the Lozi tribe north of the Zambesi. The letter, dated January 1,

10B9, was written on behalf of the Lozi chief Lewanika asking for British protection to be extended to his land and for help against the Ndebele ra id s . 3 The only reply given to this was that Her Majesty's Government would use its influence to prevent the Ndebele from sending inpie into 1R6 the Lozi country.

Ibid., p. 200. Marshall Hole maintained that Fairbairn later admitted that the letter had heen concocted by him without Lobengula'a knowledge. Hole, The Making of Rhodesia, op. c it., p. 109, Hole had private sources for thiB information. See also C.5918 of 1890, p. 136, for Moffat's opinion,

l8k Ibid., p. 211,

18^ Ibid«, pp. 215-216.

7-06 ibid. , p. 219. When the news reached Barotseland in March, 1090, that the BSA Co. was sending men to Lewaniks to arrange for a con­ cession, Coillard adviBed the chief to accept it as a first step to 97

Under the circumstances it cen easily he understood how a letter from such an influential and outstanding missionary as Coillard* who was not even British* would influence the Government decision in favor of

Rhodes. On uctober 22, the draft Charter was approved and the Crown

Agent was authorized to receive the -£> 3 0 ,0 0 0 from Rhodes. The Charter followed the precedents of the British North Borneo Company, the Royal

N iger Company and th e B r itis h Im p erial E a st A frican Company,and i t was finally sealed by Queen Victoria on October 29, 1889,^®

Bulawayo Again

In the meantime events in Bulawayo were not progressing quite as smoothly. The tension had teen running high since January with short spells of quiet in between while everybody was waiting the return of the indunas from London, The indunas returned on August 7, l889, but Maund, who had persuaded Lobengula to send them, and who had been working against

Rhodes, found his position changed since the news reached him in Cape

Town that his employer, Cawston, had joined Rhodes.

British protection. Later on the Lozi accused CoiJlard for selling their country. See Diaries of William Waddell, for March 9, 1890, and June 29, 1990* CAA Ms. Division, W. 3/1/ Waddell was a British artisan working with Coillard,

Knutsford to Loch, November li|, 1889, C. $918 of 1890, p. 225.

188 Von rikusch, Cecil Rhodes, Per Trsum einer W eltherrschaft, op. cit., p. Ib2, made some caustic remarks how shares were sold in London Xwhere the British tax payer furnished money in any case) and in Paris and Berlin, and that all Europe helped to pay for the extension of the British Empire, and that in France alone there were 3,000 share holders with 25,200 shares. W. K. Hancock in Survey of B ritish Commonwealth Affairs, op. pit., Vol. II, p. 'ih, summed up the relationship between the B ritis h Crown and C h artered Companies, th u s) "By co n sen tin g to an ex ten ­ sive devolution of political power while safeguarding its formal sovereignty, it did for itself the best it could." 9B

What the two indunas told Lobengula, and the content of the two

letters they brought, only made the tension worse. Knutsfordrs letter

talked about land, and Lobengula had not given away any land* The

letter from the Jin ti-SI a very and Abori genes Protection Society advised

him against the giving of concessions to unscrunulous white people, and

so on August 10, Lobengula wrote another letter to the Queen, acknowledg­

ing the fact that the indunas had been well treated in London, and

pointing out:

The whi te people are troubling me much about gold. If the Queen hears that T have given away the whole country, it is not so. I have no one in my country who knows how to w rite. I do not under­ stand where the dispute is, because I have no knowledge of writing. The Portuguese say that Mashonaland is theirs, but it is not so. It is all Umsiligazi's country. I hear now that it belongs to the Portuguese. With regard to Her M ajesty's offer to send me an envoy or resident, I thank her Majesty, but I do not need an officer to he sent. I will ask for one when 1 am pressed for want of one. I thank the Queen for the word which my messengers give me by mouth, that the Queen says I am not to let anyone dig for gold in py country, except to dig for me as my servants,-*-”9

This Letter could have been very awkward since it was witnessed hy Moffat and sent through the regular channels, but it took more than two months before it left Shippard's office in Vryburg^9*'* and was received in London on November 18, or three weeks after the granting of the Royal Charter,

After this letter had been sent, Lobengula continued to be

1P9 C.591E of 1890, p. 235.

190 ^bid., p, 23I1.

y, G. Millin suggested that some one had interfered with Her Majesty’s Mail, Millin, Rhodes, op. cit,, p. 117. It may be noted that Lobengula'a letter of April 23, was received in London on June lfl, which i s 1 month, 3^ weeks, as a g a in s t 3 monthB, 1 week. 99 pin-pricked and influenced by the forces against Rhodes, and early in

September there was a big indabs at Hulawayo at which no white man was present 192 hut where the chief and the indunas discussed all the recent events, Including the two letters brought by Rabyan and Umshete. At that indaba Lobengula turned on Lotje as hie scapegoat, because Lotje had always supported Rudd and his party, and had not the two letters from London indicated that this was the wrong thing to do? The next day, on September 10, 1889, Lotje was murdered with his wives and children, even his slaves and cattle, fowls and dogs were killed and his kraal burnt,193 This was an ignoble act, for Lotje was one of the wisest and 1 pi best of Lobengula's indunas. 7^ Thompson had been visiting the mission­ aries at Hope Fountain and on his way back he heard about the tragedy, became nervous and afraid for his life, acquired a horse and fled. This flight jeopardized Rhodes' position and his concession, since no one really was present to counteract the anti-Rhodes influence.

The missionaries took a very dim view of the effect of the letter from the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, and it waa even suggested that this letter was the actual cause of Lotje's death.

Carnegie wrote about it: "In substance, the letter of the Abor. P.P. meant this, that Lobengula was being duped, and deceived by greedy grasping, gold seekers, and it warned him to beware of such unscrupulous

■*■9? H. Vaughn-WiiLiams, A V isit to Lobengula in 1889, op. c it., p. 136.

193 Carnegie to Thompson, February lit, 1090, CAA, Microfilm; Hole, The Passing of the Black Kings, op. c it., p. 22b*

19b Posselt, Upengula the Scatterer, op. cit., p. 51* 100

Carnegie was sorry that the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Pro­ tection Society had not tried to find out the true situation from some informed person before writing such a letter. Moffat was also very c r i t i c a l o f the l e t t e r which did not "contain one word of warning or admonition," but only hurried them on "to their destruction."^^

The situation in Bulawayo was now critical, one of the wdebele regim ents had come to dance before the ch ief asking to be allowed to throw all the Europeans out of the country. 197 Anything could now happen.

Lobengula might refuse to acknowledge the concession and prepare impls for attack, or if he refused the concession and refused the road, Rhodes might decide upon an attack on Bullawayc. no one understood the crisis better than Rhodes, sc he sent hr. Jameson back to Bulawayo as soon as he could, together with Thompson, Doyle and Samuel EdwarrtE, They a rriv e d in Bulawayo on October 17, five weeks a f te r Thompson's f lig h t.

As far as Rhodes was concerned, this was an excellent move because

Carnegie to Thompson, February ih, 1B90, CAA Microfilm.

196 Moffat to "My dear Fisher," September h, l 8 B?, in JSM, CAA Ms, u iv isio n j J, Cooper Chadwick, o£. a l t . , p. 97. Moffat wrote to Thompson, March 5, 1090: "I hope the Colonial Office and the Aborigines protection S ociety w ill leave off writing le tte rs to the Chief Lobengula under the inspiration of mere mercantile adventurers like Mr. Maundi whose letters /two illegible words 7 did serious harm and threw everything back! besides causing the death of ppor old Lotje and thirty or forty of hia dependents; nobody showing a more hloodthii’Bty disposition about i t than Umshete, who has ju s t been sta rrin g in London." Thompson however,retorted: "I have a v ery 3trong conviction that if the Aborigines Protection Society and others had kept silence, the Charter to the British S. African Coy. would have been a very different one to what it now ig, and that nktive interests would have utterly gone to the wall," Thompson to Carnegie, April 10, 1890, LMS Archives, Box 23.

197 Helm to Thompson, December 20, 1889. 101

Jameson was welcomed by Lobengula and applied a ll h is charm not only on the chief but also on the rival concession hunters. While Jameson was in Bulawayo news came of the granting of the Charter which helped Moffat especially. He could now come out officially on the side of the Royal

Charter, and on December 9, Lfl89, Moffat could inform Sbiopard that

Lobengula had accepted the guns and aLlowed Jameson to commence pro- 190 specting in the southern part of the country. 7

Another factor which helped to ease the situation, as far as the

Charter was concerned, was the Portuguese move into Mashonaland south of

Zumbo, which gave Jameson a pretext to defend the Charter as the pro­ tector of the Ndebele. On this occasion Moffat wrote a letter of protest 199 to the Portuguese on Lobengula's behalf.

It was during this time that the Jesuit missionaries watching the events from Empandeni decided to Leave the country fo r the time being, because "there was no prospect of making any converts until some funda­ mental alteration in the condition of the country was brought about.

Since th eir remaining any longer a tEmpandeni seemed q uite u se le ss, they le f t on November 13, 1889.

On January 27, 1890, Bulawayo was again witness to a splendid show with the a rriv a l of the envoys from Queen V icto ria , co n sistin g o f

Captain Ferguson, Surgeon-Major Melladev, Major Gascoin, Corporal White

198 0 1 ’ No.- 392 of 1890, p. 26,

■*■99 C.5?0L of 1890, p* 107; letter dated October 18, 1889.

200 ZMR, Vol. I I , No. 2U, 190U, p. 397, 102 Pol and Trooper Ross, and all of the Royal Horse Guards Regiment. The purpose of the visit was to bring a letter from the Queen announcing the granting of the Royal Charter. The letter was dated November 15, 1809, three days before Lobentula's letter reached London, It was a strange l e t t e r in the lig h t of what K nutsford had w ritte n in March and in the light of all that had taken place, but its main fault was that it "taLked down" to Lobengula. It opened by declaring that the Queen had confidence in Moffat S 3 her servant, and that she had investigated the affairs of

Matabelelend, and that

. . . wherever gold is,_or wherever it is reported to be, there it i s im possible for him /Lobengula/ to exclude w hite men, and, there­ fore, the wisest and safest course for him to adopt, and that which will give least trouble to himself and his tribe, is to agree, net with one or two white men separately, but with one approved body of white men, who w ill consult Lobengula1s wishes and arrange where white people are to dig, and who will be responsible to the Chief for any annoyance and trouble caused to himself or his people. If he does not agree with one set of people there will be endless disputes among white men, and he will have his time taken ud in deciding their quarrels, 2D2

It went on to te ll of the Queen's approval of the Rudd Concession and that Lobengula would be well advised to let Dr, Jameson settle all the disputes among the whites, yet, "this must be as LoBengula likes, as he is King of the country, and no one can exercise ju ris d ic tio n in i t without his permission.The letter also promised that Rudd, Maguire and

201 »Matabele" Wilaon, D ia rie s, p. 20$, CAA Ms. Division, W, b/l/; The Times (London), March 13, 1&90, p. 13a; C.5918 of 1890 , p. 237.

20? C.5918 of 1090, p. 233. Sec also Knutsford's letter to Lobengula September 10, 1890, OU, No. 392 of 1890, p. 321.

2°3 C.5918 of 1090, p. 233. 103

Thompson would carry on their work "without in any way interfering with their kraals, gardens or cattle" and in return the Queentrusted that

Lobengula would let them "conduct their mining operationwithout inter­ ference."

When the envoys left, Lobengula told them that "the Queen's letter had been dictated by Rhodes" and th a t he did not want any le tte r s lik e that from her again. He mu at have wondered if she could ha the same queen who had sent the two letters, and during the next four years he must have doubted many times whether she really had meant what she said in the last letter.

In a later letter Knutsford informed Lobengula that his letter of

August 10 had only srri ved after the granting of the Royal Charter and that the men employed by the Company "will recognize himas King of the country and will have such powers as he entrusts to them,"^^

During this time Jameson had been using ail his personal influence, diplomacy and persuasive power to get Lobengula to say that he would give

Rhodes' men the road to Mashonaland. This was no mean task, since

Lobengula kept to what he had been told when he put his hand to the con­ cession, that only a hole was wanted for ten men to dig in. He, there­ fore, wanted them to come to Bulawayo and he would show them where to dig. He could not understand why so many had to come or why there had to be an impi. When Lobengula finally gave the road, without Baying

20li itMetabele" Wilson, op. cit. , p. 205.

20? C.5918 of 1890, p. 239. loi where Jameson l e f t Bulawayo at once, on F e b r u a r y 131 1890, and a week: later Lobengula took charge formally of the guns and asked Chadwick to guard them*

Rhodes' Pioneers

While th is was taking place in Bulawayo, Rhodes had heen r e c ru it­ ing and organizing his pioneer exoedition which was left in the hands of a young officer, Frank Johnson, who had promised to select and equip the expedition and get i t to Mashonaland before the bepinning of the rainy season (November) 1890. When the British houth .Africa Company had offered to increase the Bechuanaland Border police, Knutsford told Rhodes to keep hands off the Imperial Police, but suggested that they organize their own 207 police .force, though care had to be taken not to offend lobengula.

A police force was consequently organized and twp hundred men selected.

Lieutenant-Colonel b. G. Pennefather was in charge of the combined police and pioneer force; the hunter F. C. Selous was the guide; A* ft. Colquhoun went with the force to become the first administrator of Mashonaland, and

Jameson went as Rhodes representative. The pioneers had been chosen with due care, not only from England, but from various parts of South Africa with regard for both the Boer and the British element. Rhodes wanted as many different sections of the people as possible to look upon his pioneers with favor. They were also chosen for their different abilities and s k ill, so th a t in fact an embryo community could be set up almost at

206 co. No. 392 of 1690, p. 123.

207 C.5918 of 1890, p. 22li, 105 once,30fi

There was some difference of opinion as to the best route to follow. The year before John Mackenzie had written a long despatch to the Colonial tiff ice outlining the route that ought to be followed in order to escaue a head-on clash with the Ndebele and make possible a peaceful settlement. He had only overcome his aversion to the Chartered

Company by his d esire to avoid having good English boys butchered by the 209 Ndebele by night. Rhodes preferred to march r ig h t on to Bulawayo 210 being prepared both for a peaceful and warlike reception. Selous, however, disagreed with Rhodes end wanted to go in by the back door, avoiding a direct clash, and perhaps without knowing it agreeing with the missionary.

Rhodes, as always, wanted to hurry on, but the High Commissioner,

Sir Henry Loch, was not as anxious and would not l e t the column s ta r t until it had been inspected by an Imperial Officer and declared ready for 212 the task. He also authorized an increase in the Bechuanaland Border

Police force and stationed it on the western border of Matabeleland ready for attack i f Lobengula should decide to use force to prevent the

208 Colvin, ojo. cit., Vol. I, p. 12?,

The Tima a (London), October 1, l890, p. 12b. See also : Moffat to Shippard, June b, iRP?, CO, no. 392 of 1890, p. 25.

210 M ichell, 0£. cit., Vol. I, p. 293.

211 Ibid., p. 295} Colvin, ojo. cit. , Vol. I, p. 127.

212 go No. 392 of 1090, pp. 27-28} Hole, The Passing of the Bladk Kings, op. cit., pp. 228-229} Selous, Travel and Adventure in South East Africa, p. 311. 106 213 occupation of Mashonaland.

One item has often been overlooked or belittled, namely the great service rendered by Khama In recruiting a force of Ngwato, part of them mounted, to help cut the road and to serve as sp ies. They were under their own officer, and one of Khama's conditions for giving assistance was that the Peers should have no power in the force. Selous spoke highly of Khama's valuable a ssista n c e , 21*3

The political activities were quite strong, for when the High

Commissioner on e visit to Kimberley in April found that Heim was there, he used this opportunity to discuss with him alone and later with him, 216 Moffat and Shippard together the political situation in Matabeleland,

Moffat himself had earlier, in February, protested at the size of the pioneer force and asked what he should enswer bobengula when he wanted to know whom the white man needed to be protected from. He was told 917 by Dr. Rutherford Harris to answer: the Boers. f It also apoears that the British South Africa Company was thinking of sending an ultimatum to

2^3 Michell, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 299, Selous, op. cit., pp. 357, 3dl.

''As I have myself desired protection, eo now I wish to do what may be fairly asked of me to stop the terrible work of human slaughter which has gone since the Matabele came into the country under Moaelikatze, when I was a boy. I shall be glad to help stop that.” January 1, 1090, CO, bo. 392, pp. 52-53.

21^ Selous, o£. c i t . , pp. 52-53. 216 Helm to Thompson, A pril 25, 1090, CAA Microfilm, Reel li.

217 Moffat to Shippard, February 23, 1H90, 00, no. 392 of 1090, p . 1^7. 107

Lobengula, but Moffat knew nothing about it, and added: "The Chartered

Company will scarcely be permitted to enter upon an utterly unjustifiable

aggression of the nature contemplated in Dr, Harris's letter,"^10

But Selous almost upset the apple cart before it had got started.

He had been le d to expect one hundred Ndebele who would help cut the

road, and when he did not hear anything more, he rode directly to

Bulawayo alone and asked Lobengula about it* 21 He9 was forced to return

after a couole of days with the message that Lobengula had never allowed

th e impi the road, end th a t Lobengula waiited to see Khodes in Bulawayo,

When this was learned in Kimberley it was decided to send Jameson to

Bulawayo where he arrived on April ?7, and on May ?, he could leave, not w ith a p o s itiv e promise of the road from Lobengula, b u t with an absence

of refusal only, 220 Lobengula and Jameson never met each other again*

The pioneers left Kimberley on May 0 , and at M acloutsie were

in sp ected by Lord Methuen and pronounced ready to move across the

Macloutsie river into the Ndebele territory. With great struggle and

constant vigilance, but without mishap, the column reached the small h ill, Harare, where they established Fort Salisbury and hoisted the Union

Jack on September 12, 1890, from which date the British occupation of

Mashonaland is reckoned, 221 While the pioneer column was on its way to Mashonaland, there

218 Moffat to Hepburn, February U, 1090, JSF, CAA, Ms, Division.

2!? Selous, o£. cit., p, 398,

22° Colvin, o£, cit., Vol. I, p. 13?. As a curiosity, it may be mentioned that in the Pioneer Column there was an American, a Captain Heany, 10S

was great excitement In Rulawayo. Lobengula, of oourse, could not under­

stand why an Impi was on its way into his country when permission had been asked for ten men to dig holes in the ground nor why the impi even

came by a route which had never been used before. Why did they not come by the usual "missionary road1' to ask him for a place to dig ? 222

Dr. Jameson had advised ail the missionaries through a letter of

Kay 1 1 , 1090, to Major Maxwell at Bulawayo, to leave the country with

a ll the other white people while the column was on the move, an order

which the m issionaries obeyed only re lu c ta n tly , declaring themselves men 2?3 of peace, end the chief, who disliked the missionaries 1 going, ^ had

said earlier that there would be no war so long as the missionaries 22li stayed. But the missionaries left on June 13, having finally

"received the roed ’1 from Lobengula. He had been very slow to let them go.

Their leaving must have made the seriousness of the situation clear to

him, for he sent a message to the Bechuanaland Border Police camp at

Macloutsie asking! "What white men have I killed that you are coming

to seek? Why cannot two people live together in one country?" But before the missionaries left he insisted that they insnect the guns so 227 that they could tell Rhodes that they were where he had left them,

22? Lobengula to Loch, June ?!j, 1090, CO, No. 392 of 1090, p. 303.

223 J5W, July 1 0 , 1090, CAA, M. l o / l .

22h Colvin, £ 2 * £ii*» Vol.* I, p. 133.

CO, wo. £92, p. 265.

226 Elliott to Thompson, June 12, 1090, CAA Microfilm,

227 Ibid, 109

The news of the m issionary exodus dismayed Dr. Thompson in the

London M issionary Society o ffic e in London. He could understand that the families of the missionaries had been taken out, but he felt that if the missionaries were ever needed hy the Ndebele it was in time of trouble 22 8 and anxiety. The missionaries had been influenced by the tension in

M atabeleland. Frank Thompson remarked in h is d iary th a t he found Carnegie b e llic o s e , and u r. Thompson found occasion to express h is surprise at the tone of the letters from Elliott and hoped that a "spirit of self- control, forbearance, patience which belongs to a higher civiliaation and a higher idea of what is right would be triumphant . "230 Fo rce should not be lightly tried.

Since to the Ndebele the Pioneer Column was not an expedition in our sense, but an impi, the people got ready for an emergency and harvested their crops in a hurry. J211 Lobengula sent Johan Colanbrander and Chadwick and two induna? with a message to the pioneers at Fort Tuli at the en trance to M atabeleland, but when the messengers arriv ed th e column had already reached the Lundi river and when Colenbrander finally caught up with them i t was too la te .

In vain did Lobengula send letters to the High Commissioner, bir

Henry Loch, and he finally sent his most trusted Umjete to Cape Town,

228 Thompson to E l l i o t t , Ju ly 10, 1890 and Ju ly 2U, 1890.

22? Thompson, "Matabele" Thompson, op. c i t . , pp. 271-272.

230 Thompson to K llio tt, Ju ly 2li, 1890.

231 Carnegie to Thompson, September 5, 1890, CAA M icrofilm, 110 where Helm accompanied him at the expense of Rhodes,232 pooh assured

Unjete th a t there would be no war and th a t the pioneers had only gone to dig for gold, 233 While ail this went on, the Ndebele regiments were anxious to be allowed to attack the intruders, but Lobengula kept them back by reminding them that the white men were too numerous to kill, as new ones would come to take the place of the few killed. 23li J

The part played by Moffat in th is drama has been variously assessed.

Many held th a t h is presence in Bulawayo was a guarantee fo r the safety of the expedition. ? But the London Missionary Society m issionaries at the time believed that he was discredited in the eyes of the Ndebele people, axthough his influence with the chief might still be a force to reckon with. 2^6 Moffat himself was afraid for his jife, but stayed on 237 to car^y out his duties till the column had reached Mashonaland. He noted in his diary that the only object that could have induced him to return to Matabeleland under the circumstances was to save the Ndebele and their chief from the calamity of going to war.23® In the first

232 Helm to Thompson, August 11, 1890, CAA Microfilm.

233 oo} wo. 392 of 1H90, pp 307 and 312.

23^ Helm to Thompson, August 11, 1890, CAA Microfilm; rrMatabelelf Wilson, Diary, May 19, 1890, CAA Ms. Division. 235 The Times (London.), October 1, 1890, p. 12b, and December U, 1890, p. 3c.

236 Carnegie to Thompson, September 5, 1890, CAA M icrofilm; Elliott to Thompson, August 15, 1890, CAA Microfilm; Carnegie to Doyle, May 5, 1890, CAA Microfilm.

237 co, no. 392 of 1890, p. 302.

238 JHM, February b, 1890 , CAA Ms. Division. I l l

round one must admit that he succeeded.

The Ndebele seemed to settle down to the inevitable and to accept

the presence of the white man in Mashonaland, although the missionaries

at the time saw the coming conflict not far off, in fact Moffat saw

it as inevitable,^39 The missionaries and other white people returned

to Matebeleland towards the end of September and the first dramatic

act in the history of Southern Rhodesia had come to an end.

Summary

This chapter covers the period I 8 RR-.1R9 0, and when the period

opened a Li the participants in the coming events were present: the

British, the Boers, the Portuguese, the concession hunters, the mission­

aries and Lobengula.

With the granting of the Rudd Concession by Lobengula and the

Royal Charter by Queen Victoria the turning point in the history of

Central Africa had been reached. It meant the opening up of the terri­

tories north of the Limpopo to Great Britain and to European settlement.

The missionaries had taken a prominent part in the events leading up to

this important point. Certainly the presence of British missionaries

in Bulawayo, their influence with Lobengula, and their parts as inter­

preters at 3 critical point in Ndebele history was decisive for the

fin a l outcome. This becomes clear i f one thinks o f what might have

239 Carnegie to Thompson, September 25, 1890, CAA Microfilm; Moffat to Knight-Bruce, April 2d, 1889; JSW, CAA Ms. Division; Moffat to Shippard, November 13, 1888, CU, No. 3^9 of 1889, p. 216. 112 happened, if they had In te rfe re d and adiieed Lobengula not to make any

concession. In the great public debate that followed in Matebeleland

the missionaries were for a time the certer of attention. In South

Africa mon like Knight-Rruce in Bloemfontein, and Hepburn in Bechuana-

land occupied important positions in the center of events. In London

John Mackenzie had made the British public aware of what was at stake,

and the le tte r from Francois C oillard, which reached London at a crucial point, was an important factor In the whole sequence of events.

The missionaries were definitely for a British occupation of

Mashonaland, and while most of them accepted the B ritish South A frica

Company, some of them would rather have seen the establishment of direct imperial rule, John Mackenzie was a formidable opponent of Rhodes, and

Knight-Bruce very nearly unset the whole scheme with his Vpyburg speech*

In the end all of the missionaries accepted the fait accompli and pre­ pared for the continuation of their work within the framework of the new circumstances.

Cecil Hhodes had one aim in mind, and everything else had to serve this one aim. To accomplish this aim he engaged in double dealing with Lobengula, used the missionaries if he could or squared them if he could; he used his money and his personal force and fought his way into the ruling circles in London. In the end he reached his goal and emerged a hero.

Lobengula ended up with a partitioned country, angry warriors and a confused situation. He was checkmated in t he f i r s t round by sup erio r forde and by greater international experience. If the Ndebele people 113 had used the opportunities for education offered by the missionaries of the London Missionary Society during the past thirty years, they might perhaps have been better prepared for negotiations that were carried on in English and by correspondence * CHAPTER IV

INTERNATIONAL COMPLICATIONS

So far only the relationship which developed between the Ndebele and

the British, has been dealt with* But the full significance of the Matabele-

land events can only be understood if considered within the whole framework of in te rn a tio n a l re la tio n s , as these developed out of the European "scramble

for Africa." Attention must now be given to this international aspect of the drama.

The Portuguese

Towards the end of the last century when the Portuguese became aware

of what was happening in Central Africa, they realized that if anything at

all was going to be salvaged from her ancient claims in Africa, some

determined action could not be long delayed. That Portugal had been the

first on the scene and that honor was due to her for her early discoveries

and attempted settlements, no one ever tried to deny. But her rivals were not particularly anxious to acknowledge claims that had lain dormant for

about two centuries, nor to agree thet a treaty of 1630 with Monomotapa, unknown in London, or ruined forts or old gardens could serve as a claim

to territories 2$Q years later.'''

In 1798 Dr, Francisco Lacerda, an able scientist and explorer set out on an expedition from Mocambique in an effo rt to reach the west coast,

to substanti ate the Portuguese claims to the interior of Africa, and to

3 C.g90h of 1890, pp. 201-202. Despatch of December 26, 1889. 11? prevent the British Iron! moving north. Unfortunately the gallant explorer died near the southern end of baJo1 Mweru on the present Northern Hhodesia-

Congo frontier, and Lacerde's death virtueLly meant the end of the expedi- tio n . 2

In ifihl, Mzila, Shoshangana1 s son, had in a treaty ceded his te rri­ tory west of Inhamhane to the Portuguese, which treaty Brie Walker seemed to accept as valid,^ while the Colonial uffice in London at a later date refused to recognise Its validity.^1 In i870 the Portuguese Consul at

Quillimane wanted to stop Thomas os-nee from traveling in Mashonaland, but

Baines simply replied that he had never heard that the country belonged to the Portuguese* The protest mode by Portugal against the Hoffst Treaty with Lobengula in 18H8 has been dealt with earlier.^5 But with the signing of the Rudd Concession, the formation of the British South Africa Company, and the granting of the rtoval Charter, these protests were renewed in a most vigorous manner and on a broad front. In the disputes that folLowed, 7 missionaries and missions played a significant but a minor part.

^ Walker, A H istory of Southern A frica, pp. 176-177;

3 Walker, ojo. c it. , pp. 3?8-329*

k C.590h of 1890, pp. 201-202, December 2 6 , l889| I. Lovell, The Struggle for South Africa, 1876-1899. pp. 221-222. ^Wallis, The Northern Goldflelds Diaries of Thomas Baines, Vol. II, pp. 569-572.

^ Vide, s^pra, p. 58.

? These Portuguese activities in Central Africa and in the field of diplomacy, were parts of a larger whole, involving for instance Nyasaland, where the missionary factor was highly important. 116

When Uortupal found that she could not maintain her claims to

Matabeleland proper, she concentrated on her claims tn Mashonaland, and got some unsolicited supoort from Selous, who supported the Portuguese in rightly maintaining that not all Shona chiefs acknowledged Lobengula1s overlordship. Some of them along the eastern highlands like Mtoko, Mangwende and Kutasa were independent, not only of Lobengula but also of his distant 8 relative, Gungunyana, Mzila1s son, and of the Portuguese. Portugal also maintained that the British emphasis on beneficial occupation as a condition for a valid claim on African territory was not admissible, since neither

France, Germany, Belgium, nor Great Britain herself had fulfilled this condition in territories claimed by them. This condition had, according 9 to Portugal, been dismissed by the Berlin Conference after a long debate.

Portugal also referred to two treaties, one with France of May 12,

188b, and one with Germany of December 3 0 , 1RH6, in which she claimed all land between Mocsmbique and Angola, and in which the Portuguese rights in these territories were recognized by both France and Germany. ^ But Great

Britain, again referring to the Act of Berlin and stressing occupation as a sine qua non for valid claims on territories, refused to acknowledge these treaties, and in the counter claims made by Great Britain reference was made to British missionaries and travelers in the Shire highlands near

® C.590U of lfl90, p. 5lj Selous, Travel and Adventure in South hast Africa, op. cit., pp. 316,310.

^ 590k of 1890, p. 27, and especially p. 28.

^ C.590^ of 1890, pp. 8, 130. See also allusion to the German in te re s t in the question, on pp. 10ii, 112, Lake wyasa and in Matebe 1 eland

While this diplomatic exchange was going on, patriotic feelings ran high in Lisbon, and two expeditions were sent to East Africa; one under

Colonel Paiva dAndrade reached the Pungwe river in August I8b8; and one under Major Serpa Pinto left Lisbon in March 1889, headed for the Zambesi 12 river and the regions near Lake Nyasa* DTAndrade's object was to secure the submission of Gungunyana of Gaaaland dnd of Mutasa of Manicaland,

Pinto's aim was to enter into alliances with the chiefs along the Shire highlands and south of the Zambesi, where there was a Porturuese post at

Zumbo. The plan was that eventually these two expeditions should join to consolidate the Portuguese territorial claims. Both Pinto and d'Andrade established contact with a number of minor chiefs, distributed Portuguese fla g s and b u ilt forts in which small bodies of A frican so ld ie rs were l e f t 13 in charge of Portuguese Government property.

Great Britain resented th is encroachment on what she considered her sphere of influence and declared Zambesi an international waterway.^

ID, 1890, in which request was made for the immediate withdrawal of all

11 Q.59014 of 1 0 9 0, p. 1 3 0 ,

^ Ibid., pp. 117.

Selous, oj). c it., p. 310. Portuguese troops on the Shire, in the Kololo country, and in Mashonaland, 17 Tn face of this threat of force, the Portuguese Government retreated, and on January 30, Knutsford could telegraph Loch that Lobengula should be informed that the Portuguese had promised to withdraw the troops from

Ma shonaiand.^

This was, however, not the end of the conflict between the two powers.

As soon as the flag had been hoisted at Fort Salisbury, Colquhoun, being faithful to his instructions as the first Admin:stretor of the Charter te r rito r y , went "to MenieaLand together with belous and a small, force in order to obtain a concession from chief Mutasa" and secure the rights of 19 communication from the seaboard. He reached Mutasa1s kraal on September

13* 1890, and during a long meeting with Mutasa the object of the journey was explained, since Mutasa declared that he had no treaty with the Portu­ guese, a treaty between him and the dritish South Africa Company was entered into on Sunday, September lli, 1890, in which the Company promised to r,aid and assist in the establishment and propagation of the Christian religion and the education and civilization of the native subjects of the King by establishment, maintenance, and endowment of churches, schools and trading 20 stations. . . ,rr Two days after the signing of the Mutasa Treaty, the

^ Ifrid.» p. 211, J, A. Spender called this ”a minor crisis with Portugal—bngland1 s oldest ally—in which Salisbury employed the mailed f i a t." Great B rita in , bmp ire and Commonwealth, l8Hb- l?35, pp. Ud-h9.

17 of LfipO, o. 21b.

1 8 ro, no, 392 of 1890, p. 20. W Ibid. 119

Portuguese Baron De Rezende protested against the British South Africa 21 Company's use of force against Mutasa*

A little later there was some fighting between Captain Forbes and

British South Africa Company troopers and Portuguese forces under d'Andrade,

Baron Rezende and Gouveia, or Hanu«L Antonio de Souza, 77 a Goanese half cast who was a capitao moor in the Portuguese army, with headquarters at Goron- goza and who couli command an estimated 10,000 African troops. The end of this small armed skirmish was that in a surprised arrival at Mutasa's kraal Forbes pulled down the Portuguese flag, hoisted the Union Jack and a rre s te d the three leaders. Baron de Rezende was soon released, but

Gouveia and d'Andrade were taken to S alisbury fo r further tra n sp o rt down country.But Gouveia was able to stir up difficulties fruther north, and both Lom egundi,^ pakoni and Mangwende2'* hoisted the Portuguese flags

21 Ibld-. PP« 3iJ-l5. 22 The Portuguese tried to ru le Mocambicjue by a system of uPrazos de Coroa" or big private estates ruled hy individuals. TITha majority of the more powerful of these are independent o f the Government, and adverse t o its advance, for in that advance they see the decline of their power. Some few, again, have been won over to the side of the Government, and i t i s to th e ir assistance mainly that the successful military operations of the past two y e a rs i s due. Chief amongst these is Manuel Antonio de Souse, who is the r e a l ru le r o f the d istric ts of Manic a, Barue, and a portion of Quit eve south of the Zambesi, He is able to call out 7,000 or H,000 native irregulars, and it has been chiefly with the assistance of these that the operations of the past two years have been carried out. To confirm hi a loyalty, his sons are being educated at Lisbon at Government expense $ presents are showered upon him by the authorities without stint, and he has been created a Colonel of the Second Line*11 Consul O'neiil to Salisbury, C.!;90h of 1090, pp. 76-77.

23 C.bt95 of 1091, PP. Sb-60.

2k Ibid., p. lb. 2^ Ibid., p. 35. in defiance of the British South Africa Company*

In the meantime the diplomatic negotiations which had broken down over a failure on the part of Portugal to ratify an agreement in August,

1890,^ were resumed and ended in an agreement of November iB, 189 % of a modus vivendi which was to last for six months and of which the main point was that Mocambique and Angola would remain Portuguese and that the country 27 between would remain in the British sphere of influence. The signing of this modus vivendi followed a dispatch l'rom the Portuguese Minister for

Foreign Affairs to London in which it was revealed that Portugal had made known the state of affairs in east Africa to Berlin, BrusseLs, the Hague, 28 Madrid, Pardr, Home, St. Petersburgh end Vienna.

Hhodes and h is men were n o t s a tis fie d th a t r.o seaport was secured for the new territory. Through Jameson, Colquhoun and a German, Schultz, he was therefore involved in somewhat dram atic n eg o tiatio n s with th e Shangana 29 Chief Gungunyana and a c tu a lly made a tr e a ty with him on December 31, 1889*

Part of the agreement was that the Briti sh South Africa Company should deliver guns to Gungunyana, and when an effort was made to get the guns through the port of Beira, there developed renewed conflicts with the

96 The Anglo-Fortuguese Convention of August 20, 1090, recognized B ritish in te re s ts in A frica between Angola and Mocambique, and Portugal agreed not to cede these territories without the consent of Great Britain and promised to build the railway from Beira to Manic aland. These last two points caused such an uproar in Portugal that the Cabinet was forced to resign. The Convention was never ratified, C.b212 of 1090. 121

Portuguese. It was during the confusion that followed that Rhodes sent

Sir John Willoughby up the Pungwe river in the ship called the Countess

of Caranarvon*

But modus vivendi was in operation and London refused to acknowledge

the treaty with Gungunyana, except for the part of his territory that came under the British sphere of influence, 10 it also refused to support Rhodes

in his effort to secure the port of Beira* The British South Africa Company had managed to get a consignment of guns through to Gungunyana, and was a ll ready to hoist the Union Jack at the expiration of the modus vivendi, but

S alisbury asked them to desist, and the Foreign Office even refused to recognize Gungunyana1s independence,because it conflicted with the modus 11 vivendi, although Loch stated that he was promised before he left London 32 that Gungunyana's independence would be recognized.

Later on Oungunyana made a series of determined efforts to obtain

British protection, but the British Government refused to listen in order 33 to keep faith wi th Portugal. ^ How strong a claim Portugal had to Gungun- yana and h is t e r r ito r y may he judged from the fa c t th a t Gungunyana did not give in to the Portuguese until he was captured in January 18?6, and pub- licly exhibited in the town of Lourenzo Marques on January b of that year.

He was deported and died on the west coast of Africa.

30 «£* ^ 2 1 of 1892, pp. 123, 125, lij2*

31 2 >id*> p. Ilj 2 .

32 Ibid., p. 156.

33 ibid., pp. 7U, 75, 112, lllu

3k CO, Mo. U98 of 1896, p. 212. 122

When these events took place two missionaries were approached by

British officials to furnish information on the Portuguese territory and the state of affairs in the country. In DecemberflBb 8 ,Bishop Knight-Bruce wrote a long letter to Sir Sidney Shippard expressing the hope that no

British action would compel the Ndebele to move north, for the sake of other tribes; but at the same time he pLeaded for protection for the Shona, and when he was on his way up from Beira and met rustace Fiennes, who had overcome the Portuguese at Macequece and was our suing them in order to take

Beira, he persuaded Fiennes to turn back as Great Britain was not at war with Portugal. It wa 3 said th a t Rhodes never forgave the bishop for t h i s interference ,^ 6

The Governor o f Natal asked the American m issionary, ur. wilder of

Mount Belinda for information, and in January 1090, ’wilder stated that the

Portuguese were o n ly to le ra te d in Gungunyana's dominion, and th a t Gungunyana found them useful because they served to keep out other whites of whom he was afraid. The Portuguese power did not go beyond the range of the guns on their few forts along the coast. Wilder would welcome a British Protec­ torate over Gungunyana's territory because it would put the Congregational 37 mission near Inhmabane on a much more satisfactory basis.

The end of the Anglo-Portuguese conflict was an agreement of boun­ daries signed on June il, 1891. The British won out in Manicaland but had

3? On, no. ^58 of 1889, p. 97.

3^ Hans Sauer, Kx Africa ^London; Geoffrey oles, 1937), p, 211.

37 Cu, No. 221 of 1890, pp. 102, 232. 123

to cede territory further north.

The Germans

Germany never offered a direct threat to the Chartered territories

in the same way that Portugal and the South African Renublic did, but

there are many indications that by 1090 the official German interest in

Central Africa war considerable, even if it had taken Bismarck a long time

to see the importance of the colonies. This German interest was no doubt magnified by Rhodes and the Briti;-h Couth A frica Company in order to give

added justification for their actions.

Mention has already been made of the Berlin Conference and the

German occupation of Angra Pequena, of the agreement with Portugal in

regard to Central Africa and the considerable activity displayed by von

Weber in the noseibility of developing German interests in the African

interior. In July lB90 the negotiations between Great Britain and Germany

ended with an agreement which gave Germany the small island of Heligoland

In exchange for Zanzibar, and a frontier in West Africa that took Germany up to the middle of the Zambesi river, in the so-called Gaprivi Strip on

Southern Rhodesia's western frontier. This move caused Rhodes a great

deal of annoyance,35 As a waterway the Zambesi was insignificant; there­

fore it was very difficult to understand what possible use Germany could have for this narrow piece of dry desert-like territory except as an access

3®The Times (London), A pril 6, 18 d8, p. 8b; I bid. , December 21, 1891, p. ka* Michell, oj>. cit. , Vol. I, p. 311, V ol. I I , p. 233.

^Walker, o£. cit., p. U21; Michell, oj). cit., Vol. II, p. 96* l?h to the very heart of the continent, or more specifically, into the very heart of the Chartered Territories*

In the area of Lake Ngairi, which had been discovered by David

Livingstone, Germany took an a ctiv e in te re s t and trie d to claim one-hnlf of the lake,^0 bug when the houndary line was settled in 1890, Lake Ngami was included in the British territory. Linked up with these boundary negotiations were the territories in east Africa, Here Cecil Rhodes inter­ vened to secure fo r Great h ritsin the Stephenson Road connecting Lake hyasa and Lake Tanganyika and the place near Lake Bangweolo where David Living­ stone died,^

In addition to this decided interest in the Central African terri­ tories, some Gormani' activities appeared suspicious to the British offi­ cials, If they had been more successful, they might have encouraged the

German Government to more active steps In Matabeleland, One of them was

Tri pinscher who was very anxious to get to Lake Ngami with KhamaTs per­ m ission,^ and another was Dr. Aurel Schultz who visited Lobengula in

1890 ostensibly for scientific purposes but was suspected of being in search of territorial concessions.

Moffat was considerably troubled by one Hassforther who pretended to have a concession older than th e one Rudd had o b ta in e d ,^ "snapped

110 CO) Wo. 392 of 1890 , p. bii, March 8, 1090.

kl Williams, Cecil hhodes, op. c it., n. 166,

142 C.ii6b3 o f 1886 , p. I2lu

k3 McDonald, op. c it. , p, 57.

kk Moffat to Dr, Harris, February 20, 1091, JSM, CAA Ms. Division, 1?5 his fingers in the face of the British Government,who told Lobengula that the guns he had received from Rhodes were not good, and that the

Germans could give him much better ones, Lobengula told him to go and fetch sone.^ In the end he mode such s nuisance of himself that his acti­ vities were reported to the German Governim nt by the British Ambassador to

Berlin, Mr. l. H. Malet.^7

The most reknowned of them was Eduard Lippert, Alfred B e it's cousin, who in the first round had heen beaten by Rhodes, when he discovered that the Rudd Concession did not give any land grants, he negotiated with

Lobengula and got a new concession covering the land rights of the terri­ tory, Lippert offered that for sale to Rhodes, but Rhodes did not believe it was genuine, and Liopert was told to get another concession from Lobengula the genuineness of which could be attested by Moffat, whoIi0 accordingly was given official instructions. Moffat detested this deal immensely, but felt [,q forced to obey an order which he really thought was immoral. Lippert

jb id ,

^ Moffat to S h ip p a rd , November 17, 1890, CO, ho. 1j03 of 189?* p . 50,

^ l d ., P. Ib3«

Green, op. cit,, p. 31b} The Times (London) December lj, 1091, p, 5b. The full text of the Lippert concession can be found in C .7171 of 1693* pp. b - 9 .

^9 Moffat, confidential tc Loch, October 7, 1891; Moffat to Rhodes, October 9, 1091* "If I did not feel that the Chief is quite as deceitful as those who are going to try conclusions with him I do not know if I could sit still and let this go on, but as it is only a contest of knavery on both sides I can sit still and hope I shall not be brought into any partner­ ship with either side." (to Loch). He was forced to cooperate with Rennye Tailyour, whom he before had helped to get arrested. l?.6

consequently got his concession, which Lobengula thought he had given to one of Rhodes’ rivals, on November 17, 1691, and sold it to Rhodes for a total of il 263D (or 837(690*00) in cash and s h a re s ,'^ To Lobengula th is was

another example of the honesty of the white man. But fo r this deal Germany

could not be blamed.

The Afrikanders

The descendants from the South African Dutch settlers had in 1036 trekked away from the Cane Colony, motivated by a love for freedom and independence and sn aversion to the influence and interference of the

British Government, They slso disliked the English language, and were

Calvinistio in their religious outlook. This laudable love of freedom and independence, however, was coupled with an unfortunate derogatory attitude, 61 transmitted from generation to generation, towards the African people.'

T heir love o f freedom developed into iso latio n ism and extreme individualism 52 and conservatism to the point of unprogres si venose, so that the saying went that when an Afrikander could sit on his front stoop and see the smoke from his neighbor’s house, he felt that the land became too crowded and it was time to tre k on. I t should not be lo st rj ght of, however, that the

Afrikanders had developed large herds of cattle and that this expanding

00, Wo. U26 of 1892, p. 30; Walker, o£. c i t . , p . b2Li; Green, op. c i t . , p. 317; P. P. Hone, Southern Rhodesia (London: George Bell and Sons, 1909), p. 111.

5l For examples, see: Wallis, The Goldfieids Diaries of Thomas Baines, Vol. Ill, p. 630; B.C. De Waal, With Rhodes in Mabhonaland (Cape Town: J . G. Ju te & Co., 1896 ), pp. 77, 102-103, 109. For Khama*s view of the Boers, see C.17U8 of 1877, p. 25l.

Green, o£. c i t . , pp. 5d-59. pastoral economy demanded more land, so the trek m entality had also grown

out of the economic circumstances under which they lived. This trek

mentality has brought the Afrikanders to nearly pert, not only of southern

Africa, but also to Kenya in the east and Angola in the west, where they

arrived as early as lH7l. 53 But i t has also made them move away from th e ir

land and their responsibilities on the slightest pretext, whether their belief was that the grass was greener on the other side of the hill, or

that the Government, Boer or B ritish , became too oppressive. In the worst

cases this attitude developed into lawlessness and opposition to any

Government *

These trekkers came in contact early with the Ndebele, 5knd some of

them individually received permission from Lobengula to hunt in his domain,

but in the eighties more concerted plans were afoot to trek into the coun­

try beyond the Limpopo river. The course of the Grobler Treaty has been

outlined and the early effo rts of the llutch Heformed Church to do m issionary wcrk north of the Limpopo have been traced,

but the Afrikander activity increased with the discovery of gold, with the activities of the concession seekers, end a certain amount of

dissatisfaction with the Transvaal President Kruger, nursed by his opponent

General Petrus Jacobus Joubert, helped to increase the desire among many

53 Hancock, op. c i t ,, Vol. I I , Part 2, p. 22, footnote. Since World War I the Government of the Union of South A frica has a t great cost tra n s­ planted Angola Boers into South-West Africa. There was a lull of about thirty years, then it was again taken up. The Rhodesia Herald, September 27, 1956, p. 7d. 128

to trek on. When Grobler 1 s fa te became known, many wanted to avenge him

and only Kruger's reluctance to approve, kept them hack, '

After the Union Jack had been hoisted in Fort Salisbury in September,

1890, a movement was a fo o t in the Transvaal under the leadership and pro­ motion of Louis Adendorff who claimed th a t he had a concession older than the Rudd Concession, from Chief Chitd of Nijrailand, whom Adendorff main­ tain ed was an independent chief in Southern H atshelei and, Rhodes refused to recognize the concession, declaring it worthless, since Chibi was a vassal of Lobengula.^ But darend Vorster,H a noted Transvaal company ti *p7 promoter, took uo the cause and received support from Kruger's rival,

General P. J. Joubert, and they declared they would s e t up a repuolic in

Nyailand with lib e r ty and ju s tic e based on the Transvaal Grondwet o f 1658.'

This movement coincided w ith the pressure on Manicalsnd by the

Portuguese, and Loch, the High Commissioner, was convinced that there was 59 cooperation between the two movements, with the purpose of rendering the defense of Charterland difficult, Selous was also convinced that there

^ CO, no. 37? of 1869, p. 31*.

^ Vide, supra, pp, 1*3—1*1 *5 De Waal, op. cit., pp. 297 ~306j I . Lovell, op. cit., pp. 173-17U.

£7 Walker, op. c it., p. 1*23.

50 GO, bo. 1*03 of 1692, pp. 225- 2 2 6 .

59 Ibid., pp. 156, 196. Lovell did not believe in any concerted action of the—Portuguese and Afrikander opposition to the British advance. L ovell, ojd. c i t ., p. 21*1. But Colvin and Walker accepted i t as a re a l oossibility. Colvin, o£. cit. , Vol. I, p. 192. Walker, oj>. cit., p. 1*23. The Portuguese Minister at the Court of St. James stated that "there was not the slightest foundation for the rumour." CO, no. Up3 of 1692, p. 265. 129 was combined effort by the Portuguese end the J'frikanrier trekkers, who were estimated to be 1,500 or 2,000 people,^ Selous also wrote to Moffat that ho ought to convince Lobengula of the reality of the combined threat to his dominion in order to encourage him to facilitate the British South

Africa Company's entry into Mashonaland*^ Moffat followed the advice of

Selous and mode Lobengula aware that "the Hoers would most certainly swarm over into the country, and would already have done so if they had not been restrained by the President" {KrugerJ who had promised the British Govern­ ment to restrain the trekkers.^

On April 13, Loch issued a Proclamation warning thrt no one was to enter theBritish sphere of influence without author!ty,^ since Britain would tolerate no interference in Lobengula's territories.^ Loch also took armed precautions along the Limpopo river by reinforcing the Bechuana- land Border Police and the British South Africa Police.

In May representation was made by Petre in Lisbon regarding the rumored alliance between the Portuguese and the Boer trekkers in South

A frica,^Although Kruger was always anxious to extend his territory north

60 CO, wo. 392 of 1 8 9 0 , pp. db- 90, and p. b5.

^ Ibid., pp. 108-109.

62 J m , July 16, 1890, CAA Ms. Division, M. lO/l.

63 CO, n o . h 03 of 1892, p. 1 8 8 .

^ Ibid., P. 189.

Ibid., p. 202.

6 6 Ibid., p. 3JU0. 130 of the Limpopo, he was at the tine more bent on getting Swaziland from

Great Britain, and Knutsford had ordered Loch to let Kruger know that any settlement of the Swaziland and Tongeiand questions would be useless unless Kruger interfered "energe tin ally and immediately1’ with Boers trek- king in to Mashonsland, Under the added pressure from J. H. Hofmeyer and 69 70 the Afrikander Bond Kruger issued a proclamation in Pretoria denouncing the trek, and threatened to impose a fine of L5>00 on those crossing the

Limpopo*

To make things more complicated a certain Mr. bowler had the previous year mmde claim to certain Dortiona of the north eastern Mashonaland, based on an aileged concession. This new concession caused quite a stir with investigations, official letters and newsoaper articles. The American-born

Mettieton took over from Bowler, who had offered to become a Portuguese citizen, and Nettleton threatened to move into Mashonaland with 2,000 people, if necessary without British permission.' 71

The old opponent of Rhodes, John Mackenzie, wrote to the Colonial

Office in February, 1091, suggesting ways to stop the Adendorff trek, such as increasing the police force on the Limpopo, treating the trekkers as

Ibid., op. 230-239. Rhodes had already the year before asked Loch to keep Swaziland as a guarantee against Boer filibustering in Charter- land. Co, mo, 39? of 1690, p, J> 6 .

6ti Ibid., p, 5a,

^9 Colvin, Life of Jameson, Vol. I, pp, 196-197.

70 Cu, wo. Ij03 of 1092, p . 199} Co, mo. 392 of 1690, p. 92.

71 39? of i860, p. « 5 . 131 individuals, give farms to those who would swear allegiance to the Queen 72 and intersperse them among Briti sh settlers. It is uncertain whether these suggestions hed any direct bearing on the following events, hut several of 'hem were followed as the subsequent events showed*

By the end of May much of the enthusiasm had left the trekkers and many of them never arrived. But or. June 29, IHpl, there were il? Hoers fully armed, but without families, ready to crons the LimpoDo river at

Hunter's D rift. They were met by Jameson witha British Month Africa

Comraqy Police force, and w ith the Kechuanaland BorderPolice ready a t

Mafeking, and the trekkers were warned not to cross the river without per­ mission. They were promised farms provided they would enter as settlers and accept the Charter rule. Colonel J. V. Ferreira crossed the river and was arrested. One of them, Jiaian, had the Adendorff concession in his pocket while negotiating w ith Jameson. Some of the tre k k ers retu rn ed home, while some moved on in to Mashonaland. Jameson tr ie d to find a B ritish 7 3 South Africa Company anpointment lor Colonel Ferreira, J

Although this marked the end of the Boer threat to the new country, there was still a great deal of agitation in South Africa. Many of the trekkers maintained that the concession was vai_id, and as r. result a committee of the Afrikander Bond which met at Burghers dorp in November,

1891, under the leadership of J, H. Hofmeyer, asked the High Commissioner for official arbitration. In a confidential despatch to Knutsford, Loch

72 OJ, No. [403 of 1892, p. 236.

73 Clj, wo. bid of 1892, pp. U7-129. 132 suggested in December the same year that a possible solution to the claims m?de by the Adendorff trekkers was to give Nyailand to the S o u th African 71 Republic, But in the end the whole movement came to naught.

Summary

When the occupation of Rashonaland by the British was an accomplished fact, the International reactions were sharp, but seen on the wider scaLe of world events, they were small, There were no armies involved and the skirmishes that took place are not known to have caused any loss of life.

In this game the missionaries were not actors but rather pawns that came into the picture only incidentally as they could serve the plans of the politicians.

In this game Great Britain easily came out the winner, but both

Portugal and Germany managed well for themselves when the boundary lines were finally drawn. The BoeT-s gained no land and as before the Africans were the lo sers. However, whatever lo ss the A fricans may have suffered in land or "independence" must be set off against the benefits arising from a greater contact with the outside world. After these first international complications, Southern Rhodesia did not seem to have any further serious international difficulties.

Ibid. , p. 299. CHAPTER V

THf, WAR AGAINST LOB Hi, GD LA

Rhodes' idea had neen, not only to naint the map red from Cape to

Cairo, but to open up the interior of Africa to European enterprise and settlement. In this idea he had had the sunport of both missionaries and politicians, ho after the epic march to Fort Salisbury had been success­ fully sc comp Li shed, mi ssionaries and prospective settlers looked hopefully to the north. The early advance into the country had neen mede from the south and from th e south * th e next moves would cone.

M issionary Advance

The churches were quite well represented in the Pioneer Column, ana In th e wake o f the Pioneers four new churches moved into the country to start missionsry work among the Ghona tribes, As one African expressed it: "The British South Africa Company and the missionaries came together,'1^

Canon F. R. T, Hall'our ?nd Reverend F, H, Surridge were appointed by Bishop Knight-Rruce to accompany the pioneer force into Mashonaland.

A third chaplain, Reverend Wilson Trusted was appointed to the British

South Africa Police force at Fort Tuli, but died of dysentery on October O 23, the same year. These chaplains were paid, at least in part, by the

B r itis h South A frica Company, support which Knight-Rruce accepted reluctantL y,

1 Reverend Kenneth Choto to the author, August 19?5>.

^ H. St, lohn Evans, The Church in Southern Rhodesia (Londont The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1 pp. ll-1 2 j The Times (.London), Octoher 13, 1090, p. I 3e. 13li

and only because he could yet it without strings attached. When the flag was first hoisted at FoT*t Salisbury the Canon offered the official prayer.

He later served as a missionary for two years with his headquarters in

Sali sbury, Fishop Knight-Bruce expressed the opinion that i t was an

accident that the British South Africa Company and the Anglican Church had entered the territory together, and while it was an advantage to the church to work in an area under British Government, he placed great emphasis on the fact that the church had intended to move into iiashonaland before the

Chartered Company had been thought of.^

Father Hartmann, an Austr.l an of the Society of Jesus, also accom­ panied the pioneer force as a chaplain, presumably also in the pay of the

Company*' The Jesuits, later on, established Chighawasha mission, four­ teen miles from Salisbury. The Roman Catholic Church also sent up a party of Dominican sisters who ministered to the early settlers and to the

African people .^3

Two nursing sisters engaged by Bishop Knight-Bruce accomplished the astonishing feat of walking from Beira to IJmtaii, where they established the first little hospital. This effort, too received some support from

^ Knight-Bruce to Prebendary Tucker, Secretary of the SPG, Journal, Vol. VII, pp. 71-73, November 25, i8d9, SPG Archives, London; Archbishop, Claremont, to Knight-Bruce, October 12, lBn9, CAA Ms. Division. K. 1/2.

^ Charge to the Diocesan Synod at Bloemfontein, l890. Quarterly Paper of the Diocese of Bloemfontein, July l5, 1890, p. 2B6 , and of uctober 15, 1U90, p. 331* ^ Adrian Darter, The Pioneers of Mashonaland, p. 37; ZMR, Editorial, Vol. 2, No. 2lt, 190L1, p. 2b2.

6 Ibid., p. 262. Gecjl Rhodes.^

The Reverend A, A* Louw of the Dutch Reformed Church of the Cape

Province entered Mashonaland in 1891, a year after the Pioneers. When

Mr. Louw was traveling north in the customary ox wagon, he was invited to join the Adendorff trek into Nyaiiand, but he declined the offer. He did not want to he politically engaged and decided to stick to the main road and the re c e n t permission from Dr. Jameson to enter the country.

He moved on an:) selected a site for his mission near the famous Zimbabwe ruins, about ten miles from the new settlement at Fort Victoria, which he reached on September 9, lB'H, He called his station 'orgenster, meaning Q the Morning S tar,

About the sane time the Reverend Owen Watkins and the Reverend

Isaac Shimmin of the Wesleyan Missionary Society were trekking north from the Transvaal, and thejr too reached the Limpopo river when the excitement of the Adendorff trek was on, Shimmin attributed the peaceful outcome of the incident to Dr. Jameson's skill, because the British South Africa

CompHny police was fully prepared and rather eager for the prey, anxious to avenge the British defeat at Msjuna H ills.^ But as they had difficul­ ties crossing the Limpopo with their oxen, a helping hand was extended by

^ For an interesting record of their journey and their first adventure, see: Blennerhasett and Sleeman, Adventures in Mashonaland by Two Hospital Nurses (London: The Macmillan Co., 1M9V).

8 W. J. van der Merwe, The Day Star Arises in Mashonaland, p. 1U.

9 Ibj d. , pn. 17 - 1 8 .

10 Shimmin to H artley, July lh, l? 9 l, MMS Archives, London, journal ol’ his trek, Box marked Mashonaland, 1891-1899. 136 some friendly Hoers .'1'1 They reached Salisbury on September 29, 1891, and used the infant town as headquarters for their work in the surrounding di stricts.

At this time the first group of SaLvation Army Officers was also trekking into the country under the lead ersh ip of Major and Mrs, J. Pascoe ,

Their party included four Captains, R. K. Scott, D. Crook, h. Mahon, P. T,

Cass and Lieutenant T. Seale. They arrived in Salisbury on November l 8 ,

.1891 . 1-2 It is an indication of the hardship and endurance involved in travels in Southern Africa at that time that this party had taken six months to go from Kimberley to Salisbury, a di stance of 952 m iles.

The next missionaries to appear on the scene were representatives of the Berlin Missionary Society who started work at Gutu in .L 892 and Chlbi in lfi 9h, which work was carried on until 1907 when it was turned over to the Dutch Reformed Church of the Cape P r o v in c e .^

The last mission to start work during this oeriod was the American

Board of CammlsFioners for Foreign Missions, The first party settled under

Dr. Wilder and Mr. F. R. Hunker on September 2L, 1893, at Mount Belinda in the south eastern end of Southern Rhodesia. ^

The Mis si onaries and the B ritish South Afric a Company

The missionaries’ attitude towards the British South Africa Company

Clarence Thorpe, Limpopo to Zambesi (London: The Cargate Press, 1931J, p. hO.

^ Victor Thompson, Delayed H arvest (Mimeographed, for p riv a te circulation only, 1957)> p. 7. T3 Van der Merwe, op. c i t . , p . 28,

^ F, R. Bunker to BSA, Uctober 6 , 1B93, CAA. L.2/1/U1. 137 varied, with some adopting a somewhat sceptical attitude of "wait and see, 11 and others welcoming the Company occupation in glowing terms. In general 15 the entry of the British South Africa Company was looked upon with favor.

As early as 1079 missionaries reported that the crushing defeat of the Zulu power bv the British in the Natal had frightened Lobengula, and the idea was gladly accepted that the British might take over the country from Lobengula e ith e r by war or diplomacy. B ritish occupation would stop the Ndebele marauding expeditions into Mashonaland, offer protection for the helpless Shona, and put a stop to the Portuguese slave trade on the

Zambesi , 16

A few years later the London Missionary Society secretary expressed the hope that "the British Govt, will see their way to take Lobengula and his people under their protection,He also expressed his desire to have the staff so increased that one member could always be at Ldbengula's kraal and offer guidance and advice to the chief.

Dr. James Stewart of Lovedale wrote an eloquent editorial in The

Christian ilxpress in favor of the Chartered Company, He expressed the expectation that the country would receive a regular administration with its civilizing influence. It was expected that the Company would protect

Qj, ao. 369 of 1R89, p. 101.

^ Joseph Cockin, IMS missionary to Bechuanalsnd, to Dr, Mullens, LMS Secretary, London, May 1079, CAA Microfilm, Vol. h.

■*■7 Thompson to Carnegie, November 17, 1887, LMS Archives, box 21} Thompson to J. S. Moffat, May 2h, 1888, LMS Archives, Box 11,

Thompson to Heim, O ctober lj, 1088, LMS A rchives, Box 21, 130 the Shona, and make life and property in Matabeleland itself secure from w itch craft and misgovemment. He congratulated Cecil Khodes on giving

Central Africa the onLy alternative to the never ending fratricidal ware among the trib e s. 19 There was a longing for the Pax Britannica* 20

It was widely held that the preaching of the Gospel could never be e ffe c tiv e under Lobengula's regime. The London Missionary Society had been at work among the Ndebele for thirty years without seeing any one converted to the Christian faith; their effort in establishing a school had not been successful, and the long years of waiting and laboring had 21 taxed the faith and the patience of the missionaries. Knight-Bruce had quite definitely been told thpt, although he had been permitted to travel through the country, he would not be allowed to settle a mission among the 22 Shona* The Jesuit fathers had hoped to introduce the novelty of the plough, but they were warned that it would have disastrous consequences as no such innovation could be introduced unless the chief had first used a plough in his own field s. This warning made them see th e ir task as f u tile

^ The Christian Express, December 2, 1089, no. 177-178; Gann, Birth of a Flural Society, p. IH. For a similar reaction of the Methodist missionary, Uwen Watkins, see G. G. Findley and W, W, Holdsworth, the Hi story of the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society (London: The Epworth P ress, 1 9 2 l), Vol. IV, p. 3d2.

2® W. A. Elliott, South Africa (London! The London Missionary Society, 1913), p. 35*

21 Helm to Thompson, June b, 1091, Microfilm, CAA; Carnegie to Thompson, June 27, 1090, Microfilm, CAA.

22 Helm to Thompson, December 22, 1888, Microfilm, CAA; Fripp and H ille r , 0 £. cit., p. 101, 139

and was instrumental in their leaving the country temporarily, 23

As a re s u lt many began to look upon the coming of the B ritish South

Africa Company as providential and hoped that God would use the Company to

break the wdebele power and open the way for the acceptance of the Gospel.

In the eyes or some the British South Africa Company became the instrument * 1 in the hands of God for a higher purpose. MSome of the missionaries were

even of the opinion th at since Lobengula 1 s rule was oppressive to many of 25 the wdebele themselves, they, th erefore, would welcome the Company ru le .

Soma of the Shona are reported to have welcomed the British Protection,

The missionaries from Great Britain gladly accepted the Company because i t served to keep out the hoer influence. The Boers had looked with suspicion upon bngiish m issionaries since the time of Dr. John P h illip s .

It was also a well known fact that David Livingstone, John Mackenzie and others did not regard the Boers very highly, and Bishop Knight-Bruce was of the opinion"thst no Boer should he in charge of a native as no native

23 zi“!R, Vol. 2, wo, 2h, l90ij, p. 397. See also D. Carnegie's account in the Chronicle of the LMb, December 1093, p. 307.

^ Thompson to Carnegie, February 20, 1890 , LMS Archives, Box 23* Thompson to Carnegie, April 10, IS 9 0, LMb Archives, Box 23; Carnegie to Thompson, June 27, 1090, Microfilm, CAA, Vol. tij Helm to Thompson, August 11, 1890, Microfilm, CAA, Vol. h; ZMR, Vol. 7, 192li, p. 302; Moffat to Knight- Bruce, December 5, 1088, CAA Ms. Division, Diaries; H. U. Moffat, John Smith Moffat, p. 23h'f D, L. Leonard, The Missionary Review of the World, January lB9h, p. 80. See Missionary Review of the World, June 189 S, p. U79, for an American view on "England's c iv ilisin g M ission,”

2$ Helm to Thompson, December 12, 1889, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5; Thompson to Carnegie, February 20, 18?0, IMS Archives, Box 23, 26 njftj, ^/the Company/ Erschienen unter den bedriickten Schwartzen Sudafrikas gilt hierbei ihnen, als ob da die Engel ersohienen waren, sie haben die beste Sympatie der ^ingeborenen und worden mit Freuden begrusst.” Erdmann Schweilnus, February 10, 1891, in "Extracts from the Archives of the Berlin Mission,” p. 30, Caa Ms. Division. liiO 27 should be in charge of a horse." Many Boers saw in the African mainly a source of Labor and deplored the fa c t th a t Africans did not see the 28 advantage in working for the white men.

However, some of the more fa rsig h te d men Like Knlght-Rruce and

Wardlaw Thompson were not quite so e n th u sia stic in th e ir sunport of' the

Chartered ComDany. When Mr, George Cawston, one of the first directors of the British South Africa Comnany, at a public meeting in London had solemnly assured the audience th a t the Company "had been formed mainly in the 29 interests of the natives and the missionaries," Thompson remarked that

"Knowing, as 1 do, something about the men and their antecedents, such an announcement was .lust a t r i f l e s t a r t l i n g . 11^ Men like Knight-Bruce and

Wardlaw Thompson were in no doubt about the blessings that British protec­ tion would offer to the African tribes, and they were very outspoken in their belief in the efficacy of the British Empire, 11 but they were reluc­ tant to accept the ru Le of a commercial company as a valid substitute for i? 33 the "Imperial factor."-’ To them it definitely was the next best thing,

27 Fripp and Hiller, 0£. cit., p, i20. 2^ De Waal, op. cit., p. 105.

29 Thompson to E l l i o t t , November 28, lfitiy, LMS Archives, Box 22, For a report on this speech see* The Christian Express, May 1, 1890, p. 72; Douglas Mackenzie, John Mackenzie, p. h33- Similar remarks were made by another of the Directors, the Duke of Fife on January 29, 1090. See The Chronicle of the LMS, March 1890, pp. b7-69.

30 Thompson to E L lio tt, November 28, 1089, IMS Archives, Box 22. 31 Thompson to Carnegie, A pril 10, 109C, LMS Archives, Box 2 3 ; Fripp and HilLer, oo. cit., pp. 109, 12b.

32 Fripp and H iller, op. c it. , pp. 6-7; Thomason to Klliott, November 2b, IbdP, LMS Archives, Rox 22; Thompson to Moffat, January 39, 1809, LA-S Archives, Hox 23. 33 Thompson to Carnegie, A pril 1 0 , 1890, UIS Archives, Box 23. Moffat seemed to have preferred the Company to the Colonial Office. Moffat to Mr. Bruce, December 5, 1889; Moffat to "My dear Fisher," September k, 1889; JSM, CAA. llll since they could not trust the Company to rule with justice and dis­ interestedness as they could their Imperial Government. Knight-Bruce accepted the Company because he thought that its action had been for the 'jJ good, but hopint it would do nothing to make him change his views*

There was also a lurking fear that to have a settlement of white people living side by side with the fldebele would lead to war, an outcome feared by the missionaries,"

Rhoses on his side seemed to have "an ardent desire to get the cooperation of the Church, if possible, or if not possible, to prevent any hindrance on her part to such plans as they fthe British bouth Africa

Company) may not wish reflected on," He succeeded in obtaining this cooperation primarily because nearly all missionaries who came into con- 37 tact with him became his ardent suonorters, and some of them bought shares in the British South Africa Company.'

Rhodes gave the missions large tracts of land 39 end supported them with monetary grants.^ Rhodes' motives for doing this have not been easy

— ------3^ Knight-Bruce to P, Tucker, Way 1.1, iR91, SrG Archives, Ms. J. Vol. 7* p. 12U.

3^ Helm to Thompson, August 11, 1890, CAA Microfilm, Vol. 5; Carnegie to Thompson, September 25, CAA microfilm, Vol. i>; Helm to Thompson, August h, 1BH9 , CAA Microfilm., Vo i, 5. 3^ Knight-Bruce to Tucker, November 28, 1889, J. Ms. Vol. 7, pp. 71-73, SPG Archiver, Iondon, 37 »(jne is inclined to indulge in unmitifated hero worship when in his company.” Shimmin to Hartley, uctober 20, 1893, Microfilm in author's possession. 3^ Thompson to E llio tt, December li, 1890, LFlb Archives, 39 For details, see Chapter VII. Knight-Bruce to Tucker, November 25, 1889, SPG Journal, V 0 1 . 7, pp. 71-73; helm to Thompson, August II, 1890, CAA Microfilm; Dr. H arris to Isaac Shimmin, March 13, 109Uj Microfilm in author’s possession. Iii2 to find, but on more than one occasion he expressed his opinion that missionaries were much cheaper than policemen,^ that one missionary might be worth as much as fifty policemen,^ that the missions brought good ) 1 people into the country. He regarded mission work as one of the best means for opening up and civilizing a country.^ Hsvinr a very great regard for Dr. James Stewart of Lovedole, he believed in the civilizing influence of religion on m~n and saw its importance. He was himself a clergymen's son and in his youth once thought of taking Holy urders. To dismiss from Rhodes a genuine in te re s t in th e missionary en terp rise, would be to oversim plify a complex situation*

On the other hand, Rhodes war. not above trying ,1to square1’^ any man, even a missionary, and use him for his own purpose. He confessed once that he had suffered a great deal at the hands of missionaries,^ and had no regard for those missionaries who, in his opinion, turned out African

k-L if. p. Davidson, South and South Central Africa, (Llgin, Illinois: Brethren Publishing House, L915), pp. 39—liO; Rhodes to I.awley, January 1A97, CAA L ? /l/?li. I p n Van der Merwe, op. c i t . , p. 19.

^3 "Well Herrirf" Rhodes said, "you must remember, the Wesleyans will do good to tne country—all their people will be of the right sort— they will not bring in loafers, who can do nothing but drink whiskey at ill per bottle." Watkins 1 Diary, uctober 20, 1891, CAA Microfilm.

Shimmin to Hartley, October 31, 1893, Microfilm with author.

^ Rhodes used this expression meaning to bring a man over to his position, if necessary by bargaining.

^ Vindex, Cecil Rhodes, His Poll.tical Li f e and Speeches, Id81-1900, on. cit. , pp. 1$9-160. For an unpleasant interview with Rhodes on this p o in t, see: Jarnegie to Thompson, January 1 , l89iu Hi 3 1-7 parsons who knew Greek and Latin, hut very little el?e*

Rhodes also understood his countrymen in png I and and realized the tremendous strength of the non-conformist opinion within the Liberal Party and of the Anglican opinion within the Tory P arty , fin ce he knew that without their support his schemes might not succeed,^ he, therefore, made friends with the missionaries whenever possible, and in return used their names during the subsequent events in a way which would make present day missionaries very unhanoy.

The First Settlers

During the first dry season after the occupation, a number of settlers arrived in the country, hoping to find the gold that the country was supposed to possess, make their fortune and leave. Many came to make their homes in the country, as had the doers that moved into the Weisetter d ist”ic t under L. Moodie in 1893■ The opople coming in were of various nationalities, and u. Watkins told of a party of Swedes that he met on his way up, who were seeking their fortune, but whom he feared would find their

1,0 graves. Many of the early settler? died on their way up. Some lost their way and were never found again. The amount of suffering from malaria was staggering; transportation was almost non-existent except for the slow moving ox wagon, and the cost of living was extremely high, owing to the great distances over which the goods had to be carried,

^ Vindex., o£. cit., pp. Ii>9-160.

Hole, The Passing of the Hlack Kings, og. c i t . , pp. 228-229.

^ (j. Watkins, Journal, July 11, l89i, CAA Microfilm. llili

Lobengula and the New Situation

The country was now being governed according to the South Africa

Order in Council of May 9, 1891, one of its main features being that the whole of the Company's te r rito r y was declared a B ritish sphere of influence

and became a British Protectorate; therefore ail foreigners were warned

not to interfere. The High Commissioner had the final approval of the

appointments of magistrates and commissioners.

But Lobengula had not relinquished his power over Mash cn&land and the tribes living there. To his mind the white people were only in

Mashoneland to dig for gold and, as a convenience, he let them he governed

by Dr. Jameson. In order to maintain his overlordship he continued to

allow his impis to raid the Shonn chiefs, to collect tax and tribute,to

settle quarrels, to kill, and to enslave as before.

Rut he must also have reconciled himself to the presence of the white settlers and to the claims of the British bouth Africa Company, because as early as the latter part of lb90 Lobengula had e piece of land in Mashoneland reserved for himself for the purpose of developing it as a 50 mining claim.

In 1691 Lobengula1s impis moved aDparently aimlessly around the country, mainly to keep the warriors busy, it was thought.In 1891

Lobengula conducted a raid and killed the chief Lomagundi north of

121 ° r i09o> P* 388 ; JbM, September 13, 1890, CAA H 10/lj The Times ^London)> June 2 0 , 1891, p. 17b.

^ OP, No. h26 of 1892, p. 188. 111? go Salisbury, and in lR92 s similar raid was carried out against chief Chibi*'

On September 10, 1H92, the port cart was stopped and robbed and the

Ndebele threatened to shoot the man in charge, On another occasion a

tra n s p o rt r id e r was attacked between Nuanetsi and Lundi, had ail his

goods taken and was ill treated. On Aoril 13, 1^93, two traders from

Victoria were robbed end one of them died from injuries.

Jameson protested against those raids which greatly disturbed the

Europeans even i f the Ndebele warriors went fo r the Shcna, hut the raids 51 went on and ev en tu ally led to the downfall of Lobengula.

In April 1^93, several things happened which helped to strain the

re la tio n s h ip between the settlers and the Ndebele. Two Europeans, Edkani

and Shackleton, who had been found prospecting far into Lobengula 1 s t e r r i ­

tory without having obtained his permission, were robbed by some of the

Ndebele. Lobengula was angry, and succeeded in getting back the stolen

goods, but wrote to Jameson that such hapnenings could only lead to trouble between the two parties. The comment of Johan Colenbrander in April was:

MHe is trying to pull straight; therefore they /the whites/ ought fran

their side help him in cases of this sort all they can.11^

But such a conflict over Just this kind of problem was clearly

^ For a description of the terrible result of this raid seei Shimmin to Hartley, September 2b, lfi93, Microfilm with author*

53 BSA Report, 1B92-1R91, p. 17.

^ Colvin, o£. cit., Vol. 1, p. 2li3*

C.7171 of 1893, p. 111. H|6 foreseen in Hdvance by missionaries who publicly expressed the opinion that 86 the Company was not willing to accept a limit on its activities* Already in 1890 Hoffat foresaw that the conflict would come exactly as it aven- tually did.' He knew the South African history and the African mind and, therefore, labored under no illusions as to the final outcome of the latent co n flict. As early as thf-> end of March, 1893, the secretary of the

London Missionary Society had been informed by the missionaries about the <9 disturbed state of affairs and he fo r e s a w armed c o n flic t.

The Victoria Incident

The so-called Victoria incident started early in Hay, i893, when some people under a small chief, Gomalla, cut about five hundred yards of telegraph line to Salisbury and the British South Africa Company determined to find the culprits. Gomalla refused to give up the culprits, but accented a fine which he paid in cattie, which were taken to Victoria. He then sent word to Pulawayo that the Company had taken Lobengula 1 s cattle. Since this made Lobengula very angry, he sent a long letter to Dr. Jameson asking for an exnlanation and admonishing Dr. Jameson to be careful in the future not to punish any one unless he was sure he had the real offender.^ When the

56 W. A. biliott in The Christian bxpress. Hay ?, 1892, pp. 72-73.

57 Moffat to Harris, October P, 189 O; JSM, CAA Ms. Uivision.

M o f f a t to Shipperd, April 17, 188 ?, 0.^918, p. 200. See also Moffat despatches of November 13, 1891, November l 8 , 1891, and November 20, 1891, JSM, CAA Ms, Division.

59 Thompson to Rees, March 30, 1893, CAA Microfilm.

60 C.7171 of 1893, pp . U2-UU. 1L7 situation was clarified, the cattle were restored and new efforts made to find th e a c tu a l o ffen d ers. That seemed to be the end of i t ,

Lobengula must have learned about some o th er irr e g u la r itie s , because a little later he sent nut an impi to punish Bere’s people, near Fort AT Victoria, for cattle theft. Before he despatched the impi on its puni­ tiv e expedition he sen t a message on June 2b to Jameson via Johan Colenbrander that the impi had strict orders not to interfere with the white settlers, aa he had no hostile intentions against the whites.

This order was obeyed to the letter, out only to the letter, because near Fort Victoria the impi burned Shona kraals, killed some of the inmates, enslaved o th e rs, drove away c a ttle , some of which were reported to belong to white people.^ The impi behaved very menacingly to European travelers hi; and k ille d th e ir wagon d riv e rs and servants r ig h t on thB road, sometimes even pulling them away from the Europeans who tried to orotect their b5 frightened servants. Finally, they entered the town of Victoria on

Sunday afternoon, July 9, killed the Shona right in the streets of the small settlement,1^ and murdered nine near the camp*^ This was carrying

61 C.7171 of 1893, p. 50.

62 Ibid., p. 5tu This message reached the Colonial Uffice on July 12, 1893, ibid., p. b5.

65 Colvin, op, c it., Vol. I, p. 257j C.7555 of 189U, p. 12.

^ Colvin, o£. cit., p. 2hb.

65 Ibid., p. 219.

^ The Time 5 (London), September 7, 1893* Pp. 3 and 2f.

67 ZHR, Vol. U, No. U8, 1910, p. 71. Letter from Father Prestage dated July 12, lfl93- llifi the raid too far for the liking of the Europeans, who got thoroughly stirred up over the affair*

Jameson, who was informed Dy wire, at once sent a friendly message to Lobengula asking him to keep h is impi on his side of the boundary lin e .

At the same time he told Captain Lendy, the commander at Fort Victoria, to get rid of the imoi without collision, informing him that Lobengula was

"very anxious and, in fact, frightened of any trouble with the whites . 11

He also reminded Lendy th a t a war would from a fin a n cial point of view throw the country back " till God Knows when . ’1 A similar friendly message b9 was sent by Loch to Lobengula. Jameson at once set out for Fort Victoria.

Two Jesuit fathers, Prestage and Rartholemy, who were in Fort

Victoria at the time, went out on the following day, July 10, to see the inrfuna of the impi to advise him not to take the whole force into Fort

Victoria again but to come alone or with a small group of men to talk with 70 Captain Lendy , 1

On July lb, the Sunday following the tmpi's visit to Fort Victoria, the Reverend Sylvester of the Church of England, in whose congregation 71 Captain Lendy was an active member, preached from an ammunition case and 72 declared that "the sons of Ham would all be cleared out . 1'1

68 C.7171 of 1893, p. 50.

69 ib id ., pp. 51-52.

70 Vox. 2 , ho. 23, ± 9 0h, p. 3L9; Vol. b, no. Lb, 1 9 1 0, n. 70.

^ St, J, Evans, o jj . cit. , p. 17.

72 Colvin, ojp. cit., Vol. I, p. 253* Ib9

When Jameson reached Kort Victoria on July 17, he called an indaba with the induna Manyow and Umgendan and th e ir men. By th is time the

European population of the district, about bfJO in number, was greatly dis­ turbed and was gathered in or around the fort at Victoria. As a result a ll the work on farms and in mines in the neighborhood was at a standstill.

On the iflth the induaas with some of their men came to the Fort 73 about noon. Jameson "by all accounts was very short with them," out a discussion took olace as to the purpose of the raid. The induna Manyow told Jameson that they had come on the chief's order, and they intended to stay until they had fulfilled their purpose. As to the justification for th e ir coining, he stated th at Mashonaland was s t i l l a nrovince of the

Ndebele kingdom to which lobengula had never ceded his governing rights, and that the British South Africa Company had only the privilege of searching for gold and precious stones. He further stated that the Ndebele had since the days of Mzilikazi always sent their impis to assert their overlordship over the Shona and that their right to kill those who refueed to pay the annual tribute had never been questioned. To this Dr, Hans

Sauer, who was present a t the indaba, made the following comment t

To those of us who were acquainted with the conditions under which the Chartered Company had been permitted to enter MashonBiand, the reply of the old Matabele Induna wes conclusive. The old man had correctly stated the facts, and from the legal point of view there was no answer to him.'**

Nevertheless the Ndebele were told that the Shona could not be given

73 Ibid., p. 25b.

7b Sauer, o£. cit., p. 221. over to them far punishment, out Captain Lendy had, on July it, offered to try any of them as a Magistrate to see if they were guilty, and if so ho would hand them over to th e impi* 75 In the end Jameson to ld than to 7 A be across the Tokwe river in one hour's time.' If they aid not go voluntarily, he wound use force. The younger induna 1 s truculent attitude did not f a il to make an impression on the Europeans present. With Jameson's ultimatum the indabs broke up and the Europeans went to Lunch. The con- versation had lasted about twenty minutes. 77

After lunch some of th e Ndebele were s t i l l s e e r in the neighborhood of the town and Jameson ordered Captain Lendy to carry out his orders.

"Ride out in the direction they have gone towards iMegomoii's kraal. If you find they are not moving o ff, drive them a s you heard me t e l l Manyow *7 D I would, snci i f they r e s i s t and attack you shoot them ."

They rode out and a few miles away (variously reported from three to seven miles) the mounted force of thirty-eight men overtook the Ndebele who were slowly moving away, driving cattle and captives in front of them.

The irtoi was taken by surprise*7^ The European force opened out in skir­ mishing order, led by Captain Lencty, his sword drawp. Un the sound of the

75 Colvin, op. c i t . , Vol. I, pp. 250-251.

76 There was some d ifferen ce of opinion whether Jameson really meant one hour, or only gave an auproxiihete time limit. Sauer said he gave them to night fail (Ex Africa, p. 222). The Newton Commission concluded that Jameson had not asked them to do the impossible. C. 7555 of 1$9U, p. 12.

77 Colvin, 0£. c i t . , Vol. I, p. 256. 151

bugle they began firing at the fleeing Ndebele and one of the first to

fall was the chief's nephew, who refused to flee, "It seemed to me to be 00 all one-sided, for no attempt was made by the Matabele to retaliate,"

wrote one of the participants. Before the settlers returned to Victoria

an estimated thirty Ndehelp had been killed,

Jameson wired the same day to the High Commissioner informing him

of what had happened and that the Ndebele had fired on the white men f ir s t , 01 put that he expected this to be the end of the trouDle, Loch wired 0 2 Lobengula urging him to withdraw the impis.

This report was sent on to London by Loch^ and generally accepted.

The Hunter Selous considered that the shooting of the Ndebele was fully 0)j justified since every one of them was a murderer. But certain mission­

aries sent reports to their home secretaries seriously questioning the 85 o ffic ia l reports. Helm did so I n a le tte r to Wardlaw Thompson, and

W. C. Willoughby from Bechuenalsnd sent a long le tte r to Thompson challeng-

ing the official reports. This letter was published in the Daily Chronicle

8^ Neville Jones, op. c i t . , p, 7h. Account of John Neikles, Sauer, op. c i t . , p. ??lj.

81 C,7171 of 1893, pp. 53-bU.

Ibid., p. 5iu

8 ^ Ibid., p, UU. This incorrect version was also published in the BSA Company printed reports for l892-l8?b, p. 17.

Michell, o£. cit. , Vol. 2, pp. 91-92.

8 ^ Helm to Thompson, uctober 9, 1093j sund uctober 23* i8?3*

86 C.7555 of L 89 I1, p . 55. 1 5 ?

and later renrinted In the official Blue Hook. The secretary of the London

Missionary Society also wrote a long letter to the Dai ly Chronicle giving

the main points of Ndebele history and throwing grave doubts on the 87 official report.

The result was that an official inquiry was held by the Colonial

Secretary of Bechuanaland, F, J. Newton in 189 b. He submitted his re p o rt

on July 7, 1 Rph, almost exactly one year after the Victoria Incident. He

came to th e conclusion th a t Mr. Jameson was misinformed hy Captain Lendy

and that the weight of the evidence was that the first shot was fired by 88 the Sergeant of th e advance guard led by Captain Lendy.

However, Dr. Jameson's hope that this would prove to be the end of

the trouble was not realized. Instead it was only the beginning. The

incident could not be interpreted other than as an act of war against the 89 Ndebele, and was so understood at the time. When Lobengula learned from 90 his men what had taken niece, he sent some very telling messages from

h is k raal in Bulawayo, which deservo to be quoted in fu ll:

You did not t e l l me t h a t you had a lot of the Amaholi c a ttle hiding with you, together with their owners; and that when my indunas claimed them from Captain Lendy, he refused to give up either cattle or men, and told my induna that the Amaholi s and their cattle did not belong to me any longer, and then turned his cannon on to my people. Are

87 I b id ., P P . 52-53; C.7290 of l89ii, p. 20.

C.7555 of 1891, p . 12.

Hans Sauer, o£. c it., p. 22ij.

90 ft was reported that th e warrior who brought the ne»3of the V ic to ria In c id en t to Lobengula, was ordered to be put to death as bearer of evil news. Neville Jones, o£. cit., p. 77. 1*3 the Ajnaholis then yours, including th e ir c a ttle ; did you then send them to come and s te a l my cattle? Capt, Lendy ssid you had bought them for money; where then did you place the cash? toho did you give it to? Let my cattle be delivered to my people peacefully. I wish you to let me know at once. J thought you came to dig gold, but it seems that you have come not only to dig the gold but to rob me of my people and country as w ell; remember th at you are lik e a child playing with edged tools. Tell Capt. Lendy he is like some of my own young men; he has no holes in his ears, and cannot or will not hear; he is young, and all he thinks about is a row, hut you had better caution him carefully or he will cause trouble, serious trouble between u s . 91

Later on he wrote to Moffat:

, . , you know very well that the white people have done this thing on purpose. This is not right, my people only came to punish the Amahole for stealing my c a ttle and cutting your w ires.9"

Hidden behind this is the unresolved question: who had the jurisdiction of the country? Lobengula assumed that he was the ch ief, as before and as he had been told in the Cueen's letter. The huropeans assumed they had jurisdiction over their part of the land, yet they had never asked for it and Lobengula had never given it. The question of the overlordship of the Shona trib e s had never been discussed. Out of th is unresolved question rose not a little of the confusion that followed.

The Public Excitement

While t h i 3 was going on the excitement at Fort Victoria rose. Guns had been distributed and demands for action were loudly heard. On July

21, Jameson sent a wire to Loch informing him of the wish of the settlers and assuring him that with his permission he could settle the whole

91C.?I71 of ifl93, pp. 66-67.

9^ Ibid. , p. b7. 15k

question rapidly from F.ashonaiand, 93 Jn the evening Jameson paid a visit

to Father Prestage of the Society of Jesus to tell him that the High Com­

missioner would support the Company if the clergy approved of the punish­

ment of the Ndebele. Father Prestage told him that he considered there

waa just cause for the Company to take up arms against the Ndebele in

defense of the Shona, who had been unjustly wronged. Jamnson then asked yt Prestage to wire his views to Rhodes,

The following was therefore sent the next day:

Dr* Jameson has asked my opinion as to the justice of punishing the Amandabeles at once. Fy answer is, I consider there is most just cause for mmishing the Amandabeles at once. Without prompt punish­ ment th ere is every prohability of the samp atrocities occurring.95

Dr. Jameson was delighted to have th e blessing of the church on the con- 96 templated punishment of the Ndebele, He lost no time in transmitting 97 98 the news to Dr, H arris, who had i t published in London immediately.

Jameson also proceeded to raise an armed force to defend Fort Victoria,

The following day, July 22, there was a public meeting at Victoria

to discuss the recent events and to frame a letter in which gratitude was

expressed for the recent action against the impi, but also to stress the

93 IMrt., p. 58.

9^ Letter from Father Peter Preatage to Father Kerr, dated Fort Victoria, July 27, 1893; ZMR, Vol. li, No* h9, 1910, p. 72.

9^ Ib id . Amsndabele, an e a rlie r form of Ndebele,

96 ZMR, Vol. k, No. 1 9 , 1910, d. 75.

97 C.7171 of 1893, p. GO.

^ The Times (London), July 2k, 1893* P* 5f* See also ib id , August lh, 1893, p. 8 c, where Jameson stressed the sunnort he had from the clergy. necessity oi‘ settling the Ndebele question once and for all, before the

capitalists lost their confidence in the country. The settlers declared

they had no confidence in Lobengula1s word. The letter also pointed out

that the mining, farming and transport operations had suffered because the

fudebele tmpi scared away the fhona laborers. The oresent crisis had made

the settlers afraid for the safety of their women and children, and they

had therefore gathered in laager. 99 Ail productive operations were,

therefore, at a standstill. 100 The letter was signed by six men, two of

whom were Hans Sauer and w. ma pier. After the meeting, Jameson wired Loch

informing him that he was being urged to go to war against Lobengula.1^

Two days later he told Lobengula that although he was anxious to continue

the friendly relationship with him, hie impis would precipitate a general

war and he would be compelled to ask the High Commissioner to move his

Wacloutsie police northward.

The Imperial Government was in no mood f o r another South African

war, and Lech was instructed by Lord Kinon to remind Rhodes that the Company

must not look to the Imperial Government for protection of its territories

against aggressi on.

Jameson left Fort Victoria on July 27 for Salisbury. From then on

telegraphic correspondence went on between Jameson, Loch and Lobengula for

^ A South African Dutch term meaning a c irc le o f wagons drawn together for defensive purposes, also la te r a f o r tif ie d encampment.

Letter to be found in CAA, U.V, 13/t>/l. 156

about two months, Some of the main ooints in this corresoondenoe were that

Lobengula denied ever having agreed to any boundary, and after ail, what had his impis done except punish his haholis (slaves) who had cut the white man's wire and stolen his cattle . ' ^ 1 To this Jameson replied that the

chief knew very well that the recognized boundary line was the hmnyaniti

and Shashi rivers, 1 0 *3 and the chief had several times complained that the white men crossed the line, and his impi was not innocentj it had killed neoole and burned villages*^"0*’ While this correspondence went on Loch strengthened the Pechuanaland Border Police at Tuli to U7U, and sent fifty 107 extra men to Macloutsie.

Lobengula and the War

From all the available evidence it does not appear that Lobengula wanted war nor was he preparinp for war against the white s e ttle r s . He had sent his impi, six thousand stronp, towards the Zambesi in June with 1_0 Pi the intention of raiding Lewanika's territory. When the trouble near

-*-^3 I b id ., p. 67.

10ij C.7171 of 1893» p. 67j C.7196, op. 10-11.

105 I b id ., p. 6 8 . Helm to Thompson,January 12, 189 b. W, A. L ilio tt in November 1891 gave an interesting account of the question of the boundary line, which at that time was the Umzwezwe river, and which represented an advance on the lin e drawn a few months previously, and he speculated on what would happen when a further advance would be made by the Company. The Chronicle of the London Missionary Society, march 1892 , p. 71.

106 C.7196 of 1H93, P. 11.

107 c >7171 of LP93,p. 5li.

109 Ibid‘» pp. 56, 62. 157

F ort V ictoria had started, the tmpi returned with smell pox and was quaran­ ti n ed , 1°^ antj n axg 0 appears that he sent his impi to punish the people in order to avoid a clash with the settlers, and all evidence points to the fa c t th at no European was attack ed , not even when the Europeans shot first,One important evidence of this is the message sent from Johan

Colenbrander on July ??, when Lobengula had received the letter from

Jameson remonstrating with him for having sent an impi so close to Victoria, but before he knew of the killing of his men* He expressed regret that they had gone so close to the town and Lendy had done right by ordering them away.

The messages that he sent when the negotiations were carried on also orove that he tried to avoid the open collision* The ReverendBowen

Rees was the last missionary to see Lobengula and he came out of Matabele- 112 land as late as August 19, reporting on Lobengula 1 s peaceful intentions.

Both Holm and Moffat^l^ neld it not unlikely that Lohengula might attack when the impis returned from Zambesi, but this likelihood became very small when the impis returned smitten with smallpox. Helm also m aintained that Lobengula had promised h is warriors that they couldfig h t the white neople if they fired upon his n e n ,^ After the event, however,

109 of 1093, P. 11-

110 C.7555 of i89U, p. 12.

/ ' H I C.719P of 1893, P. 10; The Times (.London), November 15, 1H93, P . 5a.

C.7171 of 1093, pp. U9-30, 65.

0*7196 of 1093, p. 9. Ashton to Thompson, August 2d, 1093*

Hk Ashton to Thompson, August 2d, 1093. 150 he came to the conclusion af’ter talking with the people, that Lobengula would have come to terms if he hsd been given a proper opportunity.^^

It was, of course, true that the annual raids were a curse to the neighboring tribes, a source of fear and annoyance to the white settlers, and that the young warriors were really anxious for a f i g h t b ut th a t does not detract from the evidence that Lobengula did not wish for a war against the whites. 117 Tt is an open question whether or not he would have been able to enforce a peaceful policy on his younger chiefs*

Jameson, Rhodes, and the War

It was also true that in the beginning Jameson did not wish a war on his hands, and this came out in a letter to his brother Sam.

I have realLy been forced into this by the incompetence of my own officials before I could get down here, and there was no way out of it but shooting, and after all, though expensive and troublesome, in the meantime, it will be a quicker way of making the country go ahead than any oeaceful policy of gradual absorption of the Katabele among our black labourers* I still think the latter would have been better and could have been carried out.H ”

The same sentiment was expressed in Jameson's letter to Lendy, previously quoted. That "a peaceful policy of gradual absorption" was possible was also the opinion of Moffat who quite correctly observed that the presence of the settlers in Mashonaiand accelerated the disintegrating tendencies within the Ndebele tribe. 119

Helm to Thompson, January 12, L09li.

116 C.7196 of 1093, P. 10,

See also: Harding, ojn c i t . , o. 35*

Letter dated October h, iB93j Colvin, o£. cit., Vol. I, p. 2t>7. 1J-9 Moffat to Harris, October t>, 1090, JSM, CAA* 159

However, when the clash came Jameson at once started to prepare for war. 120 he was determined to have definite action, 191 and did nothing to avert the war, feeling that it might accomplish the Company's purpose more ranidly than peaceful, penetration. On September 2ti Isaac Shimmin could write from Salisbury to Hartley in London that military preparations had gone on for about two months and the time for crossing the border had been I pO s e t a t about October 1* As early as July 27, Father Prestage could report that a sufficient force was being raised for the purpose of invading

Lobengula's country, 121 It was during this neriod that Jameson sent his message to Rhodes regarding th e d e s ir a b ility of a war and received the c ry p tic rep ly "Read Luke XTV, 31," from Rhodes who was attending a 1 25 sittin g : in the Cape P arliam ent.

The war came, no doubt, very conveniently for the British South

A frica Company, because the promised gold in Mashonaiand did not turn up in such big q u a n titie s as expected, the country was very exnensive to run and the Company's coffers were nearly empty. Rhodes had to sell fifty

Letter from Father Frestage, dated at Fort Victoria, July 27, 1893; ZMR, Vol. h, No, L9, 1910, pp. 72-73; also, Colvin, o£, cit., Vol. I , p. 260.

121 The Times (London), August I t , 1893, p. do.

122 Shiiranin to H artley, September 2fci, 1893. 123 Letter from Peter Prestage to Father Kerr, July 27, lB93, ZMR, Vol. U, wo. U9, 1910, pp. 72-73. 12U "Ur what king going to make war against another king, sitteth not down first, and consulteth whether he be able with ten thousand to meet him th a t cometh ag ain st him w ith twenty thousand,"

^25 M illin, oj>. cit., p. l89. l6 o thousand of his own shares in the Chartered Company to finance the war.^ ^ 3

The prospect of more land and promising reefs in I'ietabeleland was most welcome, even if the Company would rather have chosen a campaign earlier in the year to avoid the complication of dry veldt, heat and threatening rains.

That Rhodes had heen th in k in g shout war as far back as November

1890 came out in a conversation with seme Transvaal Roers on Mr. Vil^oen’s 1?8 farm, ' and he believed it was inevitable if he was going to achieve his purpose. ,rWe either had to have that war or to leave the country. r'129

He was determined to have his way, and "he did not intend to be balked by a troublesome tribe whose long and bloody tyranny should have been brought to an end years before. '>3-30 So when the Oomoany reoorted that the protec­ tion of the ShonB "was the true and only ground of the differences which led to the war," 1^1 not many b e liev ed them.

Rhodes le ft Cape Town on September 1.8 , on h is way to S alisb u ry, via Beira, and he purposely stayed in the veldt until he had received the word that Jameson had started his march to Bulawayo, so that he was out of

126 Colvin, 0£. c it .., Vel* I; p. 2b0; Micheil, gp. cit., Vol. I, p. 86 j Vlndex, ££, c it., pp. 3^2-3^3* Speech held in Cape Town, January 1, 18 Ph.

127 Loch to Ripon, September 21, 1093* C.7196 of 1893* P* 35; Colvin, op. cit.) Vol. I, p. 261;; Walker, op. cit. , p. [[28 ; h. C. Thomson, Rhodesia and I t 5 Gov eminent (London: Smith, blder & Co., 1898 ), p. 253*

128 jje v/aal, on. c it., pp. &L-65, 72-7L.

3-29 Speech to Shareholders, January 18, 1895; The Times (London), January 19, 1895, p. llih. He was magnanimous enough to add: ,rI do not blame the Katabele." Vindex, og. c it. , p. 333. Speech held in Bulawayo, December 19, 1893» Shlmmin to H a itlev , October 20, 1893* 3-3° Hole, The Passing of the Black Ki ngs, o£. cit., pp. 22b, 228-229. 3-31 BSA Report, 1092-1891;, p. 17. 161

reach by the High Commissioner, who might still want to call a halt*^32

When the Portuguese Colonel Paiva d'Andrade was taken prisoner to

Salisbury in 1091 he reported that Comoany officials already at that time

" I ' i O were convinced that war against lobengula was inevitable. -J Already on

□ctober ?9, lbti9> when the Charter was granted, "Matabele" Wilson could record in his diary that "there is no doubt that beforp many harvests are

over, many of them will be buried in the sand, and the history of the

Matabele nation he a t an end. "3-3k

The Missionaries and the War

On September 7, there appeared in the Times (London) two interesting

letters from Fort Victoria written by two priests who were there at the

tim e, Father Hartmann, S .J ., and Keverend S y lv ester o f the Church o f

England, forwarded by the British South Africa Company secretary, Dr.

Harris.The former gave a gruesom e account of the Ndebele savagery and

cruelty, maintaining that their killing and raiding was without compassion.

The Latter gave a vivid description of the cruel scenes taking place out­

side his church and parsonage on the Sunday, July 9, and called for imme­ diate action to provide security for all by breaking the Ndebele power.

In support of this call to arm he quoted the uld Testament; "Whoso

sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed, for in the image of

3-32 Colvin, op. cit. , Vol. I, p. 270; Sauer, oj). c it ., pp. 227-228.

-*-33 C.6Ii9t of 1091, p. 77. See also message from manager of Tati Concession, William F. Kirby, C.719& of 1093, p. 2$.

3-3k "Matabele" Wilson, Diary, p. 17U, CAA Ms. Division.

3-35 The Times (London), September 7, 1893, pp. 3e and f . 162 -I Til! God made he inan," He also believed that Mashonaland would be one of the richest of the British possessions if they could settle "the Matabele question '1 once and for all.

Some unexpected sucport was Riven to Jameson and the war by the

Methodist missionary in Salisbury, Isaac Shimmin, He took active port in the public meeting in Salisbury on July 31, 1^93, by proposing a vote of thanks to the committee that had interviewed Dr. Jameson and reported back that the Government had decided to end the affair once and for ail* 117 In a long and eloquent letter written to the Reverend Marshall Hartley of the

Wesleyan Missionary Society in London, he reviewed the events and made clear his view of the position. In light of later events it makes strange reading:

This war means a great deal,

1. It means in the first place that civilisation says to barbarism: "You have murdered your thousands and England who i s so ready to fight for the slave means now to protect those who live under her flag and look to her for help."

2. It means the safety of hundreds of whites,who have come to this far country to found new homes and to open up new avenues o f commerce, and to extend the beneficial influence of Great ttritain.

3. By the acquisition of Matabeleland another vast tract of country will be thrown open to those who wish to leave the congested cities of Europe for pastures new where they would have wide scope and greater possibilities of success in life,

U. And lastly a door is opened to the blessing of Christianity that for more than fifty years has been kept shut by the cruel hand of savagery. Hitherto the way of the Gospel has been stopped by a pointed assegai; has not the time come when one is to remove that

■^6 Genesis IX, 6,

137 The Diamondfleld Advertiser, August 23, 1B93* 163 obstruction out of our path so that the truth may run and be glori­ fied amongst thousands of the benighted land? It is a well known fact that if to Bengula had not so bitterly opposed Christianity, many of his people would have learned war no more and soon the whole character of the nation would have changed.13°

Shimmin maintained that "There is not a single nan in the whole country

who doubts the imperative necessity for fiphting.”139

This a ttitu d e towards the war as a means of ev a n g elisa tio n was quite

prevalent. "It may be necessary," wrote the secretary of the London

Missionary fociety, "that the Kingdom should be established upon the sad

ruins caused by the forcible breaking up of the past regime. " ^ 0 ^ia was#

however, by no means an unqualified supnort of the Charter policy and he

had earlier maintained that "force is no remedy"and urged the exercise

of self-control and oatienne in dealing with primitive peoples. lli?

Helm b e lie v e d that they could do little good in Matabeleland until

the Ndebele had had a lesson and received 1 , ust punishment for their treat­ ment of the Shona.1^ The Jesuit fathers were of the opinion that the

Ndebele regime made the work of Catholic and Protestant missionaries impos­

sible,1^ and "the sooner it was smashed, the better, 11 Bishop Knight-Bruce

138 Shimmin to Hartley, Uctober 2?, 1893, Archives of the MMS.

139 Shimmin to Hartley, August 3, 1093.

IliO Thompson to E l l i o t t , November ?R, 1009, LMS Archives, Box 22.

3-^1 Thompson to Helm, November 6 , 1890. 3^2 ib id .

^ 3 Helm to Thompson, Uctober 9, 1893; Moffat to Knight-Bruce, April 2d, 1889; Carnegie to Thompson, June 27, 1090; Thompson to E l l i o t t , Novem­ ber 28, 1889 . 2MR, Editorial, January 192h, No. 103, pp. 30}-30?. 1^5 prestage to Kerr, August 2, 1893; ZMR, Vol. h, No. 1*9, 1910, p. 73. l6h did not follow this reasoning at all, for he maintained that he could have succeeded in opening mission work in Mashonaland without any European o ccu p a tio n , even i f i t might have taken some tim e .^ ^

Heed of Hope fountain saw the hand of God in the confused sequence *| | py of motives and actions which resulted in the conquest of Matabeleland, and the distinguished Dr. James Stewart of Lovedale Joined the chorus by declaring1,that Providence was on the side of the little battalions from

Salisbury and Tati." ^ 8

A few mi sgivings were exoressed as to the methods used, and Moffat disapproved of thp course that had been followed and was quite disturbed because Lobengula had not been given an ultimatum, but had "been led to believe that there was no immediate intention to invade the country and that there was nothing thBt had gor.e beyond the step of peaceful negotia­ t io n s ," ^ ^ But th a t war would come sooner o r la t e r , th a t when i t came i t would be deserved, and that it even might prove to be used by God as "the 1^0 one rope of salvation" for the Ndebele, Moffat regarded as inevitable.

Moffat’s opinion was later used by Rhodes when in a speech he justified

1^6 QUartei*ly Paper of the Bloemfontein Diocese, October 15, 1890, pp. 330-331.

1^7 Reed to Thompson, August ?, 1895. See a lso Captain Lendy’a R eport to Administrator on his visit to Matabeleland, January 20, 1893* CAA 1 /9 /1 .

1^8 The Christian Express , Editorial, March 1, 1^91, p, 33*

I**? M offat to Loch, October ?3, 1^93; JSM, CAA; Helm to Thomason, O ctober 9, 1893*

I # 1 Moffat to Knight-Bruce, April 2H, 1889, JSK, CAA. 165 the Ndebele war,^^

Bishop Knight-Bruce took a very different point of view:

I entirely and emphatically repudiate any shore in the sentiment that "the sword'1 is a necessary factor in the Christianizing of these savage nations, or that the only road for the Dreaching of Christianity is cleared by destroying their powers; 1 here distinctly assert that no le t t e r w ritten or speech made urging on a war with the Matabele has ever had any sympathy whatever from me. T hoped to the very Inst i t would he avoided. ^-5?

Knight-Bruce concurred with the best of the missionary thinking at the time expressed by Gustnv Warneck, that the m ission aries were in the wrong when they allied themselves with military aggression in order to so obtain a place to work, for to do/would make the subjugation of the people a means of evangelization.’*’-^

In order to understand the point of view of the missionaries it must be remembered th a t they too were the children of th eir tim e, and they liv ed in an age when

. . . no nation . , , could honestly say that it had not regarded war as an instrument of national policy; throughout the nineteenth century and up to the Great War ail the European nations—and Great Britain not Least—had accepted and acted upon the German doctrine that wsr is a "continuation of policy.

They also lived in an age when B ritish Imperialism was at i t s h eigh t and

151 Vindex, oo, s i t . , p. 356; 5!peech made January 0, id9b, Cape Town.

The Times (London), January 31, 189ii, p. 13f. Be had expressed a slightly different view earlier. See: Fripo and Hiller, Gold and the Gospel in Mashonaland, 1866, o£» c it., p. 2?* His wife wrote of the war: "a more entirely righteous cause would be hard to find.*1 Mashonaland Quarterly Paper, Vol. VI, 1893, p. 52. "Zweifeilos thate die Mission ein schweres Unrecht, wenn sie ihrerseits zu einer Broberungspolitik entreiben wolite, um sich Arbeits- gebiete zu vergchaffen; das hiesse: die Unterjochung der Vblker zu einem Missionsmittel machen." Allgemeine Missions Zeitsohrlft, Vol. 28, 1901, p. 171. Spender, Great B ritain and the Commonwealth, lhHp-1935, op. c i t . , pp. 13, 712. 166 when the opening up o f A frica to "Commerce and C h ristia n ity " seemed to be two sides of th e same th in g .

It must also he recorded that the missionary opinion of the r.debele was not a very elevated one. An especially severe outburst about the

Ndebele was delivered by W, A. Piiiott in a speech at an annual meeting of the London Missionary f'ocietv, when he inter alie characterized the Ndebele as "a race of snlendld animals* saturated with immoral!ty, faise to the i t c core* proud and wholly given up to self-conceit.,r Knight-Bruce recorded that there had been a discussion about the redeeming features of the

Ndebele and that they could discover none, exceot perhaps courage.

Their cruelty towards their neighbors, their i.-’ck of industrial and agri­ cultural nursuits, and stubborn resistance to any change were often com­ mented upon by the early missionaries, who therefore in the end cane to look uoon force as the last means of effecting any ehrnge within the trihe itself and in its relationship with the neighboring, less warlike tribes.

The Ndebele, indeed, lived by the sword.

It must also be taken into account that the ides of the "noble 157 savage" or the "innocent native" is nothing but a myth. no one can study the history of the African interior, or read the records of travelers and missionaries without realizing that, looked upon inperspective, there

15$ The Chronicle of the LMf, June lft93, p. lb?.

Ib 6 pr i Dp ariCj H ille r, 0£. c it* , P* 92; The Gospel Missionary, Vol. JtIV, June iH9U, p. ill.

157 Jt is quite surprising to be told that "everyone who has lived in Africa knows, £that/ Rousseau's view of primitive society is fundamen­ t a l l y t r u e .'1 J. b. Green, Rhodes Goes north, o d . cit., p. 91. 167 was a never-ending intertri bau. warfare, and within the tribes themselves c r u e l t y and murder were the order of the day. These records cannot be dismissed just because the observers were not trained as anthropologists in the universities of the twentieth century, No evidence has been forth­ coming to disprove these accounts.

The Victoria Agreement

The atmosphere among the i'uropesns in Mashonaland had become very 1 lQ bellicose and everyone seemed to wish fo r a war with a quick resu lt* ^

The belief was widely held that a civilized people and a warlike people like the Ndebele could not exist side by side without coming into col- lision, and the sooner it would come the better. 159

Already on August if, when Jameson again was at Fort V ictoria

’’the notorious Victoria Agreement" l ^ 1 was signed by Jameson and the volun- 1A1 teers, who consisted of neari.y every white man in Mashonaland, The main point in this agreement was that each volunteer instead of pay—-the

Company had no cash—should receive a farm of 6 ,0 0 0 acres and fifteen mining claims on reef and live alluvial claims and an equal share of the loot, after one-half had been taken by the Company. "Loot,f in this con- 162 nection meant the big herd of cattle belonging to Lobengula,

1^ Hole, o£. cj t ., p, ?57. lf>9 Vindex, op. cit., p. 333, Speech of December 19, 1H93, dulawayo, and p. 117j De Waal, ojo. cit., po, iU-l5j Alfred Urew, Reminiscences of Pioneer Days, p. 6 , Typewritten manuscript in CAA, P. 3/1/6,

160 Lovell, o£. ci t . , p. 193,

1^1 Colvin, og. cit., Vol. I, p. 262, ed itor, l b2 0wLd*3-td Uie PtifrUc Recorda of Southern Rhodeaia (Cape Town; Longmans, Green and c o t," iW, p. xxiv. lt>0

When this agreement became known years later it caused consternation in Government circles in London, ^ 3 but after this had been signed, war became in e v ita b le, and i t became virtu eL ly certain th a t the only outcome of the confLiet that would be tolerated by the settlers was a complete conquest of fatabeleland, A negotiated peace could not he contemplated.

In the lig h t of a l l th is, ColoneL Goold-Adams 1 message to Loch becomes understandable; Jameson ’’w ill not be able to keep the Salisbury and Victoria people much longer inactive, they will either do something to bring on a row or will leave the country *"165

Further Negotiations

In this tense atmosphere the High Commissioner tr ie d to call for a restrained and reasonable attitude and did what he could to keep the peace. It was made quite clear by the Imperial Government that any offen­ sive movement would be deprecated, unless the whites were actually attacked, and it would under no circumstancea be implicated in any situation without having given its consent prior to the event. Loch wanted to give

Lobengula every opportunity to control his armies and requested him to keep them away from the white settlements .^ * 7

Toward the end bfetKXBHOt the prominent question was whether the

Lovell, oo. c i t . , p. i9U.

l 6 Li Thomson, 0£. cit., p. 25h*

1o^ Ibid., p. 25U; C.71

166 c *7171 of 1093, p. 72; C.7196 of if»93, p. 30.

167 C.7196 of 1893, P, lb .

v 169

Company would in s is t on compensation for damage done and whether Lobengula would desist from claiming that the LShona must he delivered up by the

Company,Therefore Loch invited Lobengula to send two of his trusted men to talk matters over with the High Commissioner, who maintained, however, that there could be no question of delivering up the Shona for

Ndebele punishment.

Lobengula sent Umshete, one of the two who had previously visited the Queen, and after the interview with him Loch was convinced that the

Ndebele would not accent a boundary or give up the raiding of Mashonaland.

They regarded the bhona as chattel, as their property and wanted to know to whom the Shona belonged.Another e f f o r t was made on October 1, when

Loch asked Lobengula to send two envoys "to ta lk over m atters so tn a t there may be peace." But on the second, Looh received a wire from Jameson about border incidents twenty-five miles from Fort Victoria and that the

Ndebele had fired on the Company patrol. On uctober L, it was reported that an Ndebele advance guard had fired on the Imperial Bechuanaland

Border io lic e . I t was then that Loch authorized Jameson to proceed 171 according to bis best judgment. It will probably never be determined whether or not firing actually took place,^72 but it may be doubted.

Ib id ., p. 31. Lobengula to Loch, August 2k, 1893, and Colen- brander to Loch, August 26, lfl93.

lb? Ibid., pp. 31-3?.

170 c *7196 of 1893, op. kb, 75. 171 Ib id ,, pp. ijb, 79-80,

172 Posselt, oj>, c it., p. UO. 170

On to Bulawayo

Jameson was ready. While envoys of peace had been asked fo r, and without the ultimatum which Lobengula had almost asked for when he wrote t

"If the white people want to fight, why donTt they say so?""*"7^, the column le f t Fort V ictoria on October 6, and on October 16, i t met a force consisted that had been sent from Salisbury. The total force/of 2b0 from Salisbury, bOO from V ictoria, o~lus 300 Shona levies.Moffat's son, h, U. Moffat, who was to become Prime Minister of Southern Bhodosia, left his father at

Palspye to take cart in the war,^"’ At the same time Colonel Goold-Adams moved ud from Tati with a force of the Bechuanaland Border Police.

The Company did not want any chaplains to fro with the forces, and declined an offer of Wesleyan chaplains,but Bishop Knight-Sruce went along anyway, "not as s chaplain to any force, but as Bishop of Matabele- land as well as M ashonaland , " ^ 77 a d istin c tio n Jameson feared was beyond the grasp of Ndebele.1^ During the campaign he did his very best to look a fte r the wounded.

There were three main battles in the campaign; the first Uctober 2b,

173 C.7196 o f 1^93, p. 73. Lobengula to ld Loch the day before he l e f t Bulawayo th at "when you have made up your mind to do a thing, i t is not right to blame it on my people," G.7290 of IR 9L1, o. lb,

17b Neville Jones, op. d t., p. B3*

175 Ib id - . 9 0 .

176 Shimmin to H artley, Uctober 20, 1R93.

177 The Times (London), January 31, lfi9b, p. 13f«

I7B Hole, o£. cit., p. 76. 171

on the Shangani riverj the second November 1, on the Imnembesi r iv e r , and

the th ird November 2, between Gooid-AdamB 1 Imperial Force and an Ndebele fo r c e under the induns Gambo, It was considered at the time that the

Ndebele fought very bravely, but that lack of cohesion and un; fied command w ithin the trin e contributed to the success of the B ritish forces. 179

There was some evidence to the fa c t that the guns which Lobengula had 130 received l>om the Chartered Company had been used in the battles.

Lobengula left the Royal Kraal on uctober after putting fire to it.

When Jameson moved in to Bulawayo on November 3> 1 P' 2 the British forces found the two Furopeons, Usher and Fairbairn, unmolested and safe.

Lobengula had kept his word.

What had happened to Loch's invitation to send indunas to parley for peace? The letter was delivered in Bulawayo on (Jctober lb, and by th a t time th e columns were already on their way to Bulawayo, but three indunas were despatched immediately with Dawson ?s a guide. They came to the Macloutsie Car o, where Colonel Goold-Adams, and Imperial officer directly under Loch, the High Commissioner, was in charge. There was confusion in the camp, and Dawson definitely failed to deliver a proper report. As a resu Lt the three indunas got scared and as two of them tried to run away, they were shot on the assumption that they were spies.^

179 Michell, o£. cit., Vol. II, p. 90*

100 Neville Jones, 0£, c i t . , pp* HO and h 8 . 181 C.7290 of I89ii, P. 35. 102 ib id .

por a good detailed account see: Fosselt, 0£. cit., pp. 91- 96. Helm reacted strongly against this nincident," and could not be convinced even by Jameson and Goold-Adams themselves that i t had a ll hapoened in good faith. "How can one look 0 Matabele in the face again. We have for 172

The whole affair is almost incredihle, and it is even more astonish­

ing that the Inquiry Commissi on under Mpjor fawyer, Military Secretary to

the High Commissioner, found th a t Goold-Adams was q uite g u iltle s s in the

whole a ffa ir. Two envoys who had come on the express in v ita tio n of the

High Corrnnissioner were shot in the b e lie f th a t they were spies in sid e the

Imperial camp of a force that was reputed to be the most efficient force

in South Africa. In comparison Lobengula stands out as a man of honor.

As if th a t were not enough, on the day a f te r , two Ndebele post

runners from Rulawayo, carrying Her M ajesty's M ail, were shot on th e ir way to Tati.^^

The tragedy of Lobengula was not at an end. Towards the end of

November Lewanik? sent his forces to prevent Lobengula from crossing the 1 ft/S Zambesi, and on November 26, two messengers from Lobengula reached

Hulawayo asking that the force under Major Forbes be withdrawn so that he could come in and talk. His message was not received in good faith,

and the messengers were sent back with Loch's older message regretting 7 the shooting of the indunas at Maoloutsie.

Knight-Rruce offered to go alone and unarmed towards Lobengula1s

years been talking to them about their cruelty in warfare and killing people without dause. And here the first time they come in contact with the English under the Command of an English Officer of standing axl our ta lk is belied." Helm to Thompson, uctober ?3> lb93, and January 12, ltfpli.

lRl4 C.7555 of lB9lx.

Helm to Thompson, uctober 23* 1^93*

lf?6 CU, wo. hS9 of 189U, d. 129.

107 Ibid., p. 123. 173 camp in an effort to reach him and start negotiations for peace, but was refused permission by the military leaders. Major Forbes and Major

Wilson with armed forces were sent out to pursue Lobengula, and their efforts ended with the epic annihilation of Wilson’s patrol on the Shan- gani river. While Lobengula was being pursued he made a last effort to bring peace between the two contending parties. From the beginning he had been told that the white man's greatest desire was for gold and precious stones, heither Land nor cattle, but gold was the desired treasure. Where there was gold the white man could not be kept out, he lfl9 had been to ld by Fnutsford, th e Queen's man. So in the end he must have thought that Derhsps oeace would come if he gave away what the white man wanted, namely his gold. He therefore sent two messengers with a bag of gold (perhaps containing one thousand gold sovereigns) to the white 190 men as a last peace offering* The messengers, perhans fearing the fate of other of Lobengula's envoys, did not go to Bulawayo, but gave the gold to two troopers, Daniels and Wilson, who stole the gold and suppressed the message* 191 When they later were discovered, they were sentenced to four­ teen years of imprisonment, but on a technicsL point they were later 19? re le a se d . 7

18R The Times (London), January 31, 1^9^, p* 13f*

189 C.5918 of 1890, p. 233.

190 QL> no. L6 l of 1695, pp. i9?, 19U, 25U.

191 Ibid., p. 2hlj Le Sueur, Cecil Rhodes, the Man and His Work, p. 111. 192 Cu, No. Ubi of 1095, p. 293. 17U

The End of Lobengula

On February 1 6 , lH9h, the renort reached Bulawayo that Lobengula had diedt^^ Some believed that he died of small pox,l^ others that he took poison,19^ and others that he really crossed the Zambesi and lived for years in the region of Lake Nyasta among the NgOni people who were 196 also an offshoot of the Zulu tribe*

Tt has been suggested that Rhodes suffered some remorse and there­ fore undertook to educate two of Lobengula 1 s sons in Cane Town,197 hut the real reason came out later when the Ndebele ardently desired to have them back, and they were refused point blank by Lord Selborne for security 19 B reasons. 7

One cannot read the record l e f t behind by Lobengula’s opponents, the biographies of Rhodes and Jameson, and the missionary letters of the time without getting a strong imoression that Lobengula deserved a better fate. He had to succomb to the white man's lust for gold and financial p r o f it and to the warlike qualities of his young men, which he had helped to foster during his twenty-three-year reign. One cannot but marvel at the strength ol' his character as witnessed in his faithfulness to his word

193 ibid., p. 13? .

19Li Basil Williams, Cecil Rhodes, op* c it. , p. 177. 19? ZMR, Vol. 2, No. 23, p. 3?0.

196 P osaelt, 0£. cit., pp. 112- l l k .

19? JL Naurois, Cecil Rhodes, ojo, c it. , d . 91; Williams, og. cit., p . 17 A 198 Bulawayo C hronicle, November 1?, 1909, E d ito r ia l. given to the white men. In this he was greati.y superior to his opponents,

although he never embraced the Christian faith to which they, at least, gave nominal allegiance. Many of the Europeans felt sorry for the chief,

but had no sympathy for the nation, feeling that a just fate had eventually overtaken them and that they finally were made to taste some of the suffer­

ing that they for more than half a century had measured out to their 199 neighbors.

The Aftermath

Cecil Rhodes rode into Bulawayo from Salisbury sh o rtly a fte r Jameson had reached th e burnt-out Hoyal Kraal, and on December 19 he gave a speech

in Bulawayo to the "Conquerors of Matabeleland” in which he expressed his views on the war. In the speech he expressed his gratitude to the despised

"Imperial Factor '1 which had suoported his venture through the Bechuanaland

Border Po±ice, and "effected the destruction of ruthless barbarism south of the Zambesi, and established s further extension of the British Empire," and he maintained that "it was impossible to deal with Mashonaland while barbarism had the unper hand," 201

About barbarism some searching questions were asked in the House of

Commons, especially by Labouchere, whose name was taboo in Mashonaland, but also by John Ellis. The letters to The Times of the two clergymen at

Neville Jones, ojd. c it, , p. H9; du Toit, ojo. c i t ., p. Hhj Hole, The Passing of the Black Kings, op. cit., p. 175*

200 v in d e x , o£, c i t .., p . 330. 176

Fort Victoria were objects of ridicule and expression of disgust in the OCl'J House, and within the Liberal P a rty om y a few members hed any f a ith in

Cecil Rhodes' expansionist schemes,203 It was also alleged that the

Ndebele wounded had been treated with cruelty by the British South Africa

Company forces, but this was partly disproved by the records of Bishop

Knight-Bruce and C. fi. Helm,20^ but that cruelty was commit ted by the

Hritish South Africa Company forces against the Ndebele was testified by

eyewitnesses* ^

Regarding the settlement of the country, a controversy took place

between the High Commissioner, Sir Henry Loch, and Cecil Rhodes. The

former reminded the Imperial Government that he had advocated a firmer

Imperial control way hack in May 1091, which might have averted a number

of calamities, but he had been overruled* He again wanted to give the

"Imperial Factor1' the controlling power. The latter wanted to settle

i t ail without any interference from the Imperial Government *207 The High

Commissioner received unsolicited suoport from the Anti-Slavery and

20? Vide, supra, p. 161; The Times ( London), November 10, '1693, P* 6 e and 7z; Wardlaw Thompson, l e t t e r to The D aily Chronicle, November 16, 1693, re p rin te d in C.7355 of ib9h, pp. 52-53.

203 j , a . Spender, o£. cit., p, b2.

2®^ The Times (London/, January 31, 109h, p. lJfj Helm to Thompson, January' 12, ItSpli.

2^5 jack Carruthers, Reminlscences, p. 3b, Typewritten Ms. in GAA, P 3 /1/3.

206 00, k5£ °f P* 55. 2°7 C.7i9d or lb93, p. 37; C.7290 of 1696, pp. 1-2* 177

Aborigines Protection Society and the London Missionary Society who sent

a delegation to the Marquis of Hipon on December lb , advocating d ire c t

Imperial Government in Matabeleland,

Ricon also asked questions about the rumored land and cattle appro­

priation in Matabeleland by the members of the British South Africa Company

forces , 2^9 but Loch could wire Hipon that no such land appropriation was on rj taking place, apparently quite unaware of the Victoria Agreement and

such fantastic land speculations as took place almost at once and described by one "on the spot". ?11 Loch could also assure Ripon that he had been

informed that the cattle belonged to the chief and the aporopriati on of them was evidence that the Ndebele had been beaten , 232 In the end, however, the system of Government which existed in Mashonaland was extended to

Mataheleland, the Imperial control and the idea of making it a Crown

Colony was dism issed . 233

Not all the Africans were sorry that Lobengula had been beaten,

and the German missionary, Wedepohl, could write from Gutu that as early as the evening o f November 2b, th e chief Gutu came to th e M ission to see him about this joyful news. He had with him a musician who kept on

200 The Times (London), December lb , 1093) P* 3d,

209 0,7290 of 1B9U, p. 25.

210 I£id*> P* 37*

231 Hans Sauer, 0£. cit., pp. ?3?-?33,

212 C.7?90 of I 8 ?li, p. 27.

213 C.73B3 of 1B9U, 170 s in g in g i "The skieLm^^ Lobengula is captured and destroyed.Carnegie reported from Mstebelelend that, though there were son© who were dissatis­ fied with the outcome of the war, there were many more who were "pleased and glad" that the power of Lobengula and his witch doctors had been over­ thrown. Carnegie described Lobengula's death as a blessing.217

Lobengula w ill go down in history as an outstanding man, not only because of his physical hearing, but aieo for the considerable skill he exhibited in dealing with a very complex situation, harassed as he was by h is own w arrio rs and the Europeans whose aim and motives he can onLy hove understood partially. His word, once given to a white man, was always kept, and great credit must be given to him for his behavior towards the men whose lives were in his hands during the last six months of his life. He extended honorable treatment even to those for whose life and behavior he had scant respect.

He treafed the missionaries with respect end was aware of the con­ siderable help he could receive from them in his dealing with the Europeans,

It appears from one of his remarks during one of the difficult concession crises that he made a clear distinction in his mind between the missionaries

/ Germanic word meaning a rascal. Introduced into Southern Africa by the Dutch. In Afrikaans, skelnr; in Old Norwegian, skelmir.

21? M. Geneichen, Bllder von unserem Klssionsfelde (Berlin: Buch- hsndlung der Berliner evangelischen Missionsgesellschaft, 1902), do . b39- IjliOj The Christian Express, June 1, 109U, p. H5.

216 Carnegie to Thompson, April 6 , tfl9h, CAA Microfilm.

21? The Chronicle of LHP, December, 1^93, p. 3QH. 179

and the other white men, whether traders, hunters or government officials.

He showed no interest in the Gospel that the missionaries proclaimed, he saw to it that no one of his tribe dared take any interest in the teach­

ing of the missionaries, he permitted no one to teach "hie dogs," the

Shona tribes, and he successfully prevented any such effort ud to the time

of the European occupation.

The records do not give any indication of the reasons Lobengula gave for his stubborn refusal to have anything to do with the teaching or preaching of the missionaries. But it does not go beyond the reasonable to think that he was aware of the fact that once he let the Christian influence into his tribe it would mean the beginning of a force for change that later on could not be controlled. Be must have been motivated by the

same reasons in his slowness to adont any of the new implements and usages of the whites. The result was that, as we have seen, after thirty years of faithful labor the missionaries couLd point to no visible result of

their efforts. However, when Knight-Bruce tried tc evaluate the results of th e m issionaries’ work in 1 BB9, he thought that the healthy respect that Lobengula and the people showed to the English people was due to the fine life and disinterested service of the missionaries of the London ni Q Missionary Society, and he found in this respect one of the redeeming qualities of the people.

?lfl Frino and H ille r, 0£. c i t . , pp. 17-10, inH-109, 119-120.

219 Ibid., p. 103. 100

Sumngry

With the increased activities of the white settlers, the relation­

ship with the Ndebele grew more tense. I t hecems clear th a t the s e ttle rs

could not tolerate the raiding impis of Lobengula in or near the European

settlements, and Lobengula did not seem to have any intention of stooping them, Thp main issue was, as Lobengula put it, " to whom did the Shona belong?", or who had the jurisdiction of the country? Lobengula had never relinquished it and Jameson had never asked for it; yet Jameson behaved as if he were the ruler in Mashonaland, and in the minds of the settlers there could he no question who were the rulers.

The clash may have been inevitable, but the way the war occurred was no credit to the Furopeans. There was no ultimatum. When Lobenpula sent his envoye to parley for peace on the invitation of the High Com­ missioner, the Victoria and Salisbury columns were already marching.

Lobengula's envoys were shot in the Imperial caimo; his runners, carrying

Her Majesty's mai] were also shot; his request for negotiations after

Bulawayo had been occupied, was not received in good f a ith , and the gold he sent as a last peace offering was stolen, the thieves being released on a technicality. The story was of little credit to the conquerors.

The missionaries' attitude to the war varied from a complete accept­ ance of it to a refusal to see it as inevitable. The .Anglican and Catholic missionaries at Fort Victoria at the time supported the war as justified.

They were joined by the Methodist missionary in Salisbury who saw the war almost as a means of evangelism, because it would open up Central Africa to the preaching of the Gospel. Some of the London Missionary Society men 181 saw it. ss inevitable, but deploreri the way it erne about. Put Bisbon

Knipht-Bruce realised to see it as inevitable or as a means of' opening un the country to the Gosnel. The sword to him was not a means of evanpelism.

The end r e s u lt was th at Cecil Rhodes achieved his purpose. He was one sten closer to the fulfillment of his "Cope to Cairo" dream. CHAPTER VI

THE REBELLIONS, 1096-1897

After the Ndebele war the raining prospectors and land speculators spread out over the new-won territory. Some gold was found, many lonely mines were opened, farms were pegged out and development started. Besides

Salisbury and Umtali in Mashonaland, the town of Bulawayo was laid out a few miles from the site of Lobengulafs old kraal, not on the kraal as first thought, because the rumor went that the kraal had been on the goldbearlng reef. The air was filled with hope* On January 18, 1095 Rhodes told shareholders in London that he sew no future difficulties from native uprisings. "We have satisfied the people throughout the whole of it ^the territor^T and we may say that we have now come to that point when we can deal without the risk of war, with the peaceful development of the country.”

"That is what we possess," he said, and the settlers in Rhodesia agreed with him. There was still the belief that they had found the African El

Dorado, which was theirs for the taking. As late as May 1900 Rhodes could write to Rudd that "at any time something very extraordinary may be found as the whole country from Tati to Ihntali and as far north as the Zambesi ■a is nothing but gold reefs." When Jameson, therefore, took the British

South Africa Company police with him to Bechuanaland, it does not appear

^ Vindex, Cecil Rhodes, His Political Life and Speeches, 1081-1900. op. cit., p. U 21. o Supra, p. 1 , footnote.

3 Rhodes to Rudd, May 1900, GAA, R.3/b/ 183 that anyone objected, for the peaceful country seemed to have little use fo r th e p o lic e . The Ndebele had been broken and the Shona were "cowarda."

The Jameson Raid

For considerable time the British South Africa Company had been wanting to take over Be oh ti an aland and to include i t in its new-won te rri­ t o r y , ^ ft move that had been strongly opposed by John Mackennie, who did not wish to see the power of the British South Africa Company enlarged,^

But the B ritis h South Africa Company did not want "to be fined" 1)200,000 by the British Government for taking it over, especially as their reasons for wanting i t were political only. They wanted it before November 7, 1895 in order to place themselves in a position to help the British interest in the Transvaal "in the event of anything taking place there, In the end the Chartered Company had to be content with a small strip of territory in

Bechuanaland Just big enough to give Jameson a jumping off ground, a con­ cession that led Rhodes to believe that the Imperial Government knew and approved of the Jameson plane.^ This strip of territory was transferred a to the British South Africa Company on October 19, 1B95.

A plot had long been in the making by which those who were

^ Colvin, The Life of Jameson, op. c it. , Vol. 2, p. 20.

5 The Con temp or airy Review (London), November 1889, p. 768[ Uouglas Mackenzie, John Mackenzie, oj>. c it ., p . 1*97.

6 Lord Albert Grey to Joseph Chamberlain, November 17, 1895, Grey Collection, CAA.

7 Colvin, eg. cit.i Vol. 2, pp. 30-31,

® Ibid. . p. 3bf Walker, A History of Southern Africa, op. d t . , p. 1*50* 1 8 1 *

dissatisfied with the Kruger rule in the Transvaal, especially in Johannes­

burg, would stage an insurrection and then call in Jameson, who was stationed

at Pitsani in Bechuanaland with the British South Africa Company police

force, to help overthrow the Kruger government. Jameson moved into the

Transvaal at the end of December 1895, hut the plot misfired and Jameson,

Colonel Frank Rhodes, brother of Cecil Rhodes, and other leaders were

arrested by the Kruger government in Pretoria, The story of the Jameson raid does not belong here. It is enough to say that as a result of it

Jameson had to resign as Administrator of Hhodesia, and Cecil Rhodes resigned as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and as a Director of the

British South Africa Company. Lord Albert Grey was appointed Administrator,

and Sir Richard M artin, an Im perial u ffic e r, became Commandant General of

the Police, with a seat on the Legislative Council, but without a vote.

He was the imperial watch dog in Rhodesia, responsible for seeing that no use would be made of the police force which was unjust in itself or contrary

to law and international obligations.^ All forces that the British South

Africa Company wished to raise had to be under the control of Imperial

O fficers.^

The Ndebele Rebellion

No one was prepared for the blow th at f e l l on March 21*, 1 0 9 6 ,^ when the Ndebele k ille d seven white men, two African servants and an Indian cook

9 C.8060 of 1096, p. 3,

10 Ibid.. p. U.

11 2MR, Vol. 2, No, 23, 1901*, p, 350; Williams, 0£, cit., p. 285; M illin, 0£. c i t ., p. 301, gives the date as March 20; Gibbs, og. d t . , p . 171*, gives the date as March 22, 10? in th e Essexvale area, near Bulawayo, In a very abort time they had k ille d one hundred and ninety persons in Matabeleland, on lonely government out­ p o s ts , farm s, and mines where the s e ttle r s had been taken completely by surprise. Many others had very narrow escapes.

L a a g e r^ was organized in Bulawayo where the women and children were gathered and th e defenses organized. From th is center rescue columns went out in every direction to warn the settler b of the danger and to bring them in to safety. A relief column of considerable strength was organized from Salisbury and sent to the aid of Bulawayo. Assistance was also rendered by an Imperial force from Mafeking, and e column of volun­ teers was sent from Natal via Beira and Umtali. Kruger hitnBClf offered to send a burgher foroe to help quench the rebellion, but his good offer was 11 declined. ^

When the Imperial forces arrived, the Ndebele retreated into the mountain fastnesses of the Matopos near Bulawayo, and carried on the assaults from caves hidden in a thousand hills where it became almost impos­ sible to find them and very costly in men and money to defeat them.

Cecil Rhodes had left the difficulties caused by the Jameson Raid in the South and was on his way to Mashonaland via Beira when the rebellion broke out. He set out from Salisbury with a relief column. He, of oourse, saw the seriousness of the situation. The British South Africa Company had not yet recovered financially from the Ndebele war of 1893, the rebellion

12 Supra, p. 1??, footnote 99.

13 c . 8063 o f 1896, P. 100, 186 would cost them at least tUOOO^ a day, and i t would be Impossible to know how long it would last. The thought was staggering*

Before the rebellion had broken out, the country had been stricken by th e rin d erp est, which had been coining down from th e t e r r it o r ie s fa rth er north, with the result that nearly all the cattle in the country died, except for a few thousand that became immune and survived. S ince th a t made transport by trek oxen impossible, mules had to be used. All this added to the grimness of the situation and to the coat of fighting the Ndebele.

The Shona R eb ellio n , the Beginning

The disasters, however, had not come to an end, because in June the so-called cowardly and stupid Shona joined forces, as it were, with their former enemies, the Ndebele, in an effort to wipe out the white population.

It started with the murder of a fanner, Mr. Norton, hiB family and his assistant near the Hunyanl river not far from Salisbury.

One of the heroic epics of the rebellion took place in the Mazoe valley where the Europeans ware aurrounded. Trying to reach Salisbury, they were attacked and several of them killed. One of them was a Salvation

Army officer, F.. T. Gaos, who had come to the country with the first Salva­ tion Arny party in 1091. When he was found later, his body had been reverently covered by the Shona, evidently because in him they had recog­ nized their Mufundisi (teacher).^ The party was forced to return before reaching Salisbury, and two young men, Blakiston and Routledge, were then

^ 812 , 000.

Neville Jones, Rhodesian Genesis, p. 13lw 1B7 k ille d as they attempted to run from the telegraph o ffic e to the camp.

They had Just managed to send an S.O.S. message to Salisbury. The group was finally brought into Salisbury and safety, but not until a total of eight men had been k illed ,^

In addition to Bulawayo, laager was now formed in Salisbury, Umtali,

Fort Victoria, Gwelo and Charter, and it was figured that there was a total of 2,037 whites in these six places. To these rescue centers the people of the districts were brought, and from them military parties were sent out in various d irection s to subdue the Shona forces.

The Indaba in the Matopo a

In Bulawayo Cecil Rhodes found the m ilitary campaign more and more

Irksome* He noticed the rising cost and the almost futile attempts to hunt the Ndebele in a ter rito r y almost as big as half o f Europe, and he returned to his idea of dealing with people instead of fighting them. His plan was to win the war in a grand diplomatic effort, by meeting with the

Ndebele chiefs and discussing the issue with them. His plans were not favored by the military leaders like Major-General F, Carrington and

Colonel, Sir, K. Martin.^ But Rhodes persisted in his effort, despite thB fa ct that he was no m ilita ry commander, no acbdnistrator and no Company d irector.

There are several good accounts of these heroic inoidents where details may be found, such asi Jones, Rhodesian Genesis; Millin, Cecil Rhodeej Gibbs, A Flag for the Matabele.

^ Im p erialist, C ecil Rhodes (Londoni Macmillan Company, Limited, 1097), p. 313. 108

Therefore on August 21, 1896, C ecil Rhodes, w ith Dr. Hans Sauer,

Mr. Johan Colenbrander, the interpreter, Mr. Vere Stent, a journalist from

the Cape Times {Rhodes’ paper), and two colored men, John Grootboom and

John Makunga, set out to meet the indunns.Xfi

When they set out unarmed, they could think o f several sim ilar meetings in the history of South Africa that had ended in disaster, the most famous ol’ which was when Fiet Retief and sixty-six of his burghers on

February 6, 18 38 , went unarmed into the kraal of the Zulu chief Dingaan to negotiate and were all murdered,1^ Hhodes and his men were calm, but nervous, as a meeting was arranged under dramatic circum stances. The talks started with the old chief, Somabulane giving a magnificent account of the history of the Ndebele tribe from the days of Cheka to the presentj how they had won the country from the dogs, the Shona, who ’’had got up so th a t the M atabili could s i t down, * and how the white man had oome, f i r s t taken h a lf o f LobengulaTs kingdom and then h is whole te r r ito r y . He then proceeded to lis t their grievances against the British South Africa Company

18 Vere Stent, A Personal Record of Some Incidents in the L ife of C e cil Rhodes (Cape Town: Maskew Miller,“Ltd., 192U), p.—BEj Jones, op. c it., p. 125, gives the date as August 22; The Rhodesia Herald maintained thQt Sauer and Colenbrander did not have the confidence of the settlers and should not have been at the Indaba, and the presence of Stent was regarded as ridiculous. September 2, 1896, p. 2g.

The place is today called Exeoution H ill and marked with a monument. The Dutch Reformed Church i s planning (1956) to b u ild a new church on the site. The South African Outlook, October 1, 1958, p. 155.

20 Stent, g£. olt., p. 31. Stent's records of the proceedings, written on October lb, l8?6, give a very sensitive account of the Indaba. From his book the main points of the Indaba are taken. 189 officials. It was a formidable list: They had lost the land. Where could they live? They had been treated like dogs by the Native commissioners one o f whom had even exercised le droit de seigneur; Somabulane him self had been made to wait a whole day without food and without being able to see the Native Commissioner; the African police had maltreated their women,

Rhodes and h is companions "had an uneasy fe e lin g that at any ra te some o f it was true; that shocking things had been done; that the Native Com­ missioners had not been the friends of the people, but their unsympathetic overlords—tyrannical and unjust; that the police had been brutal,*’ 21 Hut

"whatever cruelties the settlers were guilty of, the Matabiii had taken a po deep and bloody vengeance."

The Indaba found Rhodes at his best and it wae a diplomatic feat of no mean order. Ho promised to give them land, to do away with the African police and to send away the officials who had misbehaved, if there would be peace.

There was not one indaba; there were many, and all through August and September Rhodes stayed in the Matopes negotiating and liste n in g to one chief after another, and only in the middle of October had the last c h ief admitted "that h is eyes were white, that Rhodes was h is father, and there was now forever peace between black and white in Rhodesia. J

The Shona R ebellion, the Continuation

The Shona reb ellio n was of a d ifferen t kind. There was not one

21 Ibid., p. U3* Italics in original,

22 Ib id .

23 Millin, oji. cit. , pp. 313-31^, 190

tribe but several, although many chiefs like Omtasa, Marange end Gutu and

others did not join in the uprising. It was now discovered that the Shona were n eith er as stupid nor as cowardly as f i r s t surmised. They were capable

o f prearranged, concerted actions, and " fifty men"^ were not able to

fin is h them o ff.

In November 1896, Colonel Alder son le ft Maishonaland with the Imperial troops believing that the main part of the rebellion was over, and leaving the Company's Police to deal with the remaining embers* hut the Rhodesia

Herald reminded the Government and the public as late as December the same year that the rebellion was not over.^ The missionaries in their letters home kept stressing the same point.^ As late as in April 1897 1 i t was not

considered safe for a man to ride alone ten miles out of Salisbury,^ The

Shona rebellion could not be called finished until in October 1897> when

Kagubi, who wan thought of as being the chief instigator of the rebellion in Mashonaland, and Nyanda, an old "mondoro" (goddess), and Kagubi1 s helper, were captured. The Shone had fought their guerrilla warfare for more than

a year, and in the process they bnough the B ritish South A frica Company to the brink of ruin. During th is time cru elty and shameful acta were

Lord Grey to Lady Grey, Bulawayo, July 3> 1896, Grey Collection, CAA. ^ The Rhodesia Herald, December 23, 1896, p* 2d.

Stanlake to Hartley, August 21, 1096$ March 7, 1897; White to H artley, January 9, 1897* April 30, 1897; Microfilm in author’ s p ossession ,

27 Milton to Mrs. Milton, A pril 12, 1097, Milton Paper, CAA.

28 Bulawayo Museum, R ebellion E xhibit, 191 committed and a low le v e l In warfare against a prim itive people was reached when dynamite was used.

One of the lees creditable events of the rebellion took place at thB kraal of chief Makoni of the Ungwe tribe. He had been hunted for some time, and the caves in which he was believed to be hiding hod been dynamited with frightful consequences. Tn the end he was promised safe Dsssage if he would come out from h is hiding p la ce. When Makoni did come ou t, the com­ manding o ffic e r , Major Watts, proceeded to tr y him and then to execute him 29 by shooting, an injustice which is not forgotten by the Makoni people.

The event was somewhat redeemed by the d ism issal o f Major W atts, who had confirmed a death sentence of a court that had no jurisdiction over

Makoni, and who had no authority in the f i r s t place to confirm a sentence of death.His dismissal was met by a public outcry among the settlers, e.g., in Melsetter, where a public meeting was held to demand his reinstatement. 31

The dhodesia Herald declared that the dismissal of Watts seemed monstrous and that it was not the "time to paralyse commanders with legal niceties, and we much regret that it has bean thought necessary to bring Major Watts to Salisbury for trd al, although we cannot believe that any serious con- sequences to that officer can result,1J This, however, must have been a second thought, because earlier the editor had 3tated that even if the fate of Makoni was deserved, he disagreed with the "summary fashion" of dealing 33 with him.

^ For a short account see NADA 1955, pp. 52-53*

Lieutenant-Colonel Alderson to Administrator, September 30, 1896, CAA l/l2/2lj. 31 Resolution in CAA, A 1/12/2U.

^ The Rhodesia Herald, September 16, 1896, p. 2h.

33 Ibid., September 9, 1896, p. 2e. 192

Colonel Robert Baden-Powell, who Is ter organized the famous Boy Scout

Movement, was also under arrest for the shooting of chief Uwini in a similar 3l incident in Matabeleland, but both he and Major Watts were later acquitted.

The use o f dynamite was declared not to be cruel,but i t really was

a gruesome way of fighting a non-warlike people mainly armed with spears and assegais. The havoc wrought by the dynamite on the men, women, and children was vividly described by one who took part. How a man like

Earl Grey could take part in such attacks and "thoroughly enjoy it" is

■37 inconceivable .J Colonel Colin Harding who took part in the military operations described the use of dynamite as distasteful, but Justifiable

and necessary. He also related how in the cases that he knew an effort was made to bring women and children to a place of safety before the dynamiting

began*' Cruelties committed against the Shona have been described by many 3Hb who were in the country at the time, and one in charge of a iaager fin ally had to be dismissed because of his inhuman end gruesome treatment o f Shona captives.One missionary wrote that this was not an isolated

3!a CO, No. £20, 1B96, p. 698. Thomson, Rhodesia and I ts Government, ojn c it., p. 155.

^ H. Adams-Acton, Diary, entry before October 2Li, 1896, CAA, Me. Division, A 2/1 not published; Stanlake to Hartley, September 21, 1897; White to Hartley, August 12, 1897.

3^ Lord Grey to Sir Weston Jarvis, Salisbury, January 2B, 1897, Ms. in Grey Collection, CAA. 3® C. Harding, Frontier Patrols, op. cit. , pp. 97-98*

30a Stent, eg. c it., pp. 26-?5, CAA Folder 1/12/3; 00, No. 520, 1896,

38b CAA Folder l/l? /3 . 193 case, and "they have not one native commissioner who has not been guilty

of the same thing.

But still the people in Salisbury were very indignant because of what they considered a lenient treatment of the Africans, The Salisbury people admonished their friends overseas to sell their Charter shsrea

"because Colonel Alderson and Judge Vincent have given over the adminis­

tration of the country to Makoni and Lo M a g u n d i . ^ O

In the campaign against the r eb els, African helpers were used to a

large extent. They were used to finish off the people who came out of the

cavea seriously wounded,^ and Lord Grey described how in one campaign the

"Black Watch" ascended the kopje^ fir s t. ^3 Just as the Portuguese in

1690 had tried to use Makoni against Mutasa^1 so the British sought the aid of Mutasa against Makoni during the rebellion. If Mutasa succeeded, the in ten tion was to reward him.^3 One of those who took part in the operation

against the Shona chiefs was of the opinion that "if ve had not had Native

Contingents we should not have gone vary far in settling the Rebellion as ve did. "^6

39 Stanlake to Hartley, September 21, 1097 *

H. Adams-Acton, ojj. a it* , Wary entry about September 25, l 8 ?6 , unpublished Ms in CAA, A 27l/*

^3-Ibid. , Diary entry about October 26, 1696.

Kopje is a South African Dutch term meaning a small h ill.

^3 Lord Grey to Jarvis, January 26, 1897, Grey Collection, CAA.

kk Supra, p. 119*

^3 Carrington to the High Commissioner, June 25, 1896, CO, No. 520, 1896, p. 251. 66 Nomen Nesoio, Recollection of the Rebellion, 1896, in KAlM. 196 The British South Africa Company forces also resorted to the burn­

ing of kraals and crops. The reason for all these measures was to end

the resistance as quickly as possible, but it apparently did not have the

desired effect, because the rebellion went on for about a year after the J 7 introduction of these measures.

The End of Rebellion

Before the end had come the total European death roll was 651 killed

and 180 wounded,which6R meant ten per cent of the European population,

and the total cost to the Company was estimated at L2,500,000.^ But al­ though the rebellion may be said to have ended in October, 1097, it did not

terminate disturbances among the African population. The Korekore chief­

tain, Mapondera, on the Southern Rhodesian-Portuguese border in the north­

east, continued with raiding and murder parties for six more years, until he was captured by the Company forces in August, 1903*^

The ch iefs who had taken d irect pBrt i i murder were tr ie d and, i f they were found guilty, executed.^ The Jesuit missionaries in Bulawayo

No, l 6, 1936-37, p. 50. Fron NASA, 1930, p. 33, it appears that the article was written by a former Native Commissioner, Mr. B. T. Kenny.

^Lord Grey to Lady Grey, February 16, 1897, January 17, 1897, Letters in Grey Collection in CAAj Milton to Mrs. Milton, April 12, 1897, Milton Papers, CAA. 6® BSA Report, 1898 , p, 6*

R. I. Lovell, The Struggle for South Africa, 1875-1899, op. cit., p. 202. 1.2,500,000 equals $7,500,000. A correspondent in The Times (London) estim ated the cost to be t 3 ,000,000 or 59,000,000. August 3* 1906, p. 12a. The Rhodesia Herald, September 2* 1903; The Times (London), September 3, 1903, P* 3f. 5l Imperialist, oj). cit. , p. 315* 195 baptised some of them while they vere in prison waiting for the death

sentence to be carried out. 5 2 Some of them* like the Maxoe prophetess t ’i Neanda, refused to submit to baptism; and some of them apparently took

poison to avoid being hanged by a white man,^5 1 i

The Missionaries and the Rebellions

During the rebellion the feelings among the European population ran

high. The widespread murder and the element of surprise made them feel very

deeply for their fellow settlers and resentful that they so completely had

misjudged not only the warlike Ndebele but also the peaceful Shona. They

felt that they had been deceived by e treacherous people. To this must be

added the fa c t that the number of B a ttlers wae very sm all, about h,500

scattered over a vast malaria-ridden territory. Fear and loneliness added

fuel to the resentment, which expressed itse lf in angry outbursts calling

for the total extermination of the Shona people, 55 ^ or in devious schemes

of forced labor on farms and m ines.^ The Rhodesia Herald became more

intemperate in its editorial columns as the rebellion went on.

The resentment and revengeful feelings also expressed themselves in

cruelty in various forms too well attested to be denied. The fact that two

& ZMR, Vol. I, 1890, p. 5.

& Ib id . , Vol. I , 1090, p . Uli.

^ p.A. Stuart, My Matabeleland Experiences, 1097-1903, NAPA, 19U2, pp. 62-63.

^ The Rhodesia Herald, September 2, 1896, p . 2h; Maahonaland Quarterly Papers, Vol. JiV il, 1896, pp. 5-6; Report of Rev. D. Pelly, ibid. , p. 11; Carnegie to Thompson, A p ril 6, 1896 * ^ The Rhodesia Herald. September 16, 1896 , p. 2h. 1 9 6

Imperial Officers, Baden-Powell and Watts, overstepped their authority-^

was no excuse for other acts of cruelty committed.^ In these acta the

settler* proved themselves at least equal in cruelty to the Africans they

denounced.

Colonel Baden-Powell believed that the tribes had to be ruled by

"an iron hand in a velvet glove,r'^ and lieutenant-General Frederick

Carr inf; ton vas of the opinion that "the less leniency shown them the

better. The country must be the country for the white man, and the native

must be removed from i t i f he w ill not liv e In peace with the white man.”^

This attitude in the Imperial Officers did not help the settlers who were

embittered by the cruelties practiced by the Africans on their friends and

servants. Africans friendly to the whites were cruelly treated, if caught

by the rebels.^ Isaac Shinur.in could even sta te th a t ch ief Chiremba at

Kpworth Mission was to be wiped out by the rebels because he had become a

Christian.^ In Matabeleland a hoy, Makaza, was killed by the rebels

because of having been associated with m issionaries.^ The burning of the

crops, the dynamiting of the caves and the cruelties committed by the whites

^ 5^Prai P* 191*

NABA, 19bO, p. U6, footnote 20*

^ R. Baden-Powell, The Matabele Campaign, p . 6lw

60 The Cape Times, June 22, 1896, reported in the 00, No. g20, 1896, p. 216. 61 Douglas P e lly , Mashonaland Quarterly Papers, Vol. X.VITI, l89b, p. lh . ^ Shimmin's report to Hartley, received in London, October 5, 1896, 63 Elliott, Gold from the Quartz, op. cit., p. 159. 197 only stiffened the resista n ce of the Shona, and made them more and more suspicious of the Europeans*

The settlers, however, were fighting for their lives. Many of them had left their homelands and invested ail they had in the new country. They were facing lon elin ess and is o la tio n surrounded by an evasive and unpre­ dictable foe. They had been taken completely by surprise and the stories of the cruelty to and murder of their fellow colonists embittered them*

Ae the rebellion continued and ruin and disaster threatened, the language of the colonists became increasingly uncontrolled and wild. It is against suoh a background that th e ir a cts and words must be judged. These did not reflect their better selves.

At this point it must be recorded that early in the rebellion the young church got its first martyrs. The Wesleyans suffered a great loss when two of th e ir fin e e v a n g e lists brought from Zululand, James Anta and

Mo 1111 me Molele, were murdered. Anta was killed after having just com­ pleted a short week-day service near Lomagundi, and Molele was killed at

Ngubo, near Marandellas, while trying to help a white man who had been wounded.^ The Wesleyan missionary, John White, was desolate, as he had been responsible for stationing Molele at Ngubo's. John White later found the and buried/bleached bones of Molele, his three children, and of the white man whom Molele had tried to help. White was happy to learn from the 65 people whom Molele had taught that they had no part in his murder.

^ g.G. Findlay and W. W. Holdsworth, The H istory o f the Wesleyan Methodist Missionary S o ciety (London! The Epworth P ress, 1921), Five volumes. Vol. XV, pp. 306-367#

^ White to Hartley, August 12, 1897# 19ft The Church of England suffered an equally great loss when Bernard

Mlzeki was murdered in Makoni'a te r r ito r y near Rusape by two sons and a son-in-law of Chief Mangwende, for no other reason than that he was a

Christian evangelist* Later a shrine was erected at the mission station where he i s remembered every year on June l8 th.^ In this case also, the murder was committed by men from an area where no m ission work had been established.

The Missionaries in a very difficult position, tried to serve as well as the circumstances, and their standing and initiative would allow them. It has already been mentioned how Captain CasB of the Salvation

Army was killed in his effort to reach Salisbury.^

At the Jesuit mission station Chishawasha about fourteen miles from

Salisbury, the missionaries were attacked, and in defending themselves they

jLfJ killed eleven Africans. The Africans who turned against them had lived on the mission farm for four years, working with the missionaries intimately.

It apparently made no difference to the rebels that they were missionaries, as long as they were white* The plan was to murder all Europeans at

Chishawasha.^ The missionaries were rescued on June 22, by a troop sent 70 out from Salisbury. And later on the Chishawasha Mission was turned into

Evans, The Church in Southern Rhodesia, op. c i t . , pp. 2U-25.

6"? Supra, p. 186 .

ZMR, Vol. I, 1098, pp. 8 , 22-2li.

& Ibid., Vol. Ill, No. UO, 1 9 0 8 , p . 399.

Hole, Report on the Rebellion to the BSA Company, October 29, p.US, QAA A/l/12/26* 199 a Tort and remained bo u n til November i , 1097, when i t was considered sa le for the missionaries to return. 71

Some o f the m ission aries had a very narrow escape, and some o f them unknowingly very nearly walked right into the danger zones. This happened 72 with Isaac Shimmin, John White, and Douglas Felly, who should have been at Mangwende's or Makoni's but happened to be near Salisbury. One Jesuit m ission ary was on h is way from Chishawasha to Salisbury when the Shona r o s e . The same wae the case with Archdeacon Upcher and H.H. Foster of the 73 Anglican Communion, both of whom had narrow escapes. Oullen Heed of the

London M issionary S o ciety was warned by a Karanga Innuna, and Heed escaped unhurt to Bulawayo.7^ Bowen Hees at Inyati knew nothing about the uprising until he and his family were informed by a messenger from Bulawayo. In their flight to Bulawayo they met an impi at Klibini and would have been killed if it had not been for the Induna, who remembered their associa- 76 tion with Lobengule and declared that "these vessels are not to be broken.tt

Half an hour later a white man passing the same way fell into the hands of the imp! and was killed, 77

71 ZMR, Vol. Ill, No. h2, 1908 , p. 1439.

72 Shimnln to Hartley, R eport received in London October 5, 1896j White to Hartley, September 6, 1896.

73 P ascoe, Two Hundred Years of the S.P.(3., 1701"1900, op* ol t «, p. 366h. 7i* Reed to Thompson, A pril b, 109bj JSlliott, o£, c i t . , p. 158. 7£ The Chronicle o f the LWS, June 1896, p. 138,

7^ Elliott, o£. oit. t p. 158. 7? Ibid., p. 150. 200

All the missionaries were brought into the nearest laager tor pro­ tection. In Bulawayo there were missionaries of the London Missionary

Society, of the Anglican Church, of the Seventh Day Adventists, of the 70 Homan Catholic Church and of the Wesleyan Methodist Church. In Salisbury there were Anglican, Homan Catholic, Wesleyan and Salvation Army mission­

aries."^ Trapplst monks 11-01(1 St. Trisshill sought refuge in Umtali ,^ 0 and the Berlin and Butch Reformed missionaries sought protection in the Fort Hi Victoria laager. Some of them went into laager rather unwillingly, but no other course was really open for them. During the first exciting weeks they all took part in sentry duties at the laagers, and served really as 62 tro o p e rs .

Later on some of them, like Pelly, Hartmann*^ and Shimmin,®^ aerved as chaplains, others kept up whatever preaching and teaching they could under the circumstances. Some of them joined the ambulance corps

^ Reed to Thompson, January 1, 1097J The Times (London), April b, 1096, p. 3a.

79 White to Hartley, September b, l89b.

80 ZMF, Vol. Ill, wo. Ill, 1908, p. U39.

81 Jahreeberlcht der Berliner avenge11ahen HiBsionBgeaellachaft, 1097, p . 5 I4j M. von Oensichen, Bildar von unsaran Missionsfelde, p. UL5i W. J. van Merve, The Day Star Arisag in Mashonaiand, p. 21*

White to Hartley, September b, 1896.

83 The Times (London) April 9, 1096, p. baj F. C. Selous, Sunshine and Storm in Rhodesia, p. 212.

Shimmin to Hartley, Uctober i>, 1696*

& ZMR, Vol. I, 1690, pp. 19-20.

White to Hartley, October 9, 1096. 201 which were organized, and in one instance a clergyman, a Reverend Mr. tales, Qj became the quartermaster ol' the Charter laager. In some cases they went out with the troops, serving as guides and interpreters, as when Carnegie guided Lieutenant-Colonel Herbert Plumer to retake and fortify Hope Fountain, 88 or when Rees went with the troops headed for Ipyatt. By going with the troops, John White hoped to restrain the troopers in their dealing with 89 prisoners that might be taken. The Dominican Sisters helped greatly with 90 the nursing in Salisbury and Bulawayo.

The missionaries rendered their g r e a te st service to both contending parties by being present to appeal constantly to the Kuropeans for a humane treatment of the Africans. They did not take pert in the loose talk about total extermination, but they annealed to reason, conscience end the common h um anity , ^ 0 for which they were made to suffer. Tt was very difficult for them to show any sympathy for the Africans, and91 John White called himBelf 92 the most hated man in Salisbury. Some of them were accused of being

The Rhodesia Herald, November h, 1096, p. 3<5j NAPA, 19ijC, p. U3, note 7, "Laager and {Jarrison, 1896, I .M

^ H. Plumer, An Irregular Dorps in Matabeleland (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., Ltd., 1897J, p. 86} The Times (London) April 23, 1896, p. 9&j Kees to Thompson, June 29, 1096; Nora S, Kane, The World's View (London: Cassell and Co., Ltd., 196h), p. llltj iiMR, Vol. Ill, No. hi, p. L39.

^ White to Hartley, September 6 , 1 8 9 6 .

90 ZMR, V ol. I I , m o . 17, p . U 3 .

9^a Carnegie to Thompson, April t>, 1896; Pelly, Mashonaland Quarterly Papers, Vol. AVIII, 1 8 9 6 , p . 11*

Carnegie to Thompson, April 6, 1896.

92 c .F . Andrews, John Whiie of Mashonaland (New York and Lcndon: Harper and Brothers, 19350 > p. 31. traitors to the European cause.

The missionaries rendered outstanding and courageous service in establishing contact with rebel chiefs. Cullen deed met with thirteen indunas representing an estimated 2 ,0 0 0 people,and brought them to Bulawayo 93 for surrender in April 1 8 9 6 . Carnegie and Reed also got -Into contact with the people who had lived around Hope Fountain but had been driven into the rebel camp by the impis, The two missionaries believed that they had managed to create an amount of confidence on the part of the Ndebele for the task they were trying to perform, Rhodes had encouraged them in their pt endeavor. They also succeeded in bringing many of them back to their or; homes*

Father Biehier of the Society of Jesus went with Colonel Colin

Harding to seek negotiations with Shona ctdefs, and at Chiaamba1s kraal 96 near Salisbury he went unarmed into the caves to accomplish his mission.

Father krestage of hmpandeni made similar efforts going alone into the rebel strongholds and brought in eighteen chiefs representing about 600 97 people, into Bulawayo . 71

John White's efforts in this respect were also outstanding. The mission station, bpworth, was seven miles from Salisbury, In the beginning

93 The Rhodesia Herald, April 22, 1696, p. 3d; The Times (London), April 22, 1596, p. 7b.

9b Reed to Thompson, September IB, 189b; Lewis Michell, The Life of the Honourable Cecil John Rhodes, 1853-1902, op. cit. , Vol. II, p. 166; The Times (LondonT, April 23, 1896 , p . 5a.

9^ E l l i o t t , 0£. cit. , pp. 171-172.

9^ Colin Harding, Far Bugles (London: Simpkin Marsahil, Ltd., 1933)# pp. 57-56, 71. 97 2MR, Vol. Ill, 1909, ho. UI;, p. 558; C. Harding, op. c it., pp. 6 5 -6 6 00, No. £20, 1896, p. lSl, 203 of the rebellion chief Chi-embe at Epworth took his people with him to

Salisbury to seek the protection of the Government, but the Europeans began to question their loyalty and wanted to send them away. John White threatened to go with them if the Commanding Lfficer refused to let them remain. They were allowed to stay. When they in turn were gripped by the fear that they would be massacred by the whites, John White stilled their rQ anxiety by going out to sleep with them. 0

At the request of one of the officials he went alone into the strong­ holds to meet some of the chiefs. Since they knew him, no one tried to molest him, but he found that in spite of their weariness and their desire for peace, their mi strust of the Government was so great that he did not accomplish his purpose . 99 Later on he set out alone again to meet the people at Ngubo'a, near Marandellas where he had earlier established a station, and through his efforts a number of headmen surrendered to the

Native Commissioner. White’s comment on this was: "This may not seem much like fulfilling the office of a preacher of the Gospel, yet I regard 100 it as in some measure illustrating it." White felt strongly that he would have been able to accomplish much more in his efforts of reconcilia­ tion, if the authorities had taken a less rigid attitude. He and his col­ leagues had no faith in the use of dynamite and were rather ashamed of it.^°

Andrews, 0£. cit., pp. 23-2U.

99 White to Hartley, A pril 30, 1897*

100 w^ite to Hartley, April 30, 1897 j Andrews, o£. c i t . , p. 31.

1^-*- White to Hartley, April 30, 1897, August 12, lb97j Stanlake to H artley, September 21, 1897. 20h

It is rather remarkable that so many missionaries in different parts of the country should have been able to achieve so much in so short a time. It is true that Hope fountain and Inyati were destroyed, that Chishawasha was made into a fort, but it is also a factor to be remembered that in several areas where the m issionaries had been working, the Africans did not join the rebel forces. This is true about Gutu of the Berlin Missionary S o c i e t y , MorgenBter of the Dutch Heformed Churoh of South Africa, 3^* Mount Selinda of the American Hoard, Empandeni of the Homan Catholic Church,Mutasa of the Anglican of the Wesleyan Methodist Hope Fountain of the London Missionary Society*

Too much cannot he concluded from this last point, because there were other chiefs who had no missionary work in their areas who also refused to rebel, but it seems that the Africans at this time had a reasonably clear understanding of the role and the purpose of the mission-

aires, and in their minds ketp them distinct from thB other white men they

The BSA reimbursed the LMS LI,800 for two houses, Carnegie to Thompson, Septem ber 20, 1896,

^03 Gensichen, op. cit., p. 1*1*5*

30U Van der Merwe, op. c i t ., p. 21,

3^5 A .B ., A nnual Heport, 1897, p* 28, 106 ZMR, Vol. I, 189&, p. 10, Letter from Father Preatage, October 10, 1896 .

Archdeacon Etheridge, November 29, 1915, evidence before the Native Reserves Coamission, CAA, ZAD 3 /l/l/* 108 whj-te to Hartley, September 6, 18 96.

309 Elliott, o£. oit., pp* 171-172, 20$ had learned to know, and from the Government,

A very telling illustration of thie distinction was given by John

White when he recorded how a number of women and children, caught after some caves had been blown up with dynamite and conveyed as prisoners to

Salisbury, begged as they passed through Epworth ,^ 10 to be allow ed to go to live with the Mufundisi. It was refused,although a similar arrange- 112 ment had been made f o r people from Mrewa a t Chishawasha M ission,

At the end of the rebellion there was a great famine in the country, and the missionaries at Hope Fountain, Inyati, impendent and Chishawasha did all they could to alleviate the situation by distributing whatever food they possessed. They also served as distributors of government stores

Issued to them, and Cecil Rhodes at his personal expense sent the mission­ aries food for distribution.The Africans had been reduced to eating roots and wild berries, of which there are very few, and some even sold their children for food.^* Without aid thousands would have died of starvation. This help thus given in sane measure healed the wounds that 115 now were bleeding. ^

The old road from Umtali to Salisbury passed right through Bpworth Mission. The old tracks can still be seen.

H I White to Hartley, August 12, 1897.

H2 Father Richart* to Dative Commissioner, Mrewa, February 3, 1911, CAA N. 3 /5 /1 /! /.

113 ZMR, Vol. I, 1098, pp. 22-2U, Vol. H i, 1909, p. 558* Carnegie to Thompson, October 2h, 1896; December 12, 1096. Carnegie to Thompson, September 20, 1096. 115 E l l i o t t , cj>. c i t . , p . 173* 206

The Causes of the Rebellion

During the rebellion, and even more when it was over, many (H boiis - aions took place in an effort to i'ind the real causes of this great disaster which had brought murder, peat, famine, financial loss, suffering and bitterness in its trail. In these discussions the missionaries took a prominent part, and their opinion was given wide publicity. No one listed only one cause, and it was, of course, impossible to say which oneB WBrs the most deepseated. In the following discussion what may be called the real causes w ill be considered first, and the causes that might be con­ sidered tributary, in the sense that they helped in the timing of the rebellion, w ill be considered afterwards.

No real pacification. That the rising was sprung upon the settlers and the B ritish South Africa Company as a complete surprise was at the time almost universally accepted. Men like Selous,Helm,11^ White,H® Hole, ^

Native Commissioners and others ware all caught unaware, and were greatly puEaled by the fact that it was so seriouB and so lengthy. But when one looks over the records that were left behind, one is made aware that the country had really not been pacified. One wonders why the Government, which should have had the inclusive view and the long perspective, was caught

SelouB , 0£. pit., p, xv,

H7 fhe Christian Express, August 1896 , p . 1 1 7 . ~ -

White to Hartley, September 6 , 1896.

H9 Hole' s Report on the Hieing to the BSA Company, October 29, 1 8 9 6 , CAA A . 1/12/26| Kane, oj). oit., p. 117. 20? napping. Perhaps it finally had begun to believe in its own propaganda that all was well in the newly found El Dorado, and that the Shone, besides being

"cowards* were exceedingly happy being protected against the Ndebele.

Besides there were new fields to be conquered, such as the South African

Republic, which at the moment took the attention of the Administrator away from his primary duties.

In February 1892 a white man called Guerolt was murdered near the

Maaoe river, but when the police tried to find the culprit, they were unsuccessful, although in the pursuit of the culprit seven Africans were 120 killed, seven prisoners taken and three kraals were burned.

In March the same year a man named DJfomo was reported to have stolen cattle from and been impertinent to a Mr, Bennett, Captain Lendy, later of Fort Victoria.fame, was Bent to the spot near Mrewa, Jlkomo refused arrest, and before the whole affair was over, Lendy had to get reinforce- 121 menta and Ngomo, his son and twenty-one other Africans had been killed,

Vhen Lobengula heard of this, he warned Jameson that if he were not care- 122 ful such incidents would lead to more trouble at a later date. These actions had been taken "in ordsr to establish law and the white man's authority.In July 1092 there was trouble between Gutu and one of his

Jameson to BSA, February 10, 1092, C.7171, p. Hu

121 C.7171 of 1893, p. 26.

! 22 J .3 , M offat to H a rris , May 26, 1B92, JSM, CAA.

1^3 Captain Lendy's Report to Salisbury M agistrate, March 2kt 1092, CAA A 1 /9 /1 . ?ofl rivals. When the police went out to investigate, Gutu and his men were fired on and the fire was returned, the result being that two Africans were k i l l e d , i n February 1892, there had also been disturbances near Fort

Victoria, where one Moghabi had been killed by the police. 125 Again

Lobengula had warned Jameson of oncoming trouble, if care would not be ta k e n .

In January 1093 there was trouble over labor between the chief- talness Chicanga, Mutasa'o daughter, and the police, near Umtali, during 127 which Chicanga1 s husband was killed. In September 189 I4 an outrage took place on the Wesleyan station near Lomagundi. The police, in search of the murderers of trooper Cooper, tried to take hostages, but before it was all over three chiefs had been shot dead. When the acting Administrator was interviewed about this shortly afterwards by the missionaries, his comment was

, , , that several white men had been murdered by the Mashonas in different parts of the country and that it was impossible to capture the murder or murderers, because they disappeared and were hidden ty the people. That the Mashonas were beginning to think that they could take the lives of white men with impunity. The white men on the other hand would inevitably take the law into their own hands, and shoot the natives wherever they saw them. The Authorities were there­ fore compelled to do something , , , it was absolutely necessary to establish law and maintain order, and to protect the lives of the white men and this was the only way by w hich t h i s c o u ld be d o n e.12®

12lt Ho. U26 of 1892, p. 277.

12 5 Ibid.. p. 108.

1 2 6 C.7171 of 1893, p. 29j CO, ho. h26 of 1892, p. 212.

I2? 00, ho. U 6 l of 1895, pp. 236-237 1 For labor trouble, including fighting, in the M elsetter D istriot, see letter from Native Commissioner, Jan u ary 3 1 , 1896, CAA, DM 2/9/1

G, W. Weavind to Hartley, October 27, 109U. 209

In July 1095 there were further disturbances near Fort Victoria between chiefs and the police which resulted in the shooting and killing

t pa IV ) of one African, The raids of Mapondera were referred to above.

In most of these incidents the chartered administration was subject to severe criticism by the Colonial Office, by John Smith Moffat and by the missionaries. At one point the Colonial Office reminded them that the killing of twenty-three persons because of suspicion of theft was not just punishment, and that no martial law existed. The Colonial Office further stated that only those who had been proved guilty could be punished and that the law was binding, not only on the citizen but also on the Adminia- tration.^-^

There were also other signs on a less official scale that indicated that trouble was brewing. Shortly after the downfall of Lobengula, Thompson could write from his London Missionary Society office in London that he feared there soon would be "another tuasia for the mastery ."" ^ 2 The

Reverend Douglas Polly had been aware of uneasiness among the Africans as far back as December 1895.^-bn March 27, 1096, a few days after the ttdebele had risen, a Mr. L. H. Gabriel sent a message to Sir Thomas Scanlon regarding

129 C.7171 of 1893, P. 3«.

1 3° Supra, p. 191*.

131 wo. U26 of 1892, pp. 168, lB7j C.7171 of 1893, pp. 21, 23, 26j J.S. Moffat to Looh, May 2, 1892, JSM, CAA; White to Hartley, February 5, 1895 ; CO, No. kBU of 1695, p .116.

132 Thompson to Helm, February 2b, I 89 I1, LMS A rch iv es, Box 2$; Thompson to Carnegie, April 3, 1896 , IMS A rchives, Box 25. *33 Hole*s Report on the Rising, p. 9, CAA, A/1/12/26; tivans, op. o lt., p. 23* 2 1 0 rumors of rebellion and the fact that the hdebate had sent messages to the 13U Shona tribes promising them the country if they would k ill all the whites.

In spite of all this the rising came as a surprise.

The cattle question. When the Victoria Agreement was signed on

August 111, 1093, the men were promised a share in the loot. This could only have meant a share of the large herds of cattle known to be in the 135 possession of the Ndebele, The number of cattle reported to be in the country varied from 130*000 to 2 0 0 * 0 0 0 , but no eaact figure will ever be available.In theory these cattle were supposed to belong to Lobengula, but in actuality they did not. He disbursed his cattle over the country in charge of the various indunas. Individuals were allowed to own some cattle, 137 and they were also allowed to milk the chief's cattle, A fatal error was th e re fo re committed, when th e B r itis h South A fric a Company, as th e successor of Lobengula, took over all the cattle in the country. The end­ less frustration and resentment this would cause can easily be understood when the place of cattle in the African economy and social and religious life is remembered.

The cattle were left in the various kraals until needed, and were sent for from time to time through the Native Commissioners and the newly formed Native Police. To the Africans it looked like a never ending con­ f is c a tio n .

!3U CAA, A/l/12/27.

^35 Supra, p. 167,

136 00, No. £17 o f 1R9 6, pp. U37, U32- 137 Hole, The Passing of the Black Kings, op. c it,, p. 16?. 2 1 1

When the loot was all taken, the Company- had an estimated HO,000 head o f c a t t l e ,I n December 109? they proceeded to distribute an esti­ m ated UO,9 3 0 heads to the Africans while the Company kept another 32,000 for themselves.33^ Ety this time It was impossible to know which cattle belonged to whom, so all cattle were branded with one mark for the Company and another mark for the Africans. The Africans, however, misunderstood this, thinking that the Company had marked them all out for themselves.

In addition to this confusion, prospectors and traders got cattle fi*om the people on inadequate payments, while others presented themselves ae Company employees, taking the cattle and running them over the border out of the reach of the Company.3^

To crown th e whole q u e stio n came th e r in d e r p e s t t h a t k i l l e d th o u san d s of cattle. In an effort to stop it the Government ordered large herds exterminated, s measure that was quite unintelligible to the Africans, who saw in it only one more of the incomprehensible ways of the white man.

Forced labor, i*lo question in the early days of Rhodesia seemed to have caused such warm debate as the labor practice of the British South

Africa Company. Sir Richard Martin had listed forced labor as one of the main causes of the rebellion,3^ and as soon as his report was known it

338 Estimate of Lord Grey, CO, h£. 517 of 1096, p. Ii37. Carnegie estimated a total of 200,000 cattle, ibid., p. U5k,

139 Ibid., p. 162. 3^ Helm to Thompson, February 9 , 1095*

Sir Richard Martin's Report is contained in the 00, No, 517 of 1096, pp. h251 U50, and alao In C.65U7 of 1897* The Report is dated January 16, 1&97* 212

caused an outcry in Rhodesia denying that forced labor was used. When Sir

Martin investigated* he found that eight out of fifteen Native Commissioners

said compulsory labor existed} one said he thought it existed* but was not

sure. Three of them did not answer* and two said that no forced labor

existed. Uut of five Magistrates questioned three said no, one was not

sure and one did not answer.3^

Martin had great difficulty in getting the people to commit them­

selves because so many in the country were dependent upon the B ritish South

AfrI ca Company for their livelihood , 3^3 but he got excellent* written sup­

port from the missionaries David Carnegie and Cullen Read, whose reports

were printed.3^

The system was based upon the Native Commisaionera who were

stationed at various centera to secure labor for mines, farms, and govern­

ment projects. Since there was a constant demand for labor, the Native ill 5 Commissioners put pressure upon the indunas to send men and boys ^ who

would be assigned by the Native Commissioner to an employer fcr two months

of the year. The employer would pay for the labor. But Africans were II46 never recruited in sufficient number, and the case of the Abe®ansi, they

lti2 CUj No* 2 1 1 o1' 18 P* 828 • 3l*3 ibid. , p. U27,

3^k Ibid., pp. bb3-U56.

3^ Europeans in Southern Rhodesia frequently call all adult, African males for boya.

lU6 Ndebele society was divided into three main oafttes. The Abe*ansi* the real Ndebele, descendants of the original Zulus who left Natal with Mzillkazi. Those with partly Swazi and Shangana ancestry are included in this caste. The Abenhla, those of Sotho and Tawana origin, incorporated into the tribe and constituting the middle caste. The Amahoii, the low caste, the slaves of Shona origin, Seei Kuper, Hughes and van Velsen, The Shona and Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia, pp. 72-73. 213

refused to work as their Ameholi could earn money for them .^ When the

labor was not forthcoming the African Police were sent out to fetch them, 1 I (j and as the young men often ran away, force was used to bring them in.

The laborers were not free to choose the time of the year which suited them ih o to serve their two months, nor were they free to choose their employer,

and they had no say about their wages.

A not uncommon occurence was for the employer to pick a quarrel with his men Just before pay day, perhaps beating them up so the laborers 350 left without getting their pay. ' In some areas the employers themselves

would go out early in the morning and round up the labor they needed, using

force if necessary.'*^

The result was of course that as soon as a white person was reported

by th e 11 bush telephone1' to be in the neighborhood, the people ran away to

hide among the h ills. Martin himBell traveled from Salisbury to Bulawayo 1?2 without seeing a single African. Carnegie remarked: "A proud and

hitherto unconquered Matebele cannot be turned in a month or a year into

a useful servant by kicks, shamboks,^^ and blows.with evidence such

3-^7 CO, No. 517 of 1896, p. Itlilj.

l l *8 I b i d . , p . Ii56.

i b i d .

1^0 i b i d . , p . 1^51i. 1^1 Letter from Frank Owen Mallet to his father, July 3, 1092, CAA Ms. Division, MA G/l/1 folios, 36-38; L, Grippe, Reminiscences of Pioneer Days, p. 27, typewritten M*. GAAP. 3/1/5* L. Cripps was Speaker of the Legislative Assembly in 1923. 00, No. 517 of 1896, p. U27- 3-53 Whips of raw hippopotamus hide. ^ 00, No. 517 of 1896, p. U5U* 21U as the above before him, Martin concluded that forced labor did indeed exist, even if both he and the two missionaries who gave evidence, definitely stated that charges of maltreatment could not be brought against all employers of labor.

When the report vaB out, the British South Africa Company Directors declared themselves astounded, and Jameson who denied ever having sanctioned it did not believe it existed,even in the face of the evidence of the

Company's employers, the Native Commissioners. Jameson must later on have changed hie mind on the matter, when he agreed that the local chiefs had been "made responsible for the labor supply." 157

Marshall Hole as late as in 1920 denied its existence, because the

Native Commissioners had not definitely stated that physical force had been used by them. Mrs. t. Tawse Jollie, one time member of the Southern

Rhodesia Legislative Assembly, agreed that the Native Commissioners procured labor but not by force. She also wrote that Martin had stated "that one

Native Commissioner, at all events, was not prepared to deny that the

Government commandeered labor."^^ In face of the accumulated evidence available, it is difficult to see how such views can be maintained.

i b i d . , p. h29.

^ Ibid.i PP. Im perialist, 0£, cit., p. 301.

3-5® Marshall H, Hole, The Rhodesian Natives and the Land, reprinted from Ways and Means, July 3, 1920, p. 5.

3-59 t. Tawee Jollie, The Real Rhodesia (London: Hutchineon & Co., X92U), p. 2h5. 21?

In spite of the opinion expressed by Hole and Jollie, one can find a contemporary statement to the effect that the Shona were "nothing but a horde of cunning, treacherous, cowardly, idle thieves" and to compel them 160 to work was a duty the white man owed to himself and to them. To the effectiveness of the system one Mr. W* L. brown testified in the trial of those who took part in the shooting at Chicanga's kraal! "I have been in this district since 1091. I consider that native labour is more scarce this year than any other year."^^

After the publication of the report, two other missionaries, Isaac

Shimmin and A. M. d a lg n a u lt, S,J,, came forward with statements covering their views on these controversial matters which apparently refuted the statements made by Carnegie and Reed. But a closer reading of their statements bears out the fact that it was only a different emphasis that was used, Carnegie and Reed pointed out that force had been used and that beating of laborers had been resorted to, and thereby the rebellion had been fostered, even if all employers were not guilty. Daigneult stressed the imprrtanco of work as a civilising influence, maintaining that in order to reach this goal,eUn&rtntxnm authority had to be used*^ Shimmin stressed the fact that lawless elements existed in all countries and that, therefore, acts of injustice would be perpetrated, but that influence should

The Rhodesia Herald, Editorials, April 21, 1897, p. 2e and f, A ugust 2$, 1897, p. 5a.

161 ^ of p. 29.

162 00, Wo. 559 of 1901, p. Ul. 216 n t ^ be brought to bear on the Africans so that they would come out and work.

No one ever contended that it hurt the Africans to work for wages for a few months of the year. What was questi oned was if it was the beat way to civilize primitive people to force them to work for private indivi­ duals at a time and place not chosen by themselves. When work became puni shment, the Africans were not apt to consider it a value in itself.

It was also pointed out by the missionaries that work did not mean work for the white man, and that the people did work in order to maintain life.

Nor was this kind of procedure liable to increase the good w ill between the conquered and the conquerors, which ought to have been the paramount point in the Compares policy. It is very difficult to escape the conclusion that the commercial interests of a quick return were of more importance to the Company than its professed civilizing mission.

It should also be remembered that in the Matabeleland Order in Council of lfl9h, Section 23 of fart II, it was laid down that no disabilities or restrictions were to be imposed upon Africans except in regard to firearms and liquor. The Company's labor practice did not conform to this clause.

The African Police force. Few happenings injured the Ndebele spirit as much as the fact that an African Police force was organized to keep law and order in the country. The point that hurt most was that the police force was made up mostly of Amaholi, or the lower stratum of Ndebele society.

The Amaholi were of Shona extraction, captured when young and brought up

Ib id ., pp. The idea that A fricans should work for Euro­ peans was held not oniy in hhodesia, but in Imperially administered terri­ tories like Nyasaland, and also in Belgian, French, German and Portuguese A frica. 217 within the Ndebele system. In the eyes of the real Ndebele they were little better than the ordinary Shona, the dogs. Tt was intolerable to have them as representatives of law and order.

But even more intolerable both to the Ndebele and the Shona was the fact that these police constables misused their position, and made them­ selves out to have far more power than they had been given. They employed their force, if necessary, to obtain the meat, the porridge, the beer that they wanted, and also used their position to procure women and girls,

This was also one of the grievances the Ndebele chiefs brought to Rhodes in the Matopos. A horrible example of this type of behavior is to be found in an official report from the Native Commissioner at Melsetter, 165 Mr. D. MoDdie, who reported that it was o n ly one case ou t of many.

Many of the African Police turned during the rebellion and spread the belief that the isolated, almost defenseless white communities could easily be swept away, There seemed to have been a unanimous opinion that this was one of the big reasons for the revolt.

European Injustice and Pride. That injustice mas committed in con­ nection with the cattle question and the labor regulations must be considered proved. The treatment measured out ty the police in its search for those guilty of crime and referred to above, cannot in any way be considered just

White, What Caused the Mashona Revolt, in The Methodist Times, January 10?7, quoted in Thompson, Rhodesia and Its Government, pp. 236-237,

l6$ CAA D.M, 2 /9 /1 /i 00, No. 517 o f 1896 , pp. U30-lt31.

Stanlake to Hartley, April 1, 1696. 2 ie and right. If it is maintained that the lonely outposts surrounded by a primitive people must account for some of this, it may be accepted as an explanation but not as an excuse, because the European settlers all con­ sidered themselves far superior in every respect to the Ndebele and Shona inhabit ante.

Many of th e N a tiv e Commissioners were young and inexperienced men, given power far greater than a responsible Government should ever have given them; therefore much of the blame for the misused power and the corrup­

tion^® muat be laid at the door of the appointing p o w e r . ^ 9

Isaac Shimmin always tried to maintain a happy relationship with the British South Africa Company, but he had a mean opinion of many of their officials; '*We talk of the Transvaal, but I am certain that some of the acts of the officials of the Chartered Company would more than 170 equal the worst enormities of the Boer Government.” Lord Milner, who was a little more cautious, could not honestly say that the Native Com- missioners as a body inspired him with complete confidence. 171

Considerable bitterness was caused by the way the Native Commissioner collected the hut tax, and in 1895 in the Mtoko district there was con- 172 siderable resistance to the tax collectors.

White to Hartley, November 22, 1895.

160 Stent, op. c it., p . 86.

Shimmin to Hartley, received in London, October 5, 1896.

Ibid. See also, Carnegie, 00, No. 517 of 1896, p. U5U.

I?1 CO, No. 559 of 1901, p. 29*

172 Qjj no, 517 of 1896, pp. ii39-lU*0; Thompson, op. c it. , pp. 235- 236. 219

It did not help the situation that extremely light sentences were given to Europeans for heavy crime against Africans. It confirmed in the mind of many Europeans the idea that the Africans did not matter, and the

Africans got the impression that he could expect no justice from the 173 European courts,

Selous refuted the idea that there had been systematic in justice and cruelty towards the Africans, and wondered why the missionaries had been in

^ n | the country but had not spoken up if cruelty had been committed. The answer is that the missionaries did take up such matters, not by bringing them to the press, but by calling the attention of the superior officials to the state of affairs as they saw them. Some times they achieved their purpose and misbehaving officials were dismissed, but at other times they achieved no direct results.Good officials, however, were difficult to find, especially in the earlier days, Not many were willing to leave a secure position in England for an uncertain future in a new and unknown co u n try .

That individual Europeans mistreated and flogged Africans is beyond doubt,The European masters "looked upon their native servants as so many dogs or baboons or beasts of burden to be swcm at and cuffed and

^•73 Shimmin to Hartley, received In London, October 5, 1896 ; G ripps, 0 2 . c it, , p. 21, unpublished Ms in CAA, written in 1932.

Selous, og. cit., pp. xiv-xv,

175 Thomson, o£. c it., pp. 23^-235.

^7^ spQ Annual K aport, 1896 , p . ll*2. 220 kicked at will, and upon native women as legitimate toys for a licentious self-indulgence ,n^77 ^ American missionary wrote as follows on this point:

The common treatment of the natives by the ordinary colonist is often cruel, unjust and flagrantly immoral. A remark we hear in regard to ourselves as we go among the kraals is this: "Oh, these are all right; need not fear them; they do not disturb our women.'1-*''

Lord Grey himself admitted, in a widely publicized speech in Bulawayo, that native maltreatment was one of the causes of the rebellion,179 1 7 even if he got scant support from The Khodssia herald, which wrote that he had put the cart before the horse. According to the paper the reason fo r the rising was that the Ndebele and the Shona had had too little of cruelty i An and harsh treatment, Agreeing with this the paper advocated a few days later that servants should be given twenty-five strokes at home for minor offenses.^®'*’

Inhuman treatment was by no means common to a ll the s e t t le r s . But to depy that it was a very r ea l cause fo r rebellion seems in e ffe c t to deny the African people the possession of ordinary feelings.

177 ZMR, Vol. Ill, wo. 36, 1907, p. 235j See ZMR, Vol. I l l , No. 39, 1908, p. 35b, for a statement by Lieutenant-Colonel Alder eon of the Imperial Army; bowen Hees to Thompson, April 27, 109ltj Sauer, Ex A frica , op. cit. , pp. 320-321.

■*-7® G, A, Wilder, M.D., le t te r o f April 27 , I 89 U, printed i n The Missionary Herald, September 189L, p. 356*

The Times (London), July 15, 1896, in "Parliamentary Report;'’ Earl Grey to Lady Grey, January 23, 1897, CAA, Grey Collection.

Hi® Rhodesia Herald. Editorial, July 22, 1896, p. 2d.

181 Editorial, July 29, 1896, p. 2d. 221

Other causes. In addition to these causes enlarged upon above, there were others that definitely played their port in bringing about the revolt, but they may be called secondary and w ill be dealt with together.

The fact that the Ndebele were never really beaten in 1 8 9 3 , that they were taken somewhat by surprise, and th a t th e ir iirrois disintegrated during the flight of lobengula, had no doubt something to do with their belief that they could still wipe out the Europeans. They were not really disarmed, for they brought in a few guns but burled others waiting 1’or a more opportune moment to use them.'*"03 The Shona also acquired guns from the Boers’*-^ and the Portuguese'*^ and hid them waiting for a better day.

For three years the Ndebele had been without a chief, but the longing for one had not died out. "They longed for a fire by which to

™i Q jC warm themselves." They had tried , but the Government had always been had reluctant. This longing had had undoubtedly/something to do with the rev o lt, which i f i t had succeeded would have made i t p ossib le for them to select the new chief. This longing was slow to die, and as late as in

1909 it caused some unpleasant moments when Lord Selborne, the High Com­ m issioner, v isite d Bulawayo and met the Ndebele indunaa.^0^

182 Earl Grey, BSA Report, 1898, pp. 5-7 j CO, No. 517 o f 1096, p. h 02.

103 Ibid., pp. h33-U3h.

Imperialist, oj>. cit., p. iiL2.

185 Statement by several Africans to author.

186 CO, No. £17 o f 1096, p. 1*53.

I®? The Bulawayo Chroniole, November IS, 1909. 222

The great locust srwarma that came into the country in 1095 and

1096—a plague that the country had not had for a generation—caused destruction of crops and famine. They added fuel to the fire, and could easily be interpreted by the Africans as signs that their ancestral spirits were displeased by the continued presence of the white men in the country.

To them the rinderpest and the locust swarms came with the "warungu,rr the white men. According to Bantu way of thinking, sickness, plague, and disaster do not come from natural causes. Some one is responsible for the calamity, and the only way to get rid of the misfortune ia to destroy the cause. In this case the obvious origin of the evils was the white men.

The Jameson Raid into the Transvaal was not a cause for rebellion, but offered a fine opportunity for the rising since the Administrator and the police were out of the country. The fact that he was defeated in his purpose may have had something to do with the hope that the Africans had in defeating the remainder of the white population.

That the religion of the Africans played a major part in the rebellion was widely accepted at the time, but doubt was later thrown upon "IBB this theory. When the Ndebele came up from the south, they found the

Matopos the center of the Mwari cult of the Karanga tribe. This cult they took over in part and i t became the Umlimo cult, Mwari or Utnlimo was the high god o f the Karenga. He expressed himself through mediums, and was served by a priesthood o f the Karanga p riestly caste, which had consider­ able power not only over the Shona but also over the Ndebele people. They

*8® Pooselt, o£. cit., p. 122, 2?3 were without question aware of the discontent among the people, and it was widely believed at the time that these mediums went around the country and declared that the Umlimo wanted them to rise and to drive the white man from the country. They must have played up the rinderpest, the locust swarms, the famine, the eclip se of the moon, and the fiasco o f the Jameson

Haid as signs that the Umlimo was on their side and that the hour to strike had coma.

It is quite inconceivable that a Bantu people could stage a rebellion without reference to its religious beliefs, but when they announced that the American scout, Burnham, had shot the actual Umlimo,it can only be described as nonsense. A person, priest, prophet or medisinman, might be possessed by the Umlimo, or be the medium of the Umlimo, but he would not be Umlimo him self.

As it was, it almost amounted to saying that the ^Christian" forces were trying to break down the relig io u s b e lie f o f the Shona and the Ndebele by hunting down their priests, their nganga—medicine man, witch doctor- 190 and proving them liars. This view was exnressed by Karl Grey. Catholic missionaries interpreted the religious implications of the rebellion in th is way,and it is quite probable that Earl Grey had his views from them, because he expressed them in the same le tte r to Lady Grey in which he described his v is it to Chishawasha Mission.

109 No- 520, p. 2h7-

^9° Earl Grey to Latty Grey, January 23, 1097, CAA, Grey Collection.

T-?1 A. Boos, ZMR, Vol. I , 1090, pp. 125-126, 22h

Post Rebellion Development

When the rebellion had spent itself, certain changes took place in the life of the new colony* The rebellion was really a severe indictment on the Company's rule* The B ritish South Africa Company had widely pub­

licized the cruelty of Lobengula1 s rule and professed to be the protector of the helpless Shona people. When these "poor Mashona" rose and joined hands with their former masters,the Ndebele, against the white man's rule, and openly declared that the treatment they had received from the Ndebele was by far preferable to that of the whites, the Company’s earlier propa­ ganda backfired.

Those who, right from the beginning, had been against the Company not as a commercial enterprise but Kjpt as Government, again began to ask for direct Imperial Rule.1^ People began to see that a direct Imperial rule might have avoided the 1093 War, the Jameson Raid, the 1896 Rebellion, and, later, perhaps even the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1901.

The change of administration was a very real possibility, and as late as 1901 the Colonial Office went so far as to threaten to deprive the Company of its administrative powers* Such drastic changes did not take place, but an effort was made to enlist the services of experienced and able civil servants, chief among them was William Milton, who served as Administrator from 1898-191U*

The labor question continued to be debated officially and unofficially.

192 Thomson, oj). c i t . t p, bj Thompson (IMS) to MudLe, May 9» 1896; Thompson to Helm, January b, I896j Reed to Cousins (IMS), September 4 I, 1897- 225

Many of the Native Commissioners,-^ together with spokesmen of commercial and mining interests, and to some extent the press, advocated com­ pulsory labor for every able-bodied boy over fourteen years of age for at least three months of the year. Schemes were proposed by which the c h ie fs 196 would be made responsible for the labor supply for a monthly payment of £>5.

Bishop Gaul of the Church of England advocated a progressive tax on polyga- 197 mous wives.

Opposition, however, was forthcoming from missionaries, 198 the Anti-

Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society,the Colonial O ffice^ * and

■*■93 Memorandum regarding Native Affairs Commission, 1909-1911, pp» 25, 30j The Times (London) November 7, 1911, p . 21f.

A Farmers' Meeting in Salisbury and the Chamber of Mines even advocated tempting Africans to work by giving them liquor. The Rhodesia Herald, February 22, 1902, pp. 3, 10,

19^ The Rhode si a Herald, October lh, 1901, p, 2f, made a vicious attack on those who were against Compulsory lab or, and said in ter a l ia i "We regret that men should be hanged anywhere for shooting natives whether in cold blood or not," See also The Rhodesia Herald, February 27, 1902, p. 2.

196 Karl Grey to London Board of Directors, uctober lo, 1896j The Times (London), November 2b, 1896, p. 9c; 00, No. 517 of 1896, pp. 300-301.

197 The Rhodesia Herald, April 22, 1901, pp. 3e, 3f*

198 Reverend w. CJ, M itchell, The Rhodesia Herald, February 23, 1902, warned against separating the "native question" from the moral one. Bishop Gaul, The Rhodesia Herald, February 27, 1902; John White, the Rhodesia HeraldT^ebruary 22, 1902, p. 10. A very strong article against the usual settler point of view on African labor is found in the ZMR, Vol. I ll, No. 21, 1903, p. 2h$. See also: The Christian Express, Editorial, August 1, 1900, pp. 113-115. 199 The Times (London), December 5, 1696, p. *>f. A le t t e r dated December 2, IB96, and addressed to the Colonial Secretary, Joseph Chamber- lain 5 00, No. 517 of 1096, pp. 320-321.

200 Cd. 1200 of 1902, p. 27; Correspondence with the Colonial Office Respecting the Acbninistration, 1696-97, p. 2. 226

the London Press. 201 In the end the Native Commissioners were prohibited

from having anything to do with the recruitment of labor. In November

1902 the Resident Commissioner could report to the Colonial Office that

the regulations were followed and no compulsion used, 202 Recruitment was

being undertaken by private agencies with official approval and control,

because the Government was anxious to see labor forthcoming, which in turn provided the Government with needed revenue.

The missionaries were subject to considerable criticism because of

th eir frankness in discussing public iSBues. John White even had to accept

a rebuke from his ecclesiastical superiors for his grand article on "The

Rebellion and Its Causes,T in The Methodist Times.2°3 the missionaries were not against the Company nor the settlers, they were not even against the British occupation of the countty. They were against what they

sincerely believed to be unjust and wrongf and in this they were in line with what is best in the Christian tradition. It is also worthy of

attention that in their opposition to injustice, the missionaries were as

one body* across denominational barriers.

During the rebellion, the African people had begun to realize that

the missionaries were their real friends, who would be their spokesmen and

to whom they could go for guidance and help in the entirely new situation

201 The Times (London), Editorial, November 28, 1096, p. lib .

202 CO, ho. 702 of 1902, p. 1*75.

203 White to Hartley, April 30, 1897*

20U Thomson, og_, c i t . , p. ?Uo. 227

in which they found them selves. This brought the m ission aries and the

people together in a new way. Many of the missionaries were given a warm 20*> welcome when they returned to their stations after the end of h ostilities.

But at the same time the missionaries were now considered as members of the

conquering race which had in flicted so many wounds on the African people;

therefore they had to face the suspicion common to a ll the whites j only as

the individual missionary had proved himself worthy of trust, did the people bestow upon him their confidence.

New Missionary E fforts

Almost immediately after the end of the rebellion, the missionary

activities in the colony greatly increased, and during the next few years a number of new missions were established. The coining of the new mission­

aries doubled the strength of the missionary force, and this was going to

have a profound e ffe c t upon the l i f e of the Shona and Ndebele people*

The Brethren in Christ from the United States of America, applied for land and began work in 1898 in the Metope D istrict near Bulawayo.

In the same year the Giurchee of Christ in New Zealand started their work in the town of Bulawayo, Along the eastern border the American Board of Commissioners for

2°^ Elliott, op. c it. , p. 17U; Thompson to Carnegie, February 2U, I 89 I1.

206 Rhodee to hawley, January, 18?7, CAA, t . 2/L/2hi J* Engle to Native Commissioner, Bulawayo, June 7, 1096.

207 M, J. Savage, Achievement(New Zealand1 Published by H.H. and A.W. ftaed for the Foreign Mission Executive Committee, Associated Churches of Chriat, 19ij9), p. 2lu 228

Foreign Missions had established themselves in the far southeastern corner of the colony, and in 1097 the South Africa General Mission began its work in the Ngorima Reserve in the Melsetter d istrict,20® and became the neighbor o f the American Board,

The town of Umtali had to be moved about ten miles from its first site in order to be nn the railway line from Beira to Salisbury. Cecil

Rhodes and the British South Africa Company very generously granted the old town with grounds and buildings to Bishop Joaeph Crane Hartzell of

The Methodist Church, 209 The f ir s t American m issionaries arrived at Uld

Umtali towards the end of 1898 , from where the work grew a ll along the eastern border.

In 1903 the Church of Sweden started mission work under the leader- on n ship of Axel Liljestrand in the Belingwe district* the Swedish Mission was forced to leave its stations unoccupied between from about March 190li till June 1900.211 When the Berlin Missionary Society withdrew its forces in 1907 and turned i t s work over to the Dutoh Reformed Church, the Church o f Sweden Mission became the only m ission from the hhiropean continent with 21? work in the new colony. In 190U the Presbyterian Church of South Africa £

206 BSA Report, 1897-1098, p. 261*.

2°? Ibid., p. 262.

2^° Liljestrand to NC, Bulawayo, November 12, 1902, CAA, L. 2/l/UO.

211 J. t). horenius, bland Zuluer och Karanger, pp. ll*7, li?0,

212 Van der Merve and F, B. Rea, Fifty fears for Qod in Southern Rhodesia, p. It. An eight page pamphlet issued by the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference in 1953# 229 began its work among the Ndebele northeast ol' Bulawayo.

A point that is generally unknown is that in March lG96 the British

South Africa Company granted one hundred square miles on the le ft bank of the Limpopo river to the Swiss Evangelical Mission to he used as a resettle­ ment station for Africans* The grant was later reduced and finally given 213 up in 1905, when th e m ission was unable to proceed with it s plans* The

Primitive Methodist Missionary Society which was working among the Baila in Northern Rhodesia also planned to get into the Wankie district in the northwestern pert of Southern Rhodesia, but the plans never materialized.

On December lli, 1903 the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference was organized in Bulawayo by representatives of the Church of England, The Methodist Episcopal Wesleyan M issionary S o ciety, London Missionary S o ciety ,/th e Brethren in Church, The Hutch Reformed Church, C h rist, the Seventh Day A dventists, the Church of Sweden M ission, and the

B erlin M issionary S o c ie ty . The Seventh Day Adventists soon withdrew, and fo r q u ite a number o f years the Roman Catholic Church was a member. The

Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference became the "voice of the voiceless," and in many important matters rendered fine service to the African peoples o f Southern Rhodesia by acting as a liason between them end th e Government*

Summary was The early development of the colony/interrupted and seriously threatened by a revolt, first by the Ndebele and then by the Shona tribes, which took the Government, the settlers and the missionaries by surprise.

The Government was caught napping in spite of the fact that there were many

213 Correspondence in the CAA, L, 2/1/162, beginning March 26, 18?6* 230

disturbances over the previous four years which should have made the

administration cautious.

The Ndebele rebellion came to an end after six months, when Cecil

Rhodes, being at his very best, negotiated the peace with the Ndebele

chiefs in the Mstopos. The Shona rebellion could not be called finished until October lB?7 when some of the most important instigators of the revolt, were captured. The two rebellions had, therefore, kept the country

on edge for a total of nineteen months. The death to ll among the settlers

amounted to ten per cent of the European population, and the rebellions brought the British South Africa Company to the brink of ruin.

The rebellions were caused by a combination of forces, chief among which were the incomplete pacification of the country, the cattle question* the forced labor policy, the African police force, the injustice of the

Europeans and the natural disasters, such as the rinderpost and the locust plag u e.

The missionaries came through the crisis with clean shields. They had been able to keep their heads cool and to appeal to reason and sanity.

They had also rendered valuable service both to the Europeans and to the

Africans, Many Europeans scorned them because of their efforts to see both sides of the question, but their services in the cause of peace by establishing contact with rebel chiefs, were recognised.

The Africans now became moTe aware of the fact that the missionaries were their real friends, and a new contact had been established with the people. At the same time the missionaries had to adjust to the altered status the membership in the conquering race gave them in the eyes of the

A fric a n s. CHAPTER VII

THE MISSIONARIES AND THE LAND

The question oi' land and land tenure was from the beginning of the utmost importance in Southern Rhodesia. In Southern Africa there has been a fundamental difference in attitude to land between the Bantu aborigines and the incoming Europeans, To the bantu the land was held communally only) the individual could use the land, but he could never own it. The European wanted not only the use of the land but the ownership of it, with the lega-L title to it, We have seen how this question caused anxiety and con­ fusion in the case of Lobengula, and it has been a bone of contention in

Southern Rhodesia up to the present day.

Soon after the flag had been hoisted at Fort Salisbury, the pioneers began to peg out the farms that they had been promised for taking part in the expedition. But how could the British South Africa Company grant land when it had only the right to dig for gold? The question caused consider­ able anxiety, as can be seen in the correspondence between the High Com­ missioner, Henry Loch, and John Smith Moffat.^ In this problem Eduard 2 LIppert saw his opportunity for personal enrichment. On the etrength of the Rudd Concession and the Lippert Concession, the British South Africa

Company based its right to occupy the country, parcel out lands, and make la w s .

1 Moffat to Loch, July 21, 1091j Moffat to Jameson, July 15, l 8 ?lj Moffat to Loch, July 17, 1891, August 25, 1691. The above letters are to be found in th e JSM, CAA.

* Supra, pp. 125-126, 232

Land Grants to Missions

The Afri can population In Southern Hhodesia was very small, and It was scattered over a wide area In small villages and kraals* Therefore, when the first settlers carved out for themselves the farms granted them

by the Company, there was no serious problem of pressure or inconvenience

to the Shona tribes, because the land was plentiful. Among those who

received grants of land were the missionary societies which entered the

country* Uf those, there were three that could claim to be in a special p o s itio n .

The London Missionary Society had been granted the Inyati station

by Mziligazi and the Hope Fountain station by Lobengula. Lobengula had also given the Jesuits the right to work at linpandeni. During his journey

through Mashonaiand, Bishop Knight-Bruce of the Church of England had obtained permission ifrom various chiefs to establish stations,^ The caae

of the two first mentioned was quite clear, their rights rested on the word o f the Ndebele ch ief*

Bishop Knight-Bruce felt that his case vae different. The prevalent idea was that Lobengula and the Ndebele ruled Mashonaiand, but Knight-Bruce had no permission from Lobengula to establish mission centers in Mashona­ iand. The first Bishop of Mashonaiand had never considered that Lobengula had any moral right to Mashonaiand, so to the Bishop the permission to

settle from local Shona chiefs was enough. He argued quite logically that if Mashonaiand belonged to Lobengula why did he raid it annually? Furthermore,

3 G. W. H. Knight-Bruce, Memories of Mashonaiand (London* Edward Arnold, 1B9?)> p. 97* 233

the Shona were there before the Ndebele.^

He also considered the occupation of Mashonaiand by the Chartered

Company quite Justified. That the Europeans would move in was unquestion­

able; the only unknown factor was which Europeans. The country was nearly

empty, and as long as the Company rule was Just and humane, the British

occupation of the country was for the good.-*

When the Company took over and proceeded to parcel out land, the

rights of the above claims were recognized, although the claims had to be

surveyed and beacons erected, and because of the confused state of the

country, it took many years to get the deeds in order and registered. Any

further land these societies needed had to be obtained from the Company.^

Cecil Hhodes, however, was very generous with his grants of land

for missionary purposes, and many of the missionaries who wanted land, went straight to him, and he not only gave them a letter authorizing them

to peg out the land but in some cases even suggested on the map where they

ought to go. This was the case with the Wesleyan Missionary Society,^ the American Board,® the Seventh Day Adventists,^ the Methodist Episcopal

^ S.F.G. Annual Heport, 1090, pp. 97-99j Knight-Bruce, o£, d t . , pp. 98 - 9 9.

5 The Gospel Missionary, Vol. XIV, May 109it, pp. 35-36.

® Knight-Bruce, o£. cit., p. 99.

7 For a good account and a very interesting interview, see Diary of 0. Watkins» entry of October 20, 1891, CAA Microfilm, partly published in Clarence Thorpe, Limpopo to Zambesi, pp. UO-Ub.

® Rhodes to W. C. Wilcox, September 25, 1091* CAA, L 2/l/li/2j AB, Sketch of the East Central African Mission, Gasaland (Boston, 1903), pp. 8-9.

9 The Umtall Post. February 1L> 1955. 23l

Church ,'1'0 and the Brethren in Christ.^ Before the year 1900, land grants covering 325,730 acres had been given as follows *1®

Church of England 35,359 acres M ethodist E p isco p al Church 9 , 61*7 Wesleyan Methodist Church UU,586 Roman Catholic Church 127,059 Dutch Reformed Church (inoluding the Berlin Missionary Society) 28,797 London M issionary Society 31,019 American Board of Commie si oners for Foreign Missions 30,979 Seventh Day Adventists 12,696 S a lv a tio n Army 2 , 1*13 Brethren in Christ 3,175

T o tal 325,730 acres

In addition to these large tracts of land, plots were generously granted in the various small towns hips which were laid out across the territory. The reasons why Cecil Rhodes gave these large land grants have been gone into earlier1^ and need not be repeated.

Nearly all the missionariea and the societies they represented accepted these gifts with gratitude, and considered themselves fortunate in being able to establish their new venture with such considerable resources at their disposal. It did not appear to them to be anomalous for

10 Grey to H a r ta e ll, March 31, 1 6 9 8 * BSA Report, 1897-1898, pp. 307- 308 . 11 Rhodes to Lawley, January 1897, CAA, L 2/1/2U; H. F. Davidson, South and South Central Africa (Elgin, Illinoist Brethren Publishing House, lflfT, pp.^Eb.

12 Report of the Native Education Inquiry Comission, 1951, C.S.R, 6-1952, p*“37^ In "apTTe of this generosity in land grants, it Bometimes appeared to BSA« Co, officials that some missionaries were misusing the generosity. Some very caustic remarks were made about the Jesuits at i&npandeni, and the Seventh Day Adventists at Solusi, near Bulawayo. Inokipp to Lawley, April 23, 1900, CAA L/2/1/220/1} Inskipp to Southern Rhodesia Treasury, Ootober 15, 1 9 0 3, CAA L/2/1/217/l. 13 Supra, pp. lbl-lh?. 235 free churchmen, as most of them were, to accept such aid from the new state, nor did it seem to have appeared to them that it might be dangerous for their future mission to owe such a heavy debt of gratitude to the newly established Colonial Government, which had yet to establish a good record.

Only two cases have come to light where the wisdom of this procedure was questioned. Knight-Hruae, we noted, accepted the gifts because he felt they were without strings , 1^1 b u t when Mb successor, Bishop Gaul, made a speech in Liverpool after the Jameson Raid^ in which he supported Dr,

Jameson's action, one of ui 3hop Gaul's own churchmen drew the conclusion that there was some connection between this support and the large financial backing the British South Africa Compary had given the church in Southern 16 Khodesia, and the danger involved in the situation was pointed out.

The other society that was very dubious of the whole procedure was the London Missionary Society. When the missionaries wrote to London in glowing terms about the possibility of receiving farms for extended mission work in Matabeleland, they received very cool replies from their secretary.

In one letter he wrote:

I have read with almost dismay the references in the letters from Matabeleland to various farms which the Company is prepared to set apart for our Mission work, and the enthusiasm with which the members of your D istrict Committee are entering into the extension of the borders of our work involved in acoepting the Company’s offer,^7

^ Supra, pp. 133-13h,

15 The Times (London), February 1 8 , I 8 9 6 , p . 5 f .

^ C. Baumgarten in The Church Times, March 2 8 , 1896,

^ Thompson to Cullen Reed, October 12, 1 8 9 5 , 236

He also pointed out that many o f the friends of the Society felt that the british South Africa Company had no right to give away land that they had taken, that accepting grants from them was tantamount to sharing 1 fi in plunder, and that public criticism had been forthcoming against societies who had accepted such grants.^ Thompson was also troubled about how a non-conformist society like the London Missionary Society, could accept land grants from the Government, because many of the directors were "disposed to refuse to receive anything from any Government on the 20 ground t h a t i t would be an endowment of r e lig io n ."

The missionaries in the field admitted the difficulties, but they called attention to the fact that they would hold the land "for mission purposes only," and in trust for the Africans who could live, work and learn there. They also pointed out that the Africans themselves seemed to welcome the arrangement,In the end the London Misaionaiy Society, like the others, had to accept the fact that the only Government was the Govern­ ment of the Chartered Company, and they consequently accepted the land g r a n t s , “22

Rhodes was particularly happy to welcome missionary societies from

Thompson to Reed, Uctober 12, 1895.

19 Thompson to Helm, January h, 18?6.

20 Thompson to Carnegie, October 31* 1 8 9 6 ,

21 Reed to Thompson, December 5, 1895.

22 Thompson to Reed, uctober 12, IB95; Thompson to Carnegie, Uctober 31, 1 8 9 6 . When the title deeds to these properties oame through several years later, they usually had the following restrictive alauae included: "For mission purposes only and cannot be alienated without the consent of the B ritish South Africa Company.n 337

America into "his Rhodesia," as one of his pet ideas was the common heri­ tage and common deatiny of ail English speaking peoples. It is noteworthy, however, that except for the station belonging to the Brethren in Christ, near Bulawayo, all the American missions are located along the border to

Portuguese East Africa, and ail three of these American missions have work in the Portuguese territory. It has been suggested, without any proof, however, that Rhodes had them located along the border in order to use them in any difficulties which might have arisen with the Portuguese over border questions, and that this is one reason why the Portuguese Government of

Mocambique has been very cautious towards Protestant missions*^

The Land Commission of lB9h

When Matabeleland was occupied towards the end of l893> a fairly large number of settlers came into the country to carve out new farms, in addition to those who took part in the war. These farms were 6 ,0 0 0 a c re s in size, twice S 3 big as the farms in Mashonaiand* Land companies and speculators were also allowed to mark out large tracts of land for future development. The result was that before six months had elapsed the central portion of Matabeleland, which was believed to constitute a gold belt and which was the bast watered and most fertile part of the country, had been pegged out by the Europeans. In order to provide for some place for the

Ndebele tribe to live, a Land Commission was appointed, which did its work in September and October of 18 9U*^

23 Dr, W. J. van der Merwe, to author, Ooromonzi, August 30, 1958.

2b Report printed in C.8130 of 1896. 236

The Commission do not appear to have tried to conserve for the

Ndebele the land that they traditionally had occupied, but did provide an outlet for them in case they should be squeezed out of their old homes by the incoming Europeans. The obvious reason for this was never stated, but could only be that the land the Ndabele occupied was the best available, having the healthiest climate and believed to be gold-bearing. The Com­ mission was charged with the duty of setting aside sufficient land for the

Ndebele needs with due regard to the presence of springs and permanent pq w ater* The difficulty they ran into was that they had no really reliable information, neither of the number of the people they had to provide for, nor the topograph of the land with which they were dealing. Colenbrander estimated that there were at least 100,000 Ndebele people. The Com­ mission did take some evidence from some of the Ndebele Indunas and claimed to have taken their views into account* In the light of subsequent events, it may be doubted how much the Indunas understood of the whole proceeding o r how much th e y c a re d .

In the end two very big reserves were set aside, the Shangani with

3,500 square miles and the Gwaai with 3 ,0 0 0 square miles. In addition

2,000 acres on the Bembesi River were set aside for Lobengula's wives and sons. This was considered adequate since the Ndebele never occupied more th a n 1 0 ,0 0 0 o r 1 1 ,0 0 0 square miles, since many of the members of other

25 Ibid,, p. U,

26 Ibid., p, 1 0 . 239 tribes had gone back home alter the fall of Lobengula, and some of the

Ndebele were wanted as laborers on the European farms.

The missionaries in Matabeleland welcomed the Commission and appreciated the idea of keeping tracts of land for the sole occupation of the Ndebele tribe, ^ But they were very unhappy about the choice of land, because even if the size was sufficient, they considered that the land cfl set aside had too little water, too much bush and too much malaria. Very few people had ever settled there before the 1893 war. The missionaries admitted that in one respect they shared the fate of the Commission, they had too little knowledge of the area to be very definite. 297 In the end very few people ever moved into these reserves, as they preferred in the 30 beginning to stay on the farms, where they had been living before.

The Land Question 1096-*19ik

The R eport o f th e l 8 ?L Land Commission was approved by the Colonial

Secretary, Lord Kipon, on January 26, 1895, Less than fifteen months afterwards the rebellion broke out in Matabeleland. During the Indaba in the Matopos, Rhodes had promised the Indunas that he would let them have land where they could live according to their tribal ways without inter­ ference.^ With this in mind a proclamation was issued by the High

^ Thompson to Heim, June 1 , 1895.

The 191L Native Reserves Commission stated that the GwaAl Reserve was eighty per cent uninhabitable because of lack of water, Cd. 867 L, of 1911, #69, p. 52. 29 517, of 1896, pp. 550-556.

30 Cd. 867U of 1917, P. 6 .

31 Cd. 8b7U o f 1917, p . 6 . 2bO

Commissioner on October 13, 1896 , and a little later another one providing for the location of Africans on European held land. But since few had chosen to live in the Gwafil and Shangani Reserves and not all could be accommodated on European held land, it became a matter of urgency to set aside further land which oould be reserved for Africans. The matter was taken in hand in Matabeleland almost at once.

In Mashonaiand the rebellion did not come to an end until October

1597 t and it was, therefore, not until the middle of 1098 that the Native

Commissioners were ready with their lists of recommended reserves.^2

In 1898 the Southern Rhodesia Order-in-Council was issued, dealing with a number of administrative matters, which in general took the form of a more strict Imperial control. Certain safeguards for the African people were included, such as the following!

No conditions, disabilities, or restrictions shall, without the pre­ vious consent of a Secretary of State, be imposed upon natives by Ordinance, which do not equally apply to persons of European descent, save in respect of arms, ammunition, and liquor.

The Company shall from time to time assign to the natives inhabiting Southern Rhodesia land sufficient for their occupation, whether as tribes or portions of tribes, and suitable for their agricultural and pastoral requirements, Including in all oases a fair and equitable proportion of springs and permanent water.

All questions relating to the settlement of natives on the lands within Southern Rhodesia shall be dealt with and decided by the

32 I b id . . p . 7.

33 C913fi of 1899, paragraphs 00-83* 2Ul

Administrator in Executive Counci 1* but all such decisions shall be s u b je c t to re v iew by the High Com m issioner.

A native may acquire, hold, encumber, and dispose of land on the same conditions as a person who is not a native.

According to these regulati ons the recommendations from the Native

Commissioners were aporoved by the txecutive Council of Southern Rhodesia for Mashonaiand in Uctober, and for Matabeleland in November, 1902,^

When th e N ative Commissioners made t h e i r recom m endations, th e y w ere guided by very inadequate knowledge of the topography of the country, and of the number of people that they were supposed to provide for. They tried as far as possible to recommend for reserves those areas where they already found the tribes in occupation. The result was that in some cases very small reserves ware mapped out consisting of about {>,000 acresj in others very large areas were reserved, since the Mtibi Reserve, for example, consisted of an area of 3jii75,000 acres. Furthermore, the estimated number of acres were not correct in many cases, and in some cases the maps did not oonform to the actual facts. Also sinoe many Africans on European held land were either given notice to leave or decided to leave and moved into the reserves near by, many reserves soon were over crowded, while some districts, e.g. , Mtoko district, had no reserves at all.

By 191ii the total of reserved land in Southern Rhodesia was

21,73&j222 acres, with a total estimated African population of 712,783.^

3** Cd. bb?U of 1917) p. 9.

3^ The population figure was usually reached by taking the known figure of African, male, taxpayers and multiplying it by 3*5. 2b2

Of these U00,000 were estimated to be living in the reserves, which gave an average of 30.5 acres of land for each person in the reserves. The 37 assignment of reserves made in 1902 was regarded as being final.

The South African Native A ffairs Commission of 1903-05 summarized the way Africans could occupy land in Southern Rhodesia!

1. In Reserves set apart for the African population.

2. On u n a lie n a te d land b elo n g in g to th e B r itis h South A fric a Company, paying rent.

3 . In locations on private lands by tenancy agreement under the pro­ visions of the Proclamation of uctober 13, 1096.

b* On private farms without any agreement.

5. Land held on freehold or lease without distinction of raoe.3®

The Native Reserves Commission of l? lh

This Comrdssrion was appointed by the Imperial Government, and con­ sisted of Mr. Coryndon, Resident Commissioner for Swaziland, as Chairmanj

Mr. Newton, Treasurer of Southern Rhodesia, and Major Garrawsy, Resident

Commissioner of Bechuanaland Protectorate. When Mr. Newton was unable to attend all sessions, Mr. W. J. Atherstone, the Surveyor General of Southern

Rhodesia, acted as alternate. Mr. Coryndon had ten years before been in the service of the British South Africa Company in Northern Rhodesia.3?

36 Cd, 867 h of 1917, p. 10.

3? I b i d ., p . 8 . It is interesting to see how often statesmen and politicians make the statement that something is final, forgetting how few th in g s in human s o c ie ty are r e a l l y f i n a l .

3® Cd. 2399 of 1905, pp. 18, 2b.

39 The Bulawayo Chronicle. October 23, 1917, Parliamentary Report on Q uestion P e rio d i n th e House o f Commons. 2b 3 Major Garraway was the secretary.

The Commission held its first meeting in Salisbury on June b, 19lb,

and the report of the Commission was accepted by his Majesty's Government

in 1917, but the Order-in-Council embodying the Commission 1 b re p o rt was n ot p u b lis h e d u n t i l November 19, 1920. I t was c a lle d th e Southern Rhode s i a

O rd e r-in -C o u n c il, 1920

For more then three years the Commission studied the land question,

traveled over the country, inspected large portions of the land, took

evidence from buropean fanners, officials, m issionaries, and also from a number o f A fric a n s . A number of Hiuropeans w ere employed to go in to th e reserves to report on them as to the land used, its quality, its water resources, and the number of people living on it. In many cases these land investigators went over the land with the Native Commissioner of the d istrict and discussed with him the existing possibilities. The Land

Commission also carried on a vast correspondence with members of the public, with the Land Department of the British South Africa Company and with the

Native Commissioners. The fact that some time elapsed between the pub­ lishing of the report and the 1920 urder-in-Council gave an opportunity for public debate and appraisal, which opportunity was amply utilized by individual missionaries and the Southern Rhodesia Missionaiy Conference.

The Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference had discussed the land question at its meeting in 1908 and had sent a resolution to the Government stating that in many districts the reserves were too small, and in view of

^ Gnd. 10b 2 o f 1920. 2 h h

the growing African population asked the Government to enlarge the reserves

by taking land that at the time was unoccupied.*1-*- The resolution, however,

was not sympathetically considered by the Administrator who stated that the _ k2 reserves were ample. The Conference came back again in 1913, advocating

some system of individual purchase of land by Africans, and suggested that

areas of unallenated land should be set aside for this purpose. The

Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference was of the opinion that the reserves

werewbadly delimitated and insufficient,"*1^ The Conference also requested

to be officially informed as to the exact lim its and size of the reservee

at the time* This last point was discussed with the Administrator, but as

the Rhodesian Land Case was before the Privy Council, the matter was

dropped .*1*1

The position in regard to the Rhodesian Land Case was this: the

British South Africa Company kept two main accounts, one commercial and one

administrative. The administrative account was carrying a deficit, but to

offset this deficit use was made of ail the so-called unalienated land in

Southern Rhodesia to which the Company claimed ownership. There was also

*^ Minutes of the Fourth Missionary Conference, held in Northern Rhodesia under the chairmanship of Reverend J£.W. Smith, June 15-19, 1908, Handwritten Minutes in possession of the Secretary of the SRMC.

*^ Minutes of the Fifth Missionary Conference, July 11-13, 1910. Handwritten Minutes in possession of the Secretary,

^3 Handwritten Minutes of Meeting, July 16-21, 1913- See also, resolution of the Wesleyan Methodist Synod of January, 1915, sent to the Colonial Office, stressing these same points. Microfilm in possession of author, Native Purchase Areas were not introduced until after 1923* bli ibid. 2h$ the idea that when the Company would one day relinquish the Government of the territory, the deficit on the administrative account would constitute the public debt of the new Government.^ The unalienated land was all the land n6t sold to Europeans. This means that all land at the tine reserved for African occupation also was unalienated and belonged to the Chartered

Company, which in theory could dispose of them. Both of these contentions were challenged by the European settlers. In either case both the Company and the settlers would benefit If the areas of the reserves were not increased, and the Company, of course, was sure of winning the battle, as it hBd won public battles before.^

When the Conuni ? si on was ready to hear evidence, the secretary of the

Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference sent a letter to the Commission stating that the Conference took keen interest in its work, but because a lot of local knowledge was necessary, had left it up to individual mission­ aries to give evidence. The Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference there­ fore did not give evidence as a body,^ The unfortunate result was that very few missionaries gave evidence, and that most of the missionary evidence was entirely inconsequential, except in two cases, that of Arch­ deacon Etheridge and Reverend A.iJ. Cripps, The former submitted a reasoned

J.P.H . W allis, One Man*s Hand (London: Longman's,Green and Company, 1950), p. 2lB, Xn 1912 Wilson Fox stated! "The net result is, therefore, that, taking into consideration the value of the assets on which expenditure had been incurred for adm inistrative purposes, the Company was out of pocket on administrative account in Southern Rhodesia to the amount of upwards of 49,000,000 on 31st March, 1911.n Memorandum on Constitutional, P o litical, Financial and Other Questions concerning Rhodesia (London! Waterlow and Sons, Ltd., 19127, p. 121*

^ T*16 Bulawayo Chronicle, Uctober 23, 1917, p* 3»

^7 Hedfield to Commission, November ti, 1911:, CAA, ZAD 3/1/1/ 2l*6 and lengthy statement, asking for an enlargement of Umtasa South Reserve, because it was too small and Umtasa’s loyalty during the rebellion deserved some recognition. He also pleaded for large reserves, rather than small ones, not In remote districts but dispersed throughout the whole country.

He wanted fixed boundaries, so that the Africans could know the correct position; al30 the future need both in regard to soil and water had to be considered. In addition he wanted agricultural training for the Africans so that present wasteful agricultural methods could be superseded by good ones,^ A.S. Grippe contributed a fine statement pleading for the retention of the large Sabi Reserve.

When the report^ was published, there were two points that met the public eye. The one wgs that it recommended reducing the total reserved a re a by 1 , o 62,1i6o acres, and the second was a statement by Dr. Jameson to th e B r itis h South A frica Company sh a re h o ld ers in 1917. I t d eserv es a lengthy quotation.

Nov, gentlemen, besides that record of Progress, in various directions measures have been taken to clear up ambiguities and uncertainties, to consolidate our position, and so make our property more valuable. Our native areas have always been in rather a fluid atate. A Commission was appointed by the Imperial Government to enquire into the necessary areas to be set aside for natives. Their report was finished, I think, at the beginning of last year. Since then it has been approved by the High Commissioner and the Imperial Government, and steps are now being taken to embody the results in a new Urder in Council which w ill make that decision good for all time. The needs of the natives, both now and in the future, after careful examination by that Commission—whioh travelled all over the country, accompanied by our Surveyor-General— have been amply provided for, and the net result is that more than 1,000,000 acres of land have been added to the land which may be used

Etheridge to Commission, November 29, 1913, CAA, ZAD 3/1/1.

^9 Cd. 867U of 1917.

Quoted from A*S. Cripps, An Afrloa for Africans (London, New York* Longman's, Green and Company, Ltd., 1927), pp. iil-^2. 2h?

for white settlement. That means really that you people get another 1,000,000 acres odd of what is called unalienated land in the country. That is very satisfactory. . . .

These two points put the searchlight on the composition of the Com­ mission, and it was publicized that all of them without exception had been or were servants of the British South Africa Company, and it was seriously ^1 questioned whether such a Commission could have been called unprejudiced.'

Especially the Surveyor-General came under fire from the Anti-Slavery and

Aborigines Protection Society because of hie known view that the reservea were too big*-^ Atherstone denied having advocated a reduction of the reserves. But that he had expressed this opinion publicly, there can be no

Affairs Department disagreed with Atherstone.

While this debate was going on, the Southern Rhodesia Missionary

Conference, at its meeting in 1920, staged a full dress debate on the s u b je c t.

The debate was opened by the Venerable Archdeacon Etheridge, who made a long speech'*'* in which he invited attention to the fact that the

51 Ibid.. p. hi.

52 and. 5U7 of 1920, p. 22. Letter dated October 21, 1919. In this letter the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society stated that "the scales of justice were heavily weighted against the natives."

5Hd* 517 of 1920, p. 19. 5^ Report of Native Affairs Committee Enquiry (Salisbury* Government Printer, 1911),"#73, p. 11.

55 The main points in the debate have been taken from, Proceeding of the SRMC, Salisbury, June lb-19, 1920, Appendix IV, pp. 17-2l», 21*8

19lli Commission was n o t a C hartered Company one, b u t an Im p e ria l Commission, and that the missionaries had failed to give the evidence that they should have given. He went on to point out that it was never intended that the former assignments of re servos should be final, and that the correct size of the reserves had never really been known. He wished to disassociate himself from the attack on the personnel of the Commission, especially the one referred to above#5^ Even if there was disagreement about the Report, the integrity of the personnel should not be questioned. Some of the things said about the situation were quite untrue, such as the statement that no Africans had been allowed to give evidence. While it was techni­ cally true to say that the Africans in the reserves had no title to the land, either comunally or individually, it should be qualified by the fact that no African could he removed from the reserves except by order of the

Administrator in Executive Council and approved by the High Commissioner.

Archdeacon Etheridge also believed that it was quite unrealistic to ask questions which implied that European occupation was morally wrong. The

Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference itself agreed that the European occupation was on the whole ”a good thing." fie further pointed out certain good effects of the Commission's work, and pleaded for a review of all cases where the reserves had been changed against the advice of the Native Depart­ ment and for new land to be set aside as purchase areas. This he maintained should be done before the Order-in-Council was issued.

John White, by now BL stric t Chairman of the rather extensive work

56 Supra, p. 21*7, footnote 52. 2h9 of the Wesleyan Methodist Church, was in the main in agreement with the

Commission, but fe lt that the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection

Society had a point when it criticised the composition of the Commission, without questioning the personal integrity of any one member* A. A3. Cripps asked what would have been said if the whole Commission had consisted of members of the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society? While it was true that the average acreage for African use under the new proposals would be 26.53 acres per individual, and that in Swaziland they had only

1U.77 acres per head, White pointed out that it was also tnue that in the

Bechuanaland Protectorate they had IUjO acres per head, and that a lot of the average Southern Rhodesia acreage of 26.53 acres was stones, kopjies and poor soil. Therefore, the recommendations of the Commission, if c a rrie d out, would prove difficult for the coming generations*

Arthur b, Cripps picked up where John White left off, and said it would be unwise for the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference not to recognize the friends they had in the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protec­ tion Society, and that it was quite true that the reserves did not legally belong to the Africans. He therefore pressed for a more satisfaotory legal position. He also felt that it was unwise to move Africana from land to which they had religious and sentimental attachment, such aa grave yards, because such moving would cause unnecessary mental suffering and unrest*

It would not increase the Africans' confidence in the Government, when recommendations of the Commission would force some Native Commissioners to go back on their given word to the people of their districts.

In the end the Conference adopted the following resolutioni^ 5 7

57 F ro ceed in g o f th e 5RMC, 1920, p* 7 . 250

That the Conference, whilst disassociating itself item many of the criticisms made upon the personnel and the report of the Native Reserves Commission, and welcoming the prospect of delimiting the native reserves, desires to urge:

1. That before the Order in Council securing finality of demarca­ tion is published, opportunity ahould be given for a review of any cases where objections may have been made by officials of the Native Department against the recommendations of the Com­ mission*

2 . That definite areas outside the reserves should be set apart where land may be purchased or leased by natives on individual tenure*

This question of individual tenure had been pressed earlier but without results. When it now was taken up again, the missionaries had found a supporter in the Chief Native Commissioner, Herbert Taylor, who in hi a report of 1920 had pressed this point. 5® This was contended for on a wide scale by the missionaries during the next years. Cripps, supported by White, sent a lengthy opus to the Colonial Office, urging upon them

Cq the necessity for such a provision*He very skillfully carried hie cam­ paign into the Metropolitan p ress,^ and the Anglican magazines.6'** Sup­ port for this idea came from the Wesleyan Methodist Synod in 1923, and from the American Board missionaries. In the end the Missionary Con­ ference also got support in other Government circles in the Acting

5® Report of CNC, 1920, p. 1,

5? Cripps to Colonial Office, CAA, N. 3/16/9•

60 The Times (London), March 9, 1920, p. 12c; March 12, 1921, p. 6 c ; March 26, 1922, and U ctober 26, 192?, p . 10c.

61 Eaet and West, 1922, pp. 211- 2 2 6 .

6 i CAA, a. 3/16/9. 251

Administrator, Sir Drummond Chaplin,^ 5^3 the Legislative Assembly.^ The reform, however, was postponed, and it was not carried through until after the eatablishment of responsible Government,

The terms of reference under which the Commission operated included the following! rtWhether any of the said reserves are insufficient for or in excess of the requirements of the natives occupying them,"^* and in some re s p e c ts th e work of th e Commission was good. I t took away many small reserves in the middle of European settlements where only friction and trouble could arise over boundary questions and straying cattle. It also created new reserves in districts where there either were none or an insufficient number of them, such as in the Htoko, Inyanga and Wankie dis­ tricts. It must also be considered that it was in the Commission's favor that it reduced the size of the GwaAt, Shangani and Mtibi reserves, where few Africans could live end develop without tremendous expenditure o f capital for water holes and soil development, for which they would have had to wait for a considerable period of yearsIts point on improved

^ Letter to High Commissioner, February 23, 1923, CAA, N. 3/16/9*

^ Resolution passed in the Legislative Assembly, May 18, 1921,

Cd. 867U o f 1917.

^ The argument for cutting down the Mtibi Reserve varied according to the audience. When Richard Walsh, Manager of the BSA Ranches, reported on the Reserve it was "all good country for cattle. In my opinion that part of the country is going to waste* I rscommend that it should be cut up," (To the Director of Land Settlement, August 21*, 191ii, CAA, ZAl) 3/1/1)* But when Mr, Inskipp was furnishing the BSA arguments to face the public, he stated! "the bulk of the surrendered land is remotely situated and in many place a of such poor quality as to be even unsuited for ranching.” (Inskipp to Acting Commercial Representative of the BSA, Bulawayo, November 2, 1917, CAA, L 2/2/122)„ 2$2 agriculture among the Africans was also, no doubt, very well taken, and its conclusion was true that if the Africans did not improve their agri­ cultural methods, in a few years the entire territory would be too small fo r them .

However, that the composition of the Commission's membershio was unwise and liable to cause suspicion among those who had the interest of the Africans at heart cannot really be questioned. The Southern Rhodesia

Missionary Conference and the Native Department could very well have been represented on tne Commission as supporting the interest of the African people, on whose well being the entire country depended.

Furthermore, one cannot read the reports left by the Commission without becoming convinced that one of its main purposes was to increase the land available for European use. The inspectors whom the Commission sent into the reserves, reported again and again in similar terms from various parts of the country. The following are certain example b*

In regard to the Maranka Reserve I found it in a very unsatisfactory state and practically valueless. The Chiduku Reserve on the other hand is a very promising proposition for European Settlement, should such be wished, '

Speaking generally the whole of this reserve /Mondoro Reserve/ is unsuitable for white occupation, UrBtly from the nature of the soil, secondly the distance from its markets .°8

Generally speaking the ares inspected /jnyanga/ ia about the worst I have seen in this country.. * * As the natives cultivate amongst the rocks I consider the land suitable for native habitation only,°°

6 ? From Harnes Rope, A pril lii, 19lU» CAA, L 2/2/118.

68 From J. H. Stewart, May 5> 191)*, CAA, L 2/2/118,

6 ? From E. H, Jenkinson, November 22, 1915, CAA, L 2/2/122, 253

The whole of this reserve /Gangs Reserve, Hartley U istrict7 is suit­ able for farming operations . . . T would therefore suggest that the whole of this reserve be resumed by the Company and the land South of the Umfuli and between the Dorsnang and Inyondo Rivers be given in exchange for this -Reserve.70

Quotations Like these from the land inspectors could be m ultiplied^

These reports went to the Director of Land Settlement, Mr. Percy

Inskipp, and from his letters it is clear that whenever poor land was recommended to go to Africans, he supported such recommendations. For in s ta n c e :

The Native Commissioner at Fort Usher advises that it has been recom­ mended to the Native Reserves Commission that the whole of the un- eurveyed Matopos east of the Mtsheleli river should be declared a native reserve.

As the area in question is practically a conglomeration of kopjes with very small cultivable valleys in between, is infested with baboons and is only traversable by pack animals, I see no objection to this.

When the land inspectors were of the opinion that reserved land was suitable for Europeans, Mr, Inskipp recommended that such Land 3hould revert to the category "unalienated land." For instance:

Since then the position has changed by the steady advance of European settlement and by the projected extension of the railway from Sinoia to the KafUe River traversing a large part of the proposed reserve.

70 Fran J. H. Stewart, May 5, 191h> CAA L 2/2/118.

71 F. J. Cole, January 21, 191b; F. J. Cole, May 23, I9llij Barnes Pope, April 15, 191h( J. H. Stewart, May 5, 191hj J.A. Halliday, May 29, 191U*

72 Director of Land Settlement to the BSA Co, Commercial R ep resen ta­ tive, Bulawayo, February 23* 1915, CAA, L 2/2/121, See also, Director of Land Settlement, Weekly Report, July 1 6 , 1915, on IiQranga D istrict, CAA, L 2/2/122; Director of Land Settlement to Secretary of Commission, November b, 1915, on four new reserves, Sipolilo, Magondi, Zwlmba and Urungwe; CAA, L 2/2/122j Director of Land Settlement, November 29, 1915, CAA i, 2/2/122; Further, to R. C. Boyes, Bulawayo, January 15, 1915, Confidential, CAA, L 2 /2 /1 2 1 1 to Commercial Representative, Bulawayo, February 19, 1915, CAA, L 2/2/121* 25b

In these circumstances it is considered to be in the Interest of the community that the land which is coloured pink on the map and which is traversed by the projected railway extension should be noted that the greater portion of the proposed Native Reserve is still available as it lies to the West of the area which it is desired to retain for European occupation.73

It is true that the above were only recommendations to the Com­ missioners, but it was on evidence such as this that the Commission had to rely in its final judgment, and the weight the recommendations carried can be seen from the fact that so many of them were accepted. H. Wilson

Fox, B ritish South Africa Company Director in London, stated the main point very well a few years earlier, when he wrote: "The great point is,

I think, not to agree to any final settlement which will for all time to come prevent European settlement in areas which are suitable for white occupation. "71:

One further objection to the Commission was that it did not sufficiently take into conaideration the views of some of the most able

Native Commissioners.

W, S, Basely of Ndanga D istrict pleaded for an addition to reserved land between the Jiri and the Ndangs Reserves, and was very frank in his statement t

It /the throwing open the Roswa Valley to European settlem ent/ naturally gives the impression that the boundaries are to be settled entirely in the interest of the white population, as there can be no reason for such an irregular boundary except that the land is good and therefore wanted for white settlem ent.75

73 Director of Land Settlement to Secretary of the Reserve Commission, July 27, 1915, CAA L 2/2/122. See also, July lii, 1915, CAA L 2/2/121. August 17, 1915, ind November 29, 19l5, CAA L 2/2/122. H. Wilson Fox to William Milton, April 29, 1910, CAA, A 1/5/8. See also Secretary to Board of Directors, BSA, London, to the Administrator, Salisbury, February 22, 1 9 1 6. 75 Letter to the Director of Land Settlement, September 5, 19lU, CAA, L 2/2/120. See also Bazeley'e letter of November $, 19lh, to the Secretary of the Commission, CAA L 2/2/121* In a letter to the Native Commissioner in Bulawayo, the Director of Land

Settlement did not agree with Mr. Bazeley’a reasoning, 76 eo Mr* Bazeley failed to gain hie point.

In the same way L. W. Jowett pleaded for the Sabi Reserve in very eloquent terms:

The Sabi Reserve ia the greatest and most valuable asset the natives possess and is their greatest protection and safeguard of the future. Any attempt therefore to diminish its present area would act as a hardship and injustice to future generations. , , .

I feel that I enjoy the confidence ol‘ the natives and they trust and look upon me to safeguard their interest. It would be criminal of me to betray that trust by suggesting or consenting to the cutting down or abolition of any of the Reserves.77

Another Native Commissioner wrote about the Sabi Reserve, protest­ ing tha proposal to take six miles from each side of the proposed railway line for Kuropean use, and added:

I was under the impression that one of the objects of the Commission was to ascertain the requirements of the natives, but at no time during the touring did I detect any anxiety on their part to increase the area of any of the Reserves. Is this then the matter of rejoicing for s' eholders in hairing secured an additional million aurefl of land?

One cannot but conclude that the reduction of the reserved area was not to the advantage of the African people* Dr, Wardlsw Thompson, the secretary of the London Missionary Society, was a man of keen insight, and

7^ Director of Land Settlement to CNC, Bulawayo, September 29, l?llt, CAA L 2/2/120.

77 NC, Charter, to the Reserve Commission, November 15, 1915, CAA, ZAD, 3/2/2.

76 NC, "The Range," to the Superintendent of Natives, Salisbury, No date given, A 2/2/20/2, 256 he was quite correct when he prophetically wrotei "The white population

[ Z l Southern Rhodesia/ is, I am afraid, sure to increase year by year, and with the increase of white men w ill come the desire to shunt the natives 79 to the more unattractive parts of the country*" Perhaps one of the best things one could say about the 191b Native Reserves Commission is that, like its predecessor of 189 b, i t s work did not prove to be f i n a l .

Before the public debate and interest in this large and important problem had come to an end, there were certain things that did take place*

The resettlement of the people proved to be difficult, and in some cases there were conflicts of interest. The Africans were supposed to be given four years from the time of notice to the time they moved, but when a purchaser wanted them off his land at once, the conflict was not easily so lv e d .

Complaints were made about the boundaries of the southern part of

Chiduku Reserve, and as a result an adjustment was made. The twelve mile strip on both sides of the railway line through the Sabi Reserve was not given to European occupation. Furthermore, the Native Reserves were now vested in the High Commissioner as the representative of the British

Crown. F in a lly th e B r itis h South A fric a Company l o s t th e R hodesia Land

^ Thompson to J. Whiteside, Hay 31, 1913, LMS Archives, London.

CAA Folder A 3/15/7. For other difficulties resulting from the implementation of the report, see NC, Mtoko, to Superintendent of Natives, Salisbury, August 3, 1917, CAA A 3/3/20/2) NC, Hrewa, to Superintendent of Natives, Salisbury, June 1 8 , 1917, CAA A 3/3/20/2) NC, Gwanda, to Superin­ tendent of Natives, July 22, 1919, CAA L 2/2/122.

61 Proceeding of the SHMC 1920, pn. 17-2U.

Qnd. 10U2 1920, p. 2. The Southern Rhodesia Order in Council. 257 Case and all the unaliensted land was declared to belong to the Crown, and th e one m illion acres did not becomB th e a s s e t lo r th e Company a s Jameson had hoped. It should also be remembered that the implementation of the recommendations of the Comrd.ssion 1 a r e p o r t did not ta k e away th e t h e o r e t i ­ cal rights that the Africans had of buying land anywhere. This right was sometimes exercised.

Summary

The land question in any country is a difficult one, because it is basic to human existence. In Southern Rhodesia it was particularly d iffi­ cult because of the differences in language, culture and customs of the two peoples and because the ruling Europeans had all the power*

In theory anybody could buy land anywhere, In practice it did not work that way, because when Africans wanted to buy, it waa not convenient to sell. The Africans, therefore, had for the main part to be given land separately from the Europeans, in the so-called Native Reserves* This practice could claim not only to be convenient for the Europeans but also to be for the protection of the Africans.

Up to 191b no large-scale determined effort had been made to divide the land between the two races, but by then the need for such a demarcation had become more pressing because the B ritish South Africa Company had to look forward to the day when it would have to relinquish itB rule of the territory, and because of the need of the growing African population.

The I911i Native Reserves Commission did its work thoroughly and the result to the Europeans was gratifying. But it is difficult to see that th o se who spoke fo r the v o ic e le s s A fric a n s , the m issio n a rie s and th e 258

Native Commissioners, were given fair consideration by the Commission. It must also be considered that the choice of the personnel of the Commission was not a wise one.

The missionaries partly lost their opportunity by not entering the

case in force at an early stage. When the report was published they fought

a noble battle on a limited front, gaining only a little . The important point of Native Purchase areas was not conceded until after the end of the rule of the British South Africa Company; and it is noteworthy that it was conceded by a Government dominated by the European settlers. CHAPTER V III

THE EDUCATIUN OF THE AFRICAN

The Progress of Education

The African whom the missionaries found on their arrival in Southern

Rhodesia, was by no means without education. Within his own system the adult African was an educated person with his own folklore and tradition, his own system of law sanctioned by his religious ideas, his totem system and his taboos. The African kinship system was so complicated that it took a long time for the European intruder to understand it, and the

African had a wide knowledge of the natural world, being able to recognize and name a large variety of insects, animals, fish, birds, trees and p l a n t a . The A f r ic a n 's i n s i g h t in to human l i f e was deep, and his infinite number of proverbs revealed a profound human understanding.

Nevertheless, in the European sense, the African was not an educated person, having no recorded alphabet, system of numbers or music. His history and folklore he was unable to record, and the administration of law was based on the memory of the old men in the tribe. The process of learning was almost entirely informal, the children imitating their elders without any formal system of instruction. Thia does not hold quite true of those tribes, like the Ndebele, who practiced an initiation ceremony for boys and girls at the time of puberty. ^

The m issionaries of the London Missionary Society at Inyati and Hope

1 CharJ.es Bullock, The Mashona and the Matabele, op. clt. , pp. U5—- 260

Fountain had tried to establish schools in the days of M ailigaii and

Lobengula, but without any success. The missionaries who came into the

country in the wake of the European occupation of Mashonaland, established

schools either by the help of African teachers brought up from the South,

or by the missionaries themselves doing all the teaching. It must not be

forgotten how difficult the first beginning was, with no other physical

facilities available than the oxwagon which the missionaries used for

tra v e lin g *

After the first two years of in itial contact and promising efforts

in various parts of the country, came the war against Lobengula, and after

another two years came the rebellion with its concomitants, the rinderpest,

the famine and the bitterness in men's hearts. The country was, therefore,

not really pacified until the first part of lb 9B. The e d u c a tio n a l e f f o r t s

which were put forward before the turn of the century, were, therefore,

very rudimentary and utilitarian. The missionary staff was smallj they

were isolated from each other in a big, new country j the language and the

customs of the people were largely unknown, and the physical effort needed

to provide the missionary staff with shelter, food and medical add was in

itself no mean achievement.

There was also a great deal of African opposition partly as a

legacy of the rebellion, and partly because of the conservatism of the

African society. Considering all these obstacles one cannot but marvel that any educational efforts at all were made before the year 1900. But

the London Missionary Society, the Anglicans, the Wesieyans, the Dutch

Reformed Church, the American Board and the Jesuits were all making some 261

educational attempts, both In the three R'e and in agriculture and craft

work*

In 1899 the first Educational Ordinance was passed by the Legisla­

tive Council, which provided for a superintending Inspector, who arrived

in Salisbury in December 1899. It also provided for a small grant-in-aid

to mission schools for Africans which could meet certain standards. The stipulation /was as follows:

Where a Native Mission School is kept for not Ibsb than four hours daily, of which not less than two hours shall be devoted to indus­ t r ia l train in g by any teacher or teachers approved of by the Adminis­ trator and the average daily attendance is not less than fifty, there w ill he allowed annually for and in respect of each pupil who shall during the proceeding year have attended school on at least two hundred ocoasions the sum' of ten shillings provided that in no case shall such annual allowance exceed fifty pounds,^

For European Bchools the churches received grants on a pound-for-

pound basis, and the Ordinance required the Inspector to report annually

to the Legislative Council*

The Ordinance was greatly welcomed by the missionaries,^ and in his

firBt report, the Inspector could record that three mission schools had

reached the required standard and had received aid, namely,

St. Columba School, Bulawayo, Church of England, 95 pupils.

Chishawasha, near Salisbury, Society of Jesus, 90 pupils.

Mount Selinda, on the Eastern Border, American Board, 80 p u p ils.

® Southern Rhodes'! a Statute Lew, Vol. II, 1899, p. 100.

3 Bishop Gaul, BSA Report, 1900-1901, p. 3li3* 262

The total grant earned by these three schools was fcI3?.0.0 .^1 In the same

year the European schools earned a total of £2,170.5*5.

In Uctober 1903, the above Ordinance was repealed and the "Education

Ordinance of 190311 took its place. This one provided for a Director of

Education who should supervise all aided schools, and report annually to

the Legislative Council. The following conditions applied to mission

schools for Africans:

1. At least hO pupils must have attended 150 days of four hours during the year.

2. Industrial work, had to be systematically taught.

3. Teaching had to be given in written and spoken English.

h. The pupils must be taught habits of discipline and cleanliness,

5. The institution must be carried on in every respect in a satisfactory manner.

6 . The amount of grant could in no case exceed 4,125,0.0 (5) and was dependent on the efficiency of the school and the approval of the Administrator . 6

In 190li the Director could report that four mission schools had

earned a grant totalling -£155.8*0,

New regulations were introduced again in June 1907, and a special

"section D" of the Education Ordinance regulated the schools for Africans.

It contained the same regulations as the old one regarding English, industrial

^ Report of DE, 1901. £132 at $3.00 in a £ equals $396.00,

5 At $3*00 to the £, equals $375*00.

6 Southern Rhodesia Statute Lew, Vol. VI, 1903, pp» 86-87.

7 R e p o r t o f DE, 190U. S t. A ugustine's school o f the Anglican Church near Pehhalonga received its first grant In 1902. ?63 work and cleanliness, but classified the schools into first, second and third class schools. The firBt class schools had s boarding establishment under resident European supervision; the second class school was a day school under resident European supervision, and the third class school was under an African teacher only* The first and second class schools had four hours of instruction daily and the third class school had two hours.

All schools should be open for l80 days a year. A more generous grant was allowed for these schools with special consideration given to boarders, Q industrial instruction and to domestic science training for girls.

With these provisions the number of aided schools Jumped from three to thirty, and the total grant from £.170.0.0 to £.787.0.0.^ The following year there were:

10 first class schools with 755 students.

7 second class schools with 592 students,

33 third class schools with 2,972 students.

50 schools with U,319 students

The total grant was 41,192.0.0. One hundred and ninety-two girls were trained in domestic science in eight schools, but the parents refused to let their daughters go into domestic service in the European towns,

® Southern Rhodesia Statute Law, Vol. A, 1907, pp. 1172-1173.

9 Report of De, 1907.

1° Ibid. , 1906. The grant was earned as follcwBi Methodist Episcopal 20 schools 4 339*10.0 Church of England 7 " 333. 0.0 American Board 3 ,f 180.10.0 Roman C a th o lic 5 M 16?. 0 ,0 Wesleyan Methodists 8 n 8 3 . 0 ,0 Seventh Day A d v en tists 2 n 6 9, 0 .0 London Missionary Society 2 n 20, 0.0 Brethren in Christ 3 " 0. 0.0 261

In 1909 the first definitely industrial training course waa reported at Uld Umtali. Courses were given in animal husbandry and farming, and if proved successful, Government grant was recommended. The training of teachers in a amall very was also reported from n'guho (the later Waddilove) and Old Umtali, but the Director complained that the courses given were too academic.^

The industrial grant had been introduced in order to give Africans real training under qualified instructors, but some missions took it to mean any work that Africans did in the way of carpentry, building and 12 agriculture. The third class schools in charge of an African teacher began to cause misgivings on the part ol‘ the Director. The teachers were ill-equipped to handle a school alone, the buildings were poor, and the equipment in these schools was non-existent. As a result, in spite of their rapidly increasing number, the efficiency of the schools was extremely low. The remedy was expected to be found in regular training of the teachere.l^

Since missions were not able to find staff and money for teacher training institutions, the Director hastily concluded that private enter­ prise had failed, and that the Government ought to start a training school for teachers.^

11 Report of DE. 1909.

12 Ibid., 1910, p. 11.

13 Ibid., p. 12. Misgivings were also felt by several Native Com­ missioners at this time. See, NC, Inyanga, to E.H. Etheridge, St. Augustine's Mission, February 22, 1910) NC, Sinoia, to CNC, Salisbury, June 15, 1910, regarding an application from the Jesuit school at ChishawaBha, May 17, 1910.

Ik R eport o f DE, 1 9 1 1 , pp. 6-7. 265

In 1912 the Director could report 83 unaided schools with a total enrollment of 6,lUO pupils, which indicated that the desire for education amongst the Africans, even at that early stage, was far greater than the ability of the Missions and the Government to cope with it.

In June 1910 the "section D ’* of the Education Ordinance was changed again, allowing for special grants of 460.0.0 per annum for European indus­ trial instructors and for European teachers who trained African teachers.^

New changes were introduced again in 1912, which merely provided for closer

Government control in the opening, running and closing of African schools.

Schools teaching religion only were not oubject to this control, but they had to be reported and be open for inspection.^

The Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference met in 1913 and dis­ cussed the provisions made for African education by the British South

Africa Company administration. It advocated changes in the system of grants#

As a result of this Conference, a new "section D" of the education Ordinance was introduced in June 1911. The main features of the new "section D" was to raise the maximum grant for a school to 4200.0,0 and to double the gTant for instructors In industrial arts and teacher training to L120 per annum.

A small equipment grant for industrial purposes was also added.^

At this conference a further step was taken, which was greatly welcomed by the Director of Education, by the introduction of a code for

^ S outhern R hodesia S ta tu te Law, 1910, pp. I 669-I 67 I.

I6 Ibid. , 1912, pp. 1268-1269.

^ Government Notice, No. 25U* of June 1 8 , 19llij Report of the Native Education Commission of 1925, p. UOj Report of DE, 1913, p. 7. 266

African schools. It was really a very simplified curriculum attempting to

grade the third class schools. The missionaries agreed to adopt it, and

it was hailed as a fine evidence of the cooperation that existed between

the m issionaries and the Education Department,I® The code was in operation

till the end of the British South Africa Company period.

In 1917 another change was made In "section D" of the Education

Ordinance by giving grants on the baeis of an average daily attendance,

not on each individial pupil having attended 120 days.19

At the 1920 Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference education was

again discussed and a larger grant pleaded for. The Director of Education

supported this plea on the basis of the rising efficiency of the mission

schools,and as a direct result of this another new "section D" super-

ceded the one of 1917. It general effect was to enlarge the grants given

to mission schools.

When the missionaries pleaded for higher grants-in-aid, one of their

stock arguments was that the African population was not receiving a fair

share of its large contribution to the treasury. The missionaries did not

m ince t h e i r w ords. A lreatty in 1903 the Church of England Synod pronounced

that mThe enormous sum of 4100,000 Is raised yearly, and a triflin g sum is

grudgingly doled out to a few missions.1^!?

Report of DE, 1913, p. 7.

19 Ibid.. 1917.

20 Ibid.. 1920, p. 21.

21 Ibid. , 1921. 22 Report of Diocesan Synod of the Church of the Provinoe of South Africa, 1903, P. 29. 267

In 1915 this argument was again used, and at that time it stirred

the Adninistration to do some thinking. Una of the arguments on the other

side, advanced by the treasury, was that the Africans must carry their part

of the burden of the general administration of the territory. It was

figured that the Africans should pay tl9O,60O of the defense vote, since

"If there were no native question and no natives, our defense votes on its present lines would be limited to urban and rural police force maintenance

at the cost of about iU5,0()0.,t2^

When in 1920 the missionaries again presented this argument, it brought some relief, but never enough to satisfy the missionaries, who

constantly pleaded for more.

Another question that occupied the minds of the missionaries in the early days, was the medium of instruction. Since one of the conditions for earning the government grant was that instruction should be given in English,

this language was taught in all schools starting with simple oral English lessons in the first school year. The vernacular was used for all other

subjects up through Standard three, and from Standard four on the medium was usually English.

At an early stage the teaching of girls was seen as important, and

23 The total revenue from African sources were estimated to 4270,000 in 191h. It was expended as followsi Native Department hi,000 Defence 190,600 Hospitals (20 % of vote) 6,500 Education 6,hD0 Other administrative votes 29,000 (10 per cent) F, Newton to Administrator, October 15, 1915. See also, CMC to Administra­ tor, Uctober 13, 1915) DE to Administrator, October 6, 1915. 268 2li some missions took up this work right from the start. It was an uphill 2? struggle since the parents were very r e lu c ta n t to l e t t h e i r g i r l s go away.

The Government encouraged the teaching of girls in domestic science by giving extra grants with the hope of getting the girls to take up domestic se r v ic e .^

For a long time it Droved difficult for the Africans to realize that if the school was going to do any good, the attendance had to be regular, which meant every day. An indication of how difficult this problem was, is that as late es 1918 the Director of education could report that the average daily attendance had reached an all time high of 02.3 per cent* 27

Une of the reasons for this was that the students were often older boys and men, who were taxable and,therefore, often had to leave school to earn th e money to p ay th e t a x . The m is s io n a rie s t r i e d to have stu d e n ts exempted from paying tax, but since the revenue from tax on male Africans was one of the chief sources of revenue, the Administrator did not accede to these r e q u e s ts .

As a special concession to the Bishop of Mashonaland all the boys in the Anglican schools were exempted from the tax, but when he tried to make this concession applicable to all the missions in the Colony, n. Wilson Fox,

2^ The MiiiC started a G irls’ Department at Uld Umtali in 1903,

2$ John M. Springer, The Heart of Central Africa (Cincinnatii Jennings and Graham; hew York) Eaton and Mains, 1909), p, biu ^ See letter of G, Duthie, DE, to Mother Annie, St. Augustine's Mission, April h, 1906, CAA. 2? Report of DE, 1918, P. 6. 28 Minutds of the Annual Conference of the MhC, 192 U, p* 3-Lj Dr. O.A, Wilder, letter of October 26, 1905, in The Missionary Herald, February 1906, p . 78* 269 of the London Board of Directors, told him to let sleeping dogs lie, or he might lose even what he had gained . ^

An especially fine tribute was paid by the Director of Education to the unselfish service rendered by African teachers during the influenza epidemic in 1918, when several of them lost their liv es.^ The epidemic also influenced the school work considerably, which is shown in the decrease in grant earned during 1918 and 1919.^

The missionaries always regarded the training of teachers of strategic importance, and by 1919 there were five teacher training schools which, according to the Director, "were developing on sound lines,In 1930 a syllabus drawn up by the Education Department and agreed to by the Missions was an important step in the direction of uniform standards throughout the territory, but it was also a further indication of the Government's inten­ tion of increasing its control over the schools. This control, however, cannot be said to have been strongly felt, and the missionaries agreed to it quits cheerfully.

A special contribution which the missionaries made to the young

Colony with its small and scattered European population was the opening up of schools for European children. In 1901 there ware seven such schools, three operated by the Roman Catholics in Salisbury and Bulawayo, two by

^ H. Wilson Fox to Sir William Milton, March h, 1905,

Report of the DE. 1918, p. h.

See Statistical Charts, Appendix E.

^ Report of the DE, 1919, p. 13. 270 the Dutch Reforned Church in Bulawayo and Enkeldoorn, one by the Church of

England in Bulawayo, and one by the Methodist Episcopal Church in Umtali.

Later on the Dutch Reformed Church opened one in Fort Victoria, and the

American Board one in Chipinga. Moat of these schools were taken over by the Government in 1910 and 1911. An interest! np experiment was tried by the American Board missionaries at Mount Selinda after the Rebellion in teaching African and European children together, but the farmers objected and withdrew.

When th e B r itis h South A frica Company p e rio d came to an end in 1923, there had developed a very fine partnership between the Government and the

Missionary Agencies working in Southern Rhodesia. This partnership had increased tremendously during the more than two decades that it lasted, and it had set the pattern for further development and further cooperative efforts in the years to come. During this period the number of schools had increased to 1,089 with t>9>991 students and a total Government grant of ir l 9,U l9. 0 . 0 *^ This grant, though doubled in 1921, still represented only

5s b^d. per student per annum* When it is remembered that the greatest pro­ portion of this grant was earned by the first and second class schools, the amount of aid given per student in the third class schools or village schools was less than 3s per pupil per annum.

It was estimated by the 1925 Alative Education Commission that the

Government had paid 27.66 per cent of the cost of African education

33 Ibid-> 1923, pp. 23-21,

3li Ibid.. p. 25. 271

exclusive of capital expenditure on buildings, and with missionary salaries

figured at a low rate* The value of the buildings used for educational

purposes was estimated at £157,135*

But even i f th e re c o rd compared to o th e r A fric a n t e r r i t o r i e s was

quite impressive, it is amazing how low the standard of work was* In the

boarding schools at the central mission stations the buildings and equip­

ment wore of a fair standard, evsn if all the students slBpt on cement

or dirt floors in very simple dormitories. In these schools and in the

second class schools, where there was constant European supervision, the

standard of work was reasonably high. But even these best schools did

not carry their students farther than Standard six, or the eighth year of

schooling, and in this was included a teacher training course. Many mission

stations with first or second class schoolb did not offer more than a

Standard three or four education.^

The standard of work achieved in the village schools was extremely

low. Moot of the time the school was carried on in pole and mud, oblong buildings. These were dark, often with a leaking roof, dirt floor, small

openings that served as doore and windows, no desks or benches, hardly a

table or a cupboard for the teacher and with hardly any text books. Fre­

quently the children shared several old readers, and a few broken slates

Report of the 1925 Native Education Oommisalon, pp. 77-61*

^ It should be remembered that European education in Southern Rhodesia was faced with an uphill struggle as well. The Inspector of Schoole, S. de J. Leufestey, could report in 1920 that he found a lot of ignorance in some schools. Some children had never heard the name of Jesus. Letter of January 2U, 1920, CAA, E 2/5/1-5. 272 served the whole school. The teacher himself had not had more than three or four years of schooling. The amazing thing was not that the reault was so poor but that frequently the result was very good. The following is a characteristic description of one of these schools in 1923.

As they do not possess arithmetics or any other books, there is no adequate grading. The past or-teacher usualLy has the whole school for opening exercises and catechism. Then he hears the most advanced pupils read and spell and perhaps gives them a writing lesson and numbers. After that these pupils teach the lower classes till it is time for music which all take together again.37

Some of the Native Gommis si oners were very much against placing these poorly trained teachers alone in the villages, and did what they could to stop it.The African teachers did not always adopt a wise attitude to the traditional chiefs and there was some rivalry between them.

The Native Commissioners ware not anxious to increase this beginning tension between the holders of traditional power and the young men who had been to school. The Inspector of Schools had to step in and point out that the old fears had not materialized, that many such schools existed and that the Education Ordinance of 1912 definitely allowed for them.

With this the cautious Native Commissioners had to be content. 39

Some of the village schools were classed as "excellent schools, well staffed and well supervised"^ by the 1925 Native Education Commission.

37 Report of J.M. Springer, Minutes of the Annual Conference of MKC, 1923, p. 1*3. 3® NC, Gutu, to NC, Fort Victoria, July 23, 1913j NC, Inyanga to E.H. Etheridge, February 22, 1910j NC, Sinoia, to CNC, Salisbury, June 15, 1910.

^ Inspector of Schools to 0E, August 30, 1913.

kO Report of the 1925 Native Education Commission, p. 5fct. 273

In these schools the pupils were taken far beyond the African section of the code^l and a useful start had been made in industrial work. Simple lessons on hygiene were given, habit3 of discipline and cleanliness were enjoined, conversational and simple book English wa3 taught. The singing was good. Some of the teachers had good homes of th eir own and cultivated th eir gardens on sound lines, and they were men and women of character.

Such schools were an influence for good in the community. I t was estimated that twenty per cent o f these schools were good, fifty per cent fair, and thirty per cent poor.^

To counteract this downward pull, the missionaries tried to visit their schools, exercise some kind of control over them and raise the standard of work. While some schools got fairly good supervision, many got hardly any, end sometimes the missionaries would v isit three or four schools a day. Government inspection of the village schools was almost non-existent, because they were too numerous, too difficult to reach and too ill-equipped for inspection to be made effective.^

The Educational Philosophy of the Missionaries

How did the missionaries Justiiy the use of so much o f t h e i r person­ nel and monetary resources on the education of the Africans? How did they

R ep o rt o f i$2$ tiativa Education Commission, p. bfctj woman Goodall, A History of the~Ebndon Missionary Society, (London, New York, Toronto i Geoffrey Cumber lege, The Oxford University Press, 19?U), pp. 292, U57.

^3 R ep o rt o f th e HE, 1923, o. klu 27h defend their village school system, the third-class school, with its ill- trained teachers, its poor equipment and its scanty supervision?

The missionaries consistently refused to believe that 11 a raw native was better than an educated one,11 and with the inadequate resources both in personnel and money they were forced to start where the people were.

The London Missionary Society, the first one in the field, had an entirely evangelical approach. "It was taken for granted that the general education of the community is a State responsibility which must sooner or later be shouldered by any enlightened government,But when such a general system of education was not available, the London Missionary

Society missionaries looked upon it as their duty to teach the people to read and write, and practical subjects like sewing, cooking, carpentry and building.^ Their London secretary, Dr. Wardiaw Thompson, had in 1908 outlined the educational policy of the society in the following termsi

It is easy to see that If the converts from heatheni sm are to have any real intelligence or stability they must be in a position to read for themselves the Word of God, . . . A Christian Community which is wholly dependent on oral instruction can never become strong and intelligent in its faith, and will lack the most important elements of permanence and true aggressiveness. The Christian Church, even in the most elementary conditions of society, ought to have leaders instructed in the truth and able to teach their fellows, and as the Church grows in Christian character and experience the leaders should be able still to lead because their training has advanced With the tim es.

These two faots are at once the explanation and the justification of the larger part of the Society’s activity in the establishment and maintenance of schools. In no country of the non-Christian world

W* Goodall, 0£. o it., p. Ij6l.

^ Report of the 1925 Native Education Commission,p. 3U» 275 hee there been except by the initiative and under the influence of the missionary societies, any general elementary education.

The Church of England formulated its educational policy somewhat

differently at their Synod in I90lu

For the proper education of the Bantu tribes in South Africa in the present stage of their development, the Synod is of the opinion that "industrial work” is of paramount importance. Industry is necessary for the welfare of the individual, as well as for that of the whole body to which he belongs, and for far the greater number of the Bantu people for some years to come industry must be synonymous with manual lahour in some form or other, such as is generally understood by ”industrial work.” . . .

A lazy life (whether in white man or black man) can never be a really Christian life, and the native must be helped from childhood to form such habits of industry as are most likely to be permanently useful if his Christianity Is complete.

Such industrial training, combined with the teaching of the Faith as it Is in Jesus, and instruction in the elementary standards, is, it is believed, the truest education for most members of the Bantu race in the present. But individuals will be found, sometimes in consider­ able numbers, who are capable of assim ilating much more than this* For these, and for the education of the children, the extension and co-ordination of the Church's system of schools and Training Colleges is widely called for. Every man has a right to be helped to reach the point which God marks out for him, and no man can fairly be debarred from it by reason of nationality and c o lo u r.^7

In a statement of the educational aims of the Dutch Reformed Church

the following paragraph is included*

Our Church is composed of farmers, the Boers. We grew up with the Natives, and had an idea that the Native was a servant of the white manj that was wrong. We believe they have souls to be saved. Other people say to the Native, "Oh, my brother,” We say we must preach the Gospel and educate him too. He is not equal to us and we cannot make him so. We must turn the flood of the Natives' desire to learn to good purpose. Education is to improve the Native; to improve his body and soul."^°

^ Goodall, o£. clt., p. 1*6 0 .

^7 Report of the Diocesan Synod of the Church of the Province of S outh A f r ic a . C ap e to w n . 190X1 p . 63.

Report of the 1925 Native Education Commission, p. 35* 276

The early missionaries o f the American Board considered that the

African viewpoint was hopeless, with the best and the worst customs being

inextricably interwoven.^ To apply Christianity to the Africans' system

seemed to them impossible. Therefore

. . , at an early stage they set out to make a different man of him, not only by giving him the Gospel but also by giving him such literary and industrial training as would completely change his whole outlook and ultimately enable him to take his place in the body politic. This policy was perhaps strengthened by an American view of the equality of man enshrined in the constitution of that great c o u n t r y * 50

In 1903 John White of the Wesleyan Methodist Church gave evidence

to the South Africa hative Affairs Commission of that year, and stated!

The period in which education has been accessible to these people is almost too short to Justify one speaking emphatically as far as they alone are concerned. From what I can see these people are not ready for the higher branches of learning. For that T should let them wait until they can pay for it and then they w ill anpreeiate it at its worth. A few of tested character ought to be educated as School Teachers for their own people. To give the ordinary "raw" Native a course of advanced teaching, as a rule, fills him with conceitj he is apt to look down upon his fellows and as a rule regards him­ self as too big for work. The object of the Government and the Missionary Societies ought to be to teach them to read and write their own language and apeak English. This latter would save a lot of misunderstanding between employers and employees.

I believe in industrial training, but the difficulties in the way hare are such as to make it, practically, very difficult. Suppose you, e.g., train twenty boys for brick-laying; their own people cannot, and the Europeans w ill not employ them. The greatest need here at present is for unskilled,not skilled, labour. Useful work may be done in the direction of teaching improved methods of agricul­ ture, hut-bullding, etc,51

The Roman Catholic position was different from the ones outlined

^ Ibid., p. 3?.

50 I b id .

51 John White to the 1903 Native Affairs Commission, letter dated November 5, 1903. 277

above, but not as much different as the Catholic missionaries were thinking

at the time. .That there was a difference in the fundamental outlook,

however, is borne out by the fact that of the 211 third class schools reported in 1 9 1 b , o n ly 29 belonged to the Homan Church, a n d o f t h e 9 7 5 third class schools in 1923 only 91 were Catholic schools.

Their general position was that they were against much literary

education in principle and in favor of industrial work for its own sake, as well as for its influence on character development. Their policy was intensive rather than extensive. 52 Father Sykes, the Superior of the

Jesuit Mission, wrote as follows on this subject;

As the South African Native is by nature as vain as a peacock, a little knowledge will have puffed him up, made him insupportable, disobedient, contemptuous of others, even his superiors, and oftentimes, when trained in the tenets of certain sects, smug and sanctimonious. He has oftentimes, too, imbibed s quite exaggerated notion of his rights and of his title to equality with the white man. The truth is, the native should be taught to use his hands not so much pari passu with his head, but he should be educated by and through his hands. . . . When a native is being lifted up from the ingrained barbarism of centuries to the full light of civilization, the process needs to be g r a d u a l.^3

That this was their considered policy was shown by their later statements, such as the followingi

Better almost, in our opinion, to leave the Kaffir in his state of barbarism than to subject him to training of which the most notice­ able result is to turn out a clever, intractable rogue.

We are by no means averse to teaching the Kaffirs to read and write, since it is certain that good has resulted to many from an elementary acquaintance with letters, iet the fact that a very slight amount of learning is sufficient to turn the heads and spoil the characters of a good number, shows that baution should be exercised in cultivating

22 Report of the 1925 Native oducation Commission, p. 35.

53 ZMR, Vol. I, 1898, pp. 11-12. 278

their mental faculties, We would most assuredly have them educated/ but the training which we are convinced they are ready to receive is that of the hands rather than that of the mind.^b

This kind of reasoning is fam iliar from the nineteenth century

Europe, when it was used to combat the education of the poorer classes, 5% and from the policy they followed in Southern Rhodesia. The Protestant missionaries refused to accept it. While they too believed in industrial training as all evidence shows, they also believed that the only brake on the development that was necessary came from the shortage of men and money, and from the inherent capacity of the Africans themselves. The nature of the circumstances made the progress slow enough, no deliberate policy in that direction was needed.

On the mission stations where there were boarding establishments, the usual practice was for the students, who oiten were married men, to work half a day, either in the fields or in the shops, and have academic instruction the other half of the day, "bo one," wrote Khight-Bruce,

"insists more strongly on work than our beat missionaries; and the amount of work that our mission makes its natives do, has, before now, been thrown in its teeth*

Right from the beginning the teaching of practical subjects such ea domestic science for the girls, carpentry and building for the hoys, and agriculture and animal husbandry for both, went hand in hand with the

5k 2MR, Vol. II, 1902, Wo, 17, pp. b3-Bb, Editorial A rticle. See also, ibid. , Vol. IV, ho. It7, 1910, article by Father Preetagej ibid., Vol. V, ho. 76, 1917, p . hS9, article by Father Sykes.

55 D.T.D. Philip, in The Christian Express, Januaiy 1, 1092, p. 12. 56 The Gospel Missionary, Vol. XIV, November l8?h, p. Bii. See also statement of Bishop Gaul in Mashonaland Quarterly Paper, Vol. XV, 1B96, p. 1/. 279 religious instruction and the three R's*^ This is also borne out by the many reports of the Director of Education.

The missionaries regarded the schools not only as a good thing in themselves but above all as a means of evangelism and the extension of the

Church. When attempts were made to separate the two* the missionaries kept them together. The Church and the School should go hand in hand, and when the weaknesses of some of the village teachers were pointed out, the missionaries were the first to admit them. The missionaries were not nearly as naive as their critics believed them to be. But they believed that the weakness was not in the system, but in the shortage of missionary personnel and money. They also regarded the development of character and deep religious motivation for service of more importance in a teacher than qo mere scholastic achievement.5 To the wonderful character and beneficial influence of many of these inadequately trained teachers, the 1925 Com­ mission on Native Education bore ample w itness,^

The Attitude of U ftidal 3 and Settlers to the Education of the Africans

There is ample evidence that the European population was in the main antagonistic towards African education. It is also beyond question that this general adverse attitude was shared by many officials in the

Native Department. It sprang from certain opinions that seemed to have been quite widely accepted at the time.

^ Minutes of the Rhodesia Annual Conference of MEG, 1 9 0 3 , pp. 1 8 , 3 6 j ib id . , 190 ? , p . 2 7 ; 1 9 2 1 , p . 29; 192IT, p . 3 6 .

Report of the 1925 Native Education Commission, p. 59.

^ Ibid., p. 3?. 200

First of ail came the low opinion held of the African* The first

Director of Education held that the raw African of Southern Rhodesia was debased and of little worth. The Ndebele had crushed out whatever manhood the Shona had possessed, Neither of them had any religion, but frightened themselves with superstitions concerning ghosts and spirits. Their intel­ lect was that of children and their virtues were few.^® One native Com­ missioner was of the opinion that an African could only understand a command, which, if disregarded, rendered him liable to swift and condign punish­ ment.^- The African seemed to lack intellectual faculties, ability to associate ideas and moral capacity. c It would, therefore, be ludicrous to imagine a Shona holding a University degree, or being called to the

Har. It would always be impossible for an African to mix on an equal footing with white men.^ Coupled with this attitude was a fear that if educated, the African would only "get ideas," would be no good as a la b o re r and become insubordi nate and proud. There was also an idea th a t i f he became educated he would compete with th e white man and perhaps drive the white man away from the country.

How conflicting these attitudes and ideas were came out clearly in the evidence submitted by the various Native Commissioners to the 1903 and

B.H.F.D. Hammond, Education in B ritish Africa, Cd. 2378, 1905, p. Ib 6 .

^ tiC, Wankie, Memorandum to native A ffairs Commission, 1909-1911, p. 12, CAA, A 3 /3 /1 9 .

^ MC, Darwin, hiovember, 1903.

6 3 n C, The Range, December 2, 1903. 201 the 1909-1911 Native Affairs Commisalon. Religion was a dangerous subject and should not be taught to the Africans until they had improved in other respects. The aubject was so great that the nativemind could not grasp it. Academic education was beyond him and only gave him a swollen head.^ un the other hand, African teachers were poorly taught and must be given better education before they were sent out to teach. ^ Agricultural and industrial training was the most suitable to the Africans, and missions ought not to be given any grant unless those subjects were taught exten­ sively,^ fet, "a general industrial and technical education for natives would spell d isa ste r," 0^ because the Africans would learn trade and compete ± u with the Europeans, Equally dangerous would it be to train him in agri­ culture, as he would take away the markets from th e E uropeans.^

The kind of education suitable for the Africans was, in the opinion of some of the Native Commissioners, the kind a person gets from being employed on a farm or in a m in e .^ I t would be good i f th e Government

NC, Fort Victoria, 1?03, pp. b, 8 ; NC, Umtali, November h, 1903.

^ NC, Mtoko, to Native Affairs Commission, 1909-1911, pp. 3^-37.

^ ivC, Wankie, to Native A ffairs Commission, 1909-1911.

^7 NC, Ndanga, to Native Affairs Commission, 1909-1911, pp. l*2-ii3j R. W. Thompson to G. J. Wilkerson, February 20, 190ti.

NC, Ndanga, ojd , clt., p. U3*

^ NC, Hartley, to Native Affairs Commission, 1909-1911, pp. Wt-hS.

Ibid., pp. U 4-US. 282 could find a way oi' giving compulsory training, away from missionary con­ trol, to all boys from the age of twelve to fifteen, and to all girls 71 from twelve to fourteen years of age. Work was considered the best civilising factor and, therefore, the Africans should be made to work, 72 but i t was u se le ss merely suggesting i t to him . 1 The whole confused out­ look was w ell summarized by the Native Commissioner a t Makoni; "Limited education will not be prejudicial to the native provided he is also educated up to the fact that he remains a kaffir.11^

The a ttitu d e o u tlin ed above was re fle c te d in the colonial press, which regarded it as suicidal to devote energies and efforts to develop the possibilities of the African when the Europeans were omy a small m in o rity . wThe n a tu ra l conclusion arriv ed at by those who advocate the immediate institution of educational facilities for the native is none other than the ultimate encouragement of the kaffir to overrun South

Africa and render the presence of the white, except in the most responsible position, wholly superfluous.'*^^ When an African had used his knowledge of writing to change his pass, the press was not alow in pointing out the dangers of education* 7^

That this attitude existed was freely acknowledged even if to some

71 NC, Um tali, November U, 1903.

72 nc , Wankie, to N ative A ffairs Commission, 1909-1911, pp. 11-12.

73 NC, Makoni, to Native A ffairs Commission, 1909-1911, pp. 37-38.

7U The Rhodesia H erald, E d ito ria l, January ii, 1907, p. 3b,

7£ Ibid., August 7, 1906, p. 3f; July 17, 1902, p. 3. 283

degree s change took place.^ Soon the missionaries began to explain that

they were unable to keep their better educated Africans because they were

receiving better pay elsewhere. It is possible in a general way to nake

a distinction between different kinds of Europeans, even if hard and fast

lin e s cannot be drawn. Government and trading organizations wanted

African clerks, entrepreneurs wanted artisans, while the European artisans

definitely wanted no African competition. The European farmer was mainly interested in laborers.

However, not all the Native Commissioners shared the negative

ODinions expressed above, but some took a much more positive attitude to the Africans, to education and to Christianity. The 1903 Native Affairs

Commission was wholly p o sitiv e in i t s attitu d e towards the m issionary e ffo rts of the churches, and credited them Nfor placing sy stem atically 77 before the Natives higher standards of belief and conduct.” This it did without overlooking the fact that many who had been to mission schools had fa ile d to make pood. I t did not find in the mind of the A frican any inherent incapacity to apprehend the truths of Christian teaching or to

adopt C h ristian moral standards. I t , therefore, recommended continued moral and religious instruction in all African schools, and that all such schools should be under the auspices of the established missionary

societies.^®

Report of 192$ Native Education Commission, opp„ 36, 38 j ZMR, Vol. VI, No, 79, pp. 1-2.

77 22* 2399. p. ill.

?8 Ibid., p. 51. 28b

The 1903 native A ffairs Commission was a jo in t e ffo rt between the

Cape Colony, Natal, Urange Free State, the South African Republic and

Southern RhodeBia. But th e 1909-1911 Native A ffairs Commission was wholly

a Rhodesian investigation. The Commission’s appraisal of the mission work was entirely positive. It found that many Europeans had come to the con­

clusion that the educated African was better than the "raw” one, and that

increased grants-in-ald should be given to missions who would train the

African simultaneously in religion, literacy and industry.^ It placed on

record its appreciation of the excellent work done by the missions in the past and was convi need th a t they would be able to render even greater

assistance to the State in the future.

The Commission was not afraid of the Africans' competition with the

Europeans, because trained labor was of greater value to everybody con­

cerned than untrained labor. It, therefore, asked for greater encourage-

ment for in d u stria l tra in in g . I t fu rth e r recommended s tr i c t e r control

of the village educational system and the establishment of a teacher 82 training school by the Government. This same positive attitude towards

missionaries and their educational work was sympathetically expressed in a

long letter written by Sir Drummond Chaplin, the Adtiini strator of Southern

Rhodesia, to the London Board of Directors of the British South Africa

Report of 1909-1911 Native A ffairs Commission of Inquiry, pp. 12-13, paragraphs no. 8 2 , 8 6 , 87, 89.

80 Ibid., p. 13, paragraph no. 92.

^ 1818., p. 15> paragraphs nos. 102- 10b. Bfl Ibid., p. 16, paragraphs nos. 113-117. Company, J

The work of the 1925 Native Education Commission f a i l s ju s t outside

the scope of the present work, but it is noteworthy that as the Commission

surveyed the paBt, it came to the conclusion that "the chief instrument in

the moral and mental betterment of the Natives has been the missionary

whose noble and altruistic work has set what we conceive to be an indelible

impress on the education of the aboriginal inhabitants of Southern Rhodesia,

It further considered that Christianity must continually be the basia for

the education of the A frican.

Partly because of the public criticism of the mission schoolB as

being too academic, the Government decided in 192i> to open up a school of

its own at Domboshaws in Mashonaland, In 1921 it established one at

T lo lo tjo in Mata&eleland. The idea behind th is experiment was to develop

the indigenous African industries in such a way as to help the African

community without competing with the Etiropeans,

It was soon found, however, that an African could not be taught

building and carpentry without knowing how to measure, to count and to

write. Academic subjects, therefore, had to be taught at these schools,

and no instruction in industry was given until the students had reached

Standard one, or the third year of learning. The educational ideas of the

missionaries that literacy and industrial training had to go hand in hand

were then confirmed in the Government’s own schools. In 1922 m issio n aries

83 Chaplin to BSA Co., July 2b, 1917.

Report of the 19? 5 Native Education Commission, p. 7, 286 were appointed principals of these schools.

The missionaries now directed their criticism against these schools, maintaining that they were only duplicating the work the missions were already doing, and because o f the more lib e ra l support of the Government institutions, unfair comparisons were being made. The money that had gone ye into these schools would have been better spent in grants to missions*

Equal treatm ent was demanded.

The least that can be said about these schools is that they served to help the officials to realize how complex and difficult was the task of introducing the Africans to the arts and crafts and the learning of the

Europeans.

Summary

The m issionaries were not by any means the only ones who influenced and educated the Africans. There were other powerful forces, such as the new laws which influenced their life at every turn, the new towns that drew them into their orbits, and the daily contact with thousands of

Europeans in all walks of life. All of these influences helped in breaking up the old order and gradually substituting individualism for tribalism.

The missionaries themselves would be the first ones to admit that the result of their work has frequently been far from what they desired, but a Southern Rhodesian school inspector paid a remarkable tribute to them in 1 9 2 3i

Ibid.. p. 17.

66 Ibid.* p. 10. 2S7

In attempting to form a Just estimate of the work done by missions it must be generally admitted that the development and ideals in the Native haa been almost entirely due to his coming into close contact with the missionary. . . * That same influence and disinterested labour is no less potent a force to-day. The influence of the missionary’s personality, exemplified by his high inception of duty and conduct, unflagging energy, knowledge of native beliefs and customs and grasp of native problems, wise and paternal discipline, exercised with firmness y e t w ithout se v e rity , is leaving i t s mark on every department of mission activities. The religious influences of the missions arid the personal touch with the missionary are vital for the native in his present stage of development, and for this reason in our educational problems advantage should be taken as far as possible of missionary effort . ^

The educational policy that evolved was not only determined by the missionaries, their religious experiences and their ideals, but also by other factors, such as the Mission Board that sent the missionaries, the public in bngiand, lurope and America that supported them, and the increas­ ing demand of the Africans for b e tte r and more varied educational f a c i l i ­ ties. The educational policy was further determined by the different attitude and ideas of the inspectorate of the Education Department that administered the Government grants-in-aid, and finally by the Southern

Khodesie Missionary Conference. Public ooinion in Southern Khodesia was also a power Ail influence in this whole partnership, and made those more directly concerned re-think their positions and nollcies.

S, de J. Leurfeoty, in memorandum to the Imperial Education Conference, 1923, pp. 13-lii, CAA, E 2 /k/h* CHAPTER IX

THE WHITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY, THE SETTLERS

AND THE MISSIONARIES

The officials of the British South Africa Company, the proving number of settlers and missionaries were thrown together in this new territory of Southern Rhodesia. The settlers had come from many parts of the British Empire, America and Europe, having been educated and moulded under different circumstances. The missionaries came mainly from Great

B ritain, but also from South A frica, New Zealand, America and Sweden, and represented a great variety of Christian outlook and teaching. There were

Anglicans of the high church variety, and Swedish Lutherans, both of which were used to a close alliance with the State. There were missionaries who came out of a background of strong independence, and were therefore some­ what suspicious of the State, Finally there were Roman Catholics who had always tried to find a modus vivendi with the ruling class of the day.

The officials were mainly civil servants, partly from Britain, and partly from South Africa, both of English and Dutch descent. Some were recruited locally and of no great experience and training. Some were men of great education and a b ility . They served a Government th a t a t the same time was a great commercial company always trying to balance its commercial end administrative interests, with an eye to the annual meeting of shareholders.

It was, therefore, not strange that their conflicting views and aims sometimes broke out in sharp debate which frequently generated quite warm feelings. It is to their credit that through it ail they kept a good 2 89 spirit, and that out oi' their debates and conflicting interests a deeper understanding developed.

The B ritish South Africa Company

The Chartered Company welcomed the missionaries right from the beginning and appreciated their worth, their spirit and their contribution.

The land grants and the financial support to the many missionary societies give a clear indication of this. The Company was well aware of the stand­ ing the societies had in Great Britain being, as they were, the relatives and successors to Dr. David Livingstone* High Company officials snd directors often spoke at missionary gatherings in England,'*’ even if what 2 they said on such occasions was often taken with a grain of salt. When missionaries sometimes came out in support of the Company, their statements were frequently used by the Company to build up favorable publicity for i t s e l f

It should not be assumed that such an attitude on the part of the

Company and i t s o f f ic ia ls was h y p o c ritic a l. They believed themselves to be standing within the great British tradition from the time of William

W ilberforce and the Clapham Sect. Theirs was a genuine belief in the

■*- The Duke of F ife a t Meeting in London in support of Bishop Gaul. The Church Times, March 20, 1 8 9 8 , GAA, the Gaul Papersj The Times (London}, March 19, lB9S7~p. 6d.

2 R.W. Thompson.to John Smith Moffat, January 30, 1890.

3 Dr. Jameson, in Cecil Rhodes, by Imperialist, op. hlO-iillj p. Lyttelton Gell, Address to Shareholders, uctober 28, 1920j Report in The Times (London), October 29, 1920, p. 19c. In this report the Reverend E.W. Smith is quoted in favor of the Company. Bishop Beavan, laat and West, 1920, p. 373, and in The Times (London), June 11, ±920, p. 12a. 290 civilizing mission of the huropean peoples, more especially the British.^

They shared in the optimism, common before the First World War, which c envisaged an unending development before the human race ,J and. considered it really the good fortune of the Shona and the Ndebele to be drawn into this great development by people of British stock.^ The talk of the white man’s burden was quite genuine and was shared by officials, settlers and 7 missionaries alike.

Individual officials as well showed great interest in the work of the missionaries and encouraged them to extend their work. This was true of men lik e Jameson,^ Grey,^ the Chief Native Commissioner, H.w. Taylor,-*-0

k Arthur Hryant, hnglish Saga, 1860-1 9hOt p. 25dj S ir Hichard M artin, The Times (London) , March 19, 1^96, p. od; K* Thomson, 0£. o i t . , pp. 33^-335.

^ A. Toynbee, An Historian1s Approach to Religion, p. 153.

b Rochfort Maguire, Address to Shareholders, February 26, 190b, reported in The Times (London), February 27, 1908, p. l5a; Jameson, in, Cecil Rhodes, by Imperialist, pp. 69-72j Duke of Abercorn, Address to share­ holders, February 23, 1911, reported in The Times (London), February 2ti, 1911, p. 20c.

^ A.S. Sharp a t Wesleyan Synod, The Rhodesia Herald, December 21, 1901, pp. 6a, 6b$ Bishop Gaul, The Times ^London), March 19, 1896, p. 6d; I.K. Lovell, 0£. e i t . , p. 118.

® The Christian Express, July 1, 1893» pp. 101-102, Report on the Berling Mission. "Dr. Jameson received us in s very friendly way and told us that the land was open for our mi scion. . . . He had nothing against our establishing a station at Tshibi'sj indeed he was rather glad to see us there. . . . Dr. Jameson asked us if we would not preach the Gospel also eunong the w h ites,”

^ Lord Grey to Lady Grey, Salisbury, January 23» 1897. Grey was greatly impressed by the Jesuit mission at Chishawasha. ’’Before this order of the Roman Catholic Church, producing as it does the most admirable results, one must stand hat in hand." See also, Frank Rhodes to Adminis­ trator, January 1I4, IS9$3 in ZMR, Vol. I, p. 9. Report of CNC, 1915, p. 7. 291 and many leaser officials.^ Their support too, was genuine. They had seen the missionaries at work, close at hand, seen their agricultural and industrial pursuits, seen the confidence they had enjoyed among the

African people. Sometimes genuine resp ect and friendship grew up between the official and the missionary , ^ and a man like Bishop Hartsell went out of his way to create friendly feelings in high places . ^

On the other hand there were those officials who were suspicious of, and frankly opnosed to, the work of the missionaries, and in those districts 1 I the missionaries had to fight for almost every inch of ground. A Native

Commissioner would, e. g., hold up an application for a school or a church site because he was of the opinion that the field was occupied and no more missionaries needed , ^ or th a t e missionary of another church had a site in a particular reserve so others should be kept out,"^ There is also a tradition among some Africans that some Native Commissioners advised them to oppose the comi ng of the missionary into a particular locality, because

NC, S alisbury, to 19lb Native Reserve Commission, May 29, 1915; NC, Fort Usher, to H.M, Jackson, June 12, 1901; CNC, Bulawayo, to Secretary to Administrator, June lU, 1901.

H.h, Taylor, Minutes of the Annual. Conference MFC, 192b, p. 60.

Journal of the General Conference of MFC, 1916, p, 9^6; also in Rhodesia Missionary Advocate,'Vol. IT, No. ITT, July 15, 1911, p. 10.

j. Butler, Chimanza, to NC, Charter, uctober 6, 1922; NC, Chili- manzi, to Superintendent of Natives, Victoria, January 19, 1912.

^ NC, Mrewa, to Father Richarta, January 2b, 1911.

^ NC, Mrewa, to CNC, Salisbury, March 8, 1911. 292 missionaries were not good.^7 (jne reported to have said that his

1 A district had been spared two great pests, cattle sickness and missionaries*

Some of the Native Commissioners had the impression that the mission­ aries as such were against the white settlers and might undermine authority and make the task of the Native Commissioners impossible. 19 This proved to be true in some instances during the First World War on the pert of some German Catholic m issionaries, aga-i nst whom th e Government took due precautions, 2^ But the missionaries in Southern Rhodesia were themselves law abiding and they did not encourage Africans to disobey the lawful authority. That they spoke out against laws which they believed to be unjust is another matter.

Misunderstanding arose because the Native Commissioner did not know a particular denomination, or because nomenclature was confused, and it 21 could teke some time before the misconception cleared up. It also happened that officials were faced with religious expressions which they felt were excessive and which they did not understand. They, therefore, judged them to be dangerous and undesirable and proceeded to hold up the progress of a denomination by refusing new Bites for churches and schools.

Job Taiga and Jackson Kugayo to author.

H.T, James, Minutes of MEG, 19?lx. p. 25.

NC, Tnyanga, to NC, Umtali, December 2, 1911.

20 Letter to A dm inistrator, December 29, 1922.

^ R. K. Beetham, The Rhodesia Herald, February 2d, 1903.

22 n C, Melsetter, to J.b. Hatch, Rusitu, November 26, 1915] J.E. Hatch to NC, MelBetter, November 27, 1915] NC, Umtali, to CMC, Salisbury, September 12, 1918. 293 Usually misunderstandings were cleared up, hut they did not create good feelings between missionaries and officials. That many officials had a hard time digesting the critism which many missionaries levelled against the administration of African affairs was only natural. But even some of these officials changed after a while,

The missionaries, on the other hand, were often unreasonable and not careful enough in their dealings with the African chiefs. The officials sometimes got the impression that the missionaries did not tell the truth.

They also wanted things to go th e ir p artic u la r way, were not always con­ siderate of other mission bodies and did not appreciate enough the diffi­ culties in which the officials were placed. Tt Is understandable that being human the officials sometimes lost their patience and that some let small irritations prevent them from taking a larger view.

The Settlers

Before the British occupation of Nashonaland, the mission stations at Hope Fountain and Inyati were frequently visjted by hunters, traders and traveJers. The missionaries received them with great hospitality and frequently turned their homes into sickrooms, where sick and weary travelers were nursed back to health and strength.^ One of the early travelers,

Marie Lippert, wife of the concession seeker Eduard Lippert, wrote very

n | appreciatively about her visit to Hope Fountain. u Selous and Baines have

23 Darter, The Pioneers of Mashonaland, p. 53] "Matabele" Wilson, Diary, p. 6 0 , typewritten Ms; Knight-Bruce, 0£, cit. , n. 127.

2^ Posselt, op. cit., pp. 75-76, Un November h, 1091, Mrs. Lippert also wrote: "The mission Is not doing much as long as the present adminis­ tration lasts. These missionaries , . . trade with Natives, interfere in politics and try to make money* Besides, they Droduce crowds of children." 2 9h also left e record showing respect and appreciation for the missionaries they met at these lonely outposts. ? 25

South of the Limpopo, however, there was, especially among the Boers hut not confined to them, a strong feeling of antagonism against mission­ aries inherited from the time of Dr. van der Kemp, Dr, John Pilip, Dr*

David Livingstone and John Mackenzie, who by many wore regarded as "poll- tical parsons" and meddlers. Many settlers brought this animosity with them into Southern Hhodesia and the Colony inherited some of th is antagonism from South Africa.

The early missionaries were quite aware of the fact that they were laughed at, John Smith Moffat met this when the first trek set out from the Cape Colony to reach the kraal of Mzilikszi in 1859.^ The German missionaries met it in 1893, and wrote that "many of the immigrants are against mission work and know no other policy than the extirpation of the

N atives.11^®

After the Colony got regular newspapers this adverse feeling against the missionaries wa3 frequently expressed both editorially and by letters

^ Wailis, The Northern Goldfielris Diaries of Thomas Baines, Vol. I , p. 103#

26 g#w. Smith, The Blessed M issionaries (Cape Town, London, New forki Oxford University Press, 1950), pp. 93, 97; k.J. van der Merwe, The Development of Missionary A ttitudes in the Dutch Reformed Church in South Africa (Cape Town: Natlonale Pers BPKj 1936), bp# 98-Ilfij Hole, The Fagging of the Black Kings, p . 50.

^ Wallis, The Matabele Mi ssion, p. xviii.

The Christian Expreas, July 1, 1893 , up. 101-102} W. Stanlake, in The Rhodesia Herald7 December ?1, 1901, p, 6c} Knigbt-Bruce to P. Tucker, h ovember 19, 109 3. 295 pQ sent in by the public, 7 The missionaries were regarded as ridiculous and

misguided, and during the reheliion, John White believed himself to be the

most unpopular man in S a l i s b u r y , 30

The reasons for this feeling in Southern Rhodesia seem to have been

at least three.

1. There was a widespread fear of competition from the Africans

both in the economic and p o litic a l fie ld , and, th erefo re, a d islik e of the missionary promotion of African education. At the Annual Meeting of the

Mashonaiand Farmers Association in 1902, an American, Mr. W. H. Brown, presided and stated!

Great enthusiasm has been shown by my countrymen, as well as by Englishmen, in an effort to provide a means of education for the blacks of Rhodesia, and in some cases their enthusiasm has blinded them to the welfare of those of their own colour, I felt like going to the other extreme, and saying that I considered it nothing short of crim inal to spend money and waste good ta le n ts on the education of blacks so long as one white child in Rhodesia is left without the means of education,31

A similar attack was made editorially in The Rhodesia Herald a

H ttle later, stressing the danger of competition in both the economic and political field* ^ The fear of competition in theeconomic field was so

strong that some one suggested that a tax of 2 s. per dayought to be imposed on Africans selling eggs, vegetables, e tc ., in S alisb u ry ,-^

^ Th& Rhodesia Herald, September 16, lb 9 6, p, 3ej December 2, 1096, pp. 2d-2ej"hay 6 , 1902, p, 3 ; Jollie, op. cit., pp. 263- 26l|.

3° Andrews, o£. c i t ., p. 31*

^ The Hhodesia Herald, May 6 , 1 902, p. 3.

32 ib id ., September 10, 1902, p. 3*

33 h .D, Zimmerman in The Hhodesia Herald, January 2, 1902, p. 3* This proposal will have to be seen in relation to the price of eggs at the time, which was 6 d, per do»en* 296

The political fear found the following expression:

Let us strip ourselves of all false notions of our duty to the negro and resolutely deny him all semblance of an equality with the white man. The world revolves on th e p rin c ip le of the survival of the fittest. We have spared the kafir, but we cannot count on him sparing us when his turn comes. Uur manifest duty is to remain the top dog, 3n

2, The missionaries were in many cases fearless spokesmen for

justice and fair play and reported and attacked cases of injustice that

they knew about. This, naturally, the people concerned did not like, and

there was a tendency for the white public opinion to rally against the

missionaries. For instance, the jury system was under attack in 1900 and

1909, because it tended to give scant justice to the Africans. Among those

who attacked the system were Reverend John McChlery^ and Dr, G.A, Wilder,3^

who asked the High Commissioner, Lord Selborne, to intervene on the side

of justice. The High Commissioner sent a despatch on the matter, but he

was attacked in the Legislative Council a.c being unduly influenced by

missionaries and similarly misguided people in England, He spoke from his

exalted position and did not know the seamy side of the African life ,37

Yet that justice had miscarried there could be no doubt,3^

3^ The Rhodesia Herald, September 19, 19ul, p. 3b.

35 Ibid., November 20, 1908, p. 3,

36 i b i d . , December 1, 1900, p. 3«; The Rhodesia Missionary Advocate, Vol. V, ho. 1, April-June, 1915, p. 6 .

37 Report in The Rhodesia Herald, May 31 > ^909, p. 3g. For indivi­ dual missionaries reporting on definite acts of injustice, see Andrews, op. cit., pp. 20- 2 1 .

30 Andrews, op. c i t . , pp. 128-129; Minutes of the Annual Conference MEC, 1909, p. 70. The SHMC passed the following resolution! fThat this Conference exprese itH appreciation of the action of the Government in 29 7

The mibllc statements issued by missionaries as to the causes of the rebellions helped undoubtedly to create the impression that the missionaries were against the white settlers as such. The oresent writer has not found that any missionary in the period under review has stated that European occupation and settlement was wrong per se, But they were anxious that justice should be done, that the voiceless should have a voice, uut of this desire sprang their criticism of specific acts and laws to which they took exception,

3. Some of the antagonism seems to have arisen out of a misunder­ standing of the real position taken by missionaries on certain questions.

During the first decade of the century some sexual offenses were committed by Africans against European women, and the country, being quite agitated over the matter, suggested the reasons for this. Some suggested that It was a direct result of the order given to the Native Commissioners not in any way to interfere with the free flow of the labor supply. This should have given the Africans a feeling of recklessness.

From the Legislative Council came the suggestion that this crime was a direct result of the teaching the Africans had received at certain mission stations, where the Africans presumably had been taught that they were the white man's equal. The suggestion was made that Christian Africans 39 were responsible for this type of orime. ^ endeavouring to secure justice for the Natives of Rhodesia as instanced by the amendment of the Juries Law passed at the last session of the Legisla­ tive Council and at the same time places on record the strong condemnation of the several cases of injustice meted out to Natives at the hands of Juries,” Handwritten Minutes of the SEMG of 1908.

^ The Rhodesia Herald, November 1$, 1902, p. fid. 2

The Idea that the African was equal to the white man seemed to

have been abhorrent to the settlerB, Long speeches were made in the

Legislative Council trying to prove that the white man was superior to

the African,^0 the press kept on hammering on th is subject, and

declared that if the British Government insisted on equal rights for

black and white there would be civil war.to This was carried to the ridiculous when the paper got quite stirred up and spent several dditoriais

over an innocent invitation that some Wesleyan teacher had sent out for a tea party. This innocuous invitation was seen as the beginning ol‘ insub­

ordination '•the consequences of which cannot be foreshadowed."^ The missionaries entered the debate, and before it was ail over leading men

from three different churches had been drawn in, and their points of view were, to say the least, surprising.

Reverend H.CJ Brigg of the Wesleyan Methodist Church was the f i r s t

one to reply to the allegations made in the Legislative Council, He wanted to know which missionaries had ever said that there was equality between black and white, and where those missionaries lived. He was borne on a mission station and was himself a missionary. He believed that all missionaries would agree with him that it was preposterous in the extreme

to Dr. Hans Sauer, Report in The Rhodesia Herald, June 1 , 1899, pp. 1-2. He said that the African was only slightly more intelligent than a Newfoundland dog, P.R. Frames, ibid., November 15, 1902, p. 8 c.

The Rhodesia Herald, July U, 1902, p. 3f, For a similar reactio n from London, see, H. Wilson Fox, to S ir Wm. Milton, Administrator, March 2, 1906.

to The Rhodesia Herald, December 8 , 190ii, p. 2, December 12, 190/i, p. 2, December 13, 190U, p. 3d. 299 to say that "the average intelligent, hard working, straight living white man and the sensuous, besotted heathen native were e q u a l."^3 He also believed that they could be made "new creatures in Jbsus Christ," and he challenged the members of the L e g islativ e Council to prove th a t th e

African criminals were members of a Christian Church^

Brigp was supnorted by Dr. A, Dunley-Owen of the Church of the

Province of South Africa, who was stationed at St .F&nthJiS Mission near fiusape. He s ta te d th a t th e C h ristian f a i th recognized the in e q u a litie s of existing individuals and races, arising from the fact that neither individuals nor races were born with equaL facuLties or opportunities.

These two were later supported by the Reverend F,W. Bates of the

American Board at Mount Selinda, who did not believe in "the equality of the native and white races," and did not believe any missionary in

Rhodesia preached such a doctrine. He did not believe, however, in making unnecessary d istin ctio n s in the la w s .^ These statem ents, however, did not seem to help. In fact, The

Khodeaia Herald was fundament aiLy against all missionary efforts.

^3 The Rhodes ia H erald, November 22, 1902, p. 3g.

^ I b id .

^ Ibid., November 29, 1902, p. £>d. He also made the most astonish­ ing suggestion as to the proper punishment for sex criminals, in which he was supported by the Rev. F.W. Bates of the Ab. The Rhodesia Herald, January U, 1903, p. 3f. See also A.S. Grippe’ report to the Diocesan Synod, Salisbury, April 1903; The Rhodesia Herald, April 27, 1903, P» 3f*

^ The Rhodesia Herald, January U, 1903, p. 3f. A year earlier this same point of view had been expressed by Bishop J. Hartzell of the MKC in a speech to the Farmers 1 Association in Salisbury, The Rhodesia Herald, December lb , 1901, pp. 6 a, 6c . 300

Broadly, the black question resolves itBell into one of a struggle for supremacy between the two colours—at least that is the approxi­ mate enunciation of the local problem* This being thus, we cannot understand the arguments that favour the special culture of the black in preference to the white. The big cities of burope and America o ffe r more than enough fie ld for a l l the ch aritab le energy that can be organized for the relief of suffering humanity, and why the white race should undertake, at sacrifice of its own kind, the care and superficial advancement of an alien colour thBt threatens its own existence, is more than we can understand,

In spite of what may have been a fundamenta] difference of anDroaeh

to life and the Christian Faith individual missionaries all over the

country had many friends among the European population. The social inter­

course between the mission stations and the surrounding European farms was

often lively, and there grew up between individual settlers and mission­

aries a friendship based on mutual respect. As the time went on there

also grew up among the settlers a genuine appreciation for what the m issionaries were try in g to do, and th is appreciation led to making various

facilities available for the missionaries, and in some cases even direct ] A support of the mission program*J

At Mount Selinda there had in the beginning been considerable

friction between the missionaries and the early settlers,^9 This changed gradually for the better until a public meeting at Melsetter proposed to

^ Rhodesia H erald, December ih, 1901, p. 3a*

H.N. Howard, Minutes of the Annual Conference MtC, 1919, p. b5j J.M. Springer, ib id ., 190!?, p7 2^j Andrews, 0£. cit., pp. 102-103; Father Sykes, the ZMR, Vol. V, 1917, No. 76, p, h5Bj A. Sharp, Bulawayo, to Marshall Hartley, August ?, 1900j H.A, Buck, St. Augustine's, S.P.G. Annual Report, 1907, pp. 1P0-169; Bishop Beavan, S.P.G, Annual Report, I 9 lk » p* 12b.

b? Dr. G.A, Wilder, letter dated February 26, 189U, in The Missionary Herald, June l89li, p. 251. See also the Annual Report, 189b, oF the AH. 301 hBVe one oi’ the missionaries, Reverend F.W. Hates, appointed Justice of

Peace. Although Mr, hates was an American citizen, the Administrator, Cf) Sir William Milton, approved the appointment.

An interesting letter to The Rhodesia Herald pleaded with the people in England not to listen to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection

Society, but seek their information from trusted missionaries like Arch­ i l deacon Upcher and Hi shop H artzell, who was in Ingland at th e time, liven

The Rhodesia Herald could at times speak appreciatively of the missionary contribution to the life of the country. 52 So while there were times of tension, there were also times o f mutual understanding between the settlers and the missionaries.

The Mi ssionarles

Although the missionaries often opposed colonial policies and certain actions taken by the local administrators and in many affaire sided with the Africans, it was a mistaken idea that the missionaries were generally against the white people. They were for the British occupation of the country. They had taken an active part in bringing it about, and some of them believed that it would have been beneficial if the British 53 dominion had extended to the East Coast, They generally believed that it was the best thing that could have hapoened to the tribes between the

CO, ho. 702, March 2!?, 1902, p. 186.

^ The Rhodesia Herald, October 28, 1901, p. 3c*

Ibid., April 19, 1907, p. 3.

^3 Supra, p. 122, 302

Limnooo and Zambesi,

Many of them would rather have seen a direct Imperial rule, but

they were not against the Chartered Company. On various occasions they c), expressed themselves with gratitude and appreciation for the Company rule.

They rejoiced in the establishment of law and order, and for the peaceful

settlement of the country. They continually indicated their appreciation

for the land granted to them and for the continued financial support of

their educational w o r k . 55

Frequent approval was given to the liquor laws of the land which

prevented European strong liquor to be sold or given to the Africans,

This particular point had been a favorite with Cecil Rhodes^' and in this

respect the Colony compared very favorably with other African territories*

As a matter of fact, many missionaries went so far in their support of Cecil

Rhodes and the Chartered Company, th a t many modern m issio n aries would have

had a hard time following them. Bishop Hartzell, e.g., was able to say

that the last will of Cecil Rhodes marked a climax in the triumphs of the

Gospel of Christ, and "is it nob remarkable that in Africa, the last con­

tinent to be civilized and Christianized, God should have raised up to wealth and power the man who, inspired by the spirit of Christ, believed

5U E.W. Smith, The Times (London), October 29, 1920, p. 19c. J. H artzell to A dm inistrator, November 8, 1097; The Rhodesia M issionary Advo­ cate, Editorial, Vol. II, No. Ill, July 15, l911j S.P.G., Annual Report, 1911, p. 192; John White, BSA Co. Report, 109l*-95, p. 90.

55 Minutes of the Annual Conference MKC, 1909, p. 6 9, 1905, pp. 33- 3U, letter from Hartzell to Wm. Milton, dated May"20, 1905j Report of the Board of Foreign Missions, MFC. 1923, p. 1j15.

^ Minutes of the Annual Conference MEC, 1905, p. 31*

57 Michell, o£. cit., Vol. I, po. 235-236. 303 in the unity of the race, and, following hie Master's example, gave all he

had to make that race one?"^ At th e c e le b ra tio n o f th e coming of the railway to Bulawayo in 1897,

Isaac Shimmin- ? spoke so highly of the Company and its rule that his col­

league, John White, refused to follow him**50 Even in missionary circles

in Germany, the entry of the British South Africa Comoany into Mashonaland

vbb welcomed as it would establish law and order out of tribal confusion

and w arfare.^

The point of view of the missionaries was frequently not so far

from that of the settlers as they sometimes thought, and often the mission­

aries became part and parcel of their surroundings and adopted the settlers'

outlook. To a certain extent this was true on the question of labor. It

is strange today to read how close some missionaries came to advocating

forced lebor, and some actually did so, in spite of the great trouble this

very question had caused before and during the rebellions.

F.W. Bates of th e American Board wrote as follows on the subject as

late as in 1903:

^ Journal of the General Conference MFC, 190li, pp. 6b3-6hU, See a ls o K night-Bruce in The C h ristia n Express, January 1, 1892, p. 6 , October 1 , 1892, p. 15B.

59 BSA Co, Report, IB 9 6, pp. 169-170,

^ John White to Marshall Hartley, December 17, 1897*

^ "Auch in England fehlt es nicht an enthusiastischen Kolonial- chauYinisten und dies© kbnnen nicht Worte genug finden, die neuen Erwerbungen, zuraal Mashonaland, ala ein afrikanieheo Eldorado au preisen. Wir warden ja sehen, was die Zukunft bringt; zunechst ware es ein grosser Segen, wenn es dem britischen Einfluss wircklich gelingen oolite, Sicherheit, Ruhe und Ordnung in dem von einem grauoamen Volke bewohnten und von blutgierigen Tyrannen beherr&chten neu erworbenen tande zu schaffen." Allgemelne Missions Zeltschrift, Vol. IB, 1891, pp. l8l-lB2. 30U

The problem before us is a two-sided one* On the one hand we have Rhodesia's greBt need of labor; on the other we have the "white man's burden” upon us. In the midst are thousands of men living in idle­ ness. Their sole ambition is to indulge themselves in drunkenness and lust. Under the present conditions they are steadily degenerat­ ing, and are a menace to the state. The only way to solve this problem is to find among the ranks of these men the laborers who shall supply Rhodesia's need and at the same time learn the dignity of labor. The native has in him the making of a man, but the manhood will never show itself till we teach him to work. The only way by which we can arrive at this solution is through a frank compulsory labour law which shall compel him to labor and at the same time secure for him just and fair treatment.

Bates was supported by a German, Father Richartz, S.J., who at a farmers' meeting in Salisbury had said:

But i f the Native Commissioner should not be able to persuade the natives by his influence to go and work, at least a certain part of the year, he should be able to help the public need by compelling the lazy ones by authority. I mean, if all admonitions are in vain, he should have the right to call out from the different kraals as many natives as are wanted—the call being made upon those who cannot prove that they have worked for four or five months in the year ,°3

It appears that Father Richartz was only speaking for himself, because he was not suoported officially. The Zambesi Mission Records published an editorial in which it stated that the Africans did work, and condemned utterly any form of forced labor. It disagreed with Bishop Gaul who had

2 The Rhodesia Herald, January 15, 1903, p. 3f. Another American, Bishop J. Hartzell, came very close to the same idea when he at a banquet in London in the honor of Mr, Wm. H, Milton, C.M.O., Administrator of Southern Rhodesia and with the Duke of Abercom in the Chair, declared: "To say that the Government and destiny of Rhodesia should be at the mercy, as respects labour and obedience to law, of the vagaries of the fetish doctor, or the Inaptitude or unwillingness to work inherited for centuries, is to go to an extreme in sentimentality that is as absurd as it is unwise,11 August 7, 1902. Report of Speeches.

63 The Rhodesia Herald, February 27, 1902, p. 3 . Italics In origi­ nal. Isaac Shimmin had expressed similar viewB. See also, The Rhodesia Herald, December 7, 1901* p. 6b, 6c, For a slightly different view, see Bishop Gaul, BSA Co, Report, 1900-1901, pp. 3^3-3bk. 30?

proposed a progressive tax on polygamous wives,^ but suggested better

conditions of employment as an e ffe c tiv e rem edy.^ In th is i t was sup­

ported hy a resolution of the Southern Khodesia Missionary Conference which had spent some time diseussing the subject.^

Some of the early missionaries had a very low opinion of the

Africans, and seem to have believed that the adult African was hopelessly

i l *7 lo s t, beyond redemption in th is life and the next. However, as a class

they believed in the great potentialities of the African people and in the

renewing power of the Spirit of Christ, not only for the next life hut for

the present as well. They, therefore, championed the rights of the

Africans to development and growth, mentally and spiritually, were eager

to give them the means of such growth and to take away anything that might

hinder it*

They saw L ife as a whole and could not ignore matters, which might

mean life or death for the African people, because they might be labelled

" p o litic a l parsons." They became the spokesmen for the voiceless and 6b voteless Africans, and defenders of justice and fair play for them. The

^ The Rhodesia Herald, April 22, 1901, pp, 3e, 3f.

ZMR, Vol. II, ho. 21, 1903, P. 2b5.

^ Handwritten Minutes of F irs t Conference, Bulawayo, 1903.

k? ii.h. Richards, Minutes of the Annual Conference MtiC, 1901, pp. 2b- 2?. "Black though their ingratitude may appear, if must beT5orn in mind that these people were heathens and barbarians—a people whose character is a mixture of avarice, sensuality and superstition—who are utterly void of conscience, to whom the word gratitude is unknown, who have little thought of fu tu re reward or punishment. . . . ,f The above is taken front A, Boos, £J*J,, in ZMR, Vol. I, 1898, p. 122. See also, ZMR, Vol. Ill, No. b5, 1909, p. 582.

John White, The Nationals of the Missionary Conference of Southern Rhodesia, NAPA, 19?b. p. 67, 306 power and wealth were in the hands of the whites, and when Africans were not treated fairly the blame fell on those who had the power, and it.

therefore may have appeared that the missionaries had turned against their own people. But the m issionaries re a liz e d fu lly th a t the wrong done to 69 Africans could only be attributed to certain white individuals.

Actually the missionaries were only against wrong and injustice

and for s f a ir opportunity fo r an undeveloped people to b e n e fit from the new outside influences that were brought to bear upon it. Nobody regretted morB than they if this brought them into disharmony with their own people, 70 but they refused to adopt an attitude of "my country, right or wrong.”

Their first allegiance was to the Gospel of Christ vhjch they had come to nroclaim. It is to their honor that so many of them managed in new and trying circumstances to be loyal to their highest calling.

Summary

The relationship between the Chartered Company officials, the settlers and the missionaries did not follow any fixed patterns. There were officials and settlers who were in sympathy with the ideals of the missionaries and who had s deep respect for them. There were others, frequently supported by the local press, who had no time either for the missionaries or the ideals for which they stood. To many of this class the whole question of the Africans was reduced to one of the physical survival of the fittest, or one of economic and political supremacy. On

69 ZMR, Vol. V, No. 76, 1917, p . U58*

Andrews, op. c i t . , pp. 12U-127. 307 the other hand there were a number of missionaries who so completely took on the color of their surroundings that their views were indistinguishable from those expressed at the farmers1 meetings.

From the British South Africa Company Administration the missions continued to get both moral and financial support, even if often it fell short of what the missionaries desired.

It must be considered a credit to the Christian character of the missionaries that so many were able to maintain a very high level both in their daily Life and in their public debate* CHAPTttR X

SOME ASPECTS OF THh GROWTH OF THE CHURCH

The Problem in Perspective

Before this question of growth and development within the Church

is aoproached, it will, be well to consider certain aspects of the time

element.

The relationship between an immigrant end the conquered people has always been a difficult one, especially where the one has not been

absorbed by the other. In North America the comparetively speaking 3mall

Indian trib e s save i n to th e overwhelming force and number of th e Europeans, while in South America it might be a question whether the conquerors really won, or only were absorbed by the indigenous tribes. In other cases the immigrant people may have remained for a considerable length of time, but have in the end been thrown out by the indigenous people. Frequently their ideas have been discarded with them, and in the end the o rig in a l inhabitants won out.

The Romans were driven out of Britain after more than four centuries of occupation,^ The Greeks were driven out of Asia Minor in 1923 after a presence on the Asian continent of nearly twenty centuries, and when they left, the Christian impact that they had made on the Arabs proved to be insignificant indeed.

^ From 5$ B.C. till Ltl2 A.D, Heamshaw, Outlines of the History of the Brltish Isles (London, Toronto, Bombay, Sidney: George G* Harrep and Co., L td ., 193H), pp. ii8-6l. 309

The Moors ruled Strain from 711 t i l l 121? and influenced the science, the literature and architecture of Spain, hut they never succeeded in 2 turning the Spanish people into Muslims.

The Homans occupied Worth Africa from 201 P.O., vhen Scipio Africanus annihilated the Carthaginian army in the battle of Zama, till the Vandals seized northern Africa in Ii30 A.D. After more than six hundred years of occupation and colonisation they were forced to Leave. When the Muslims swept along the southern shore of the Mediterranean, the apparently flourishing Christian church vanished without havinr influenced the local inhabitants to any appreciable degree*' The reasons for this lack of influence by the Church in north Africa have been said to be its too close association in the mind of the people with the foreign domination, and also its failure to translate and spread the Scriptures in the vernaculars.^

Also, it should not be lost sight of that Christianity had a strong foothold in China in the Ibth and 17th centuries, and had wielded consider­ able influence over the life of the neouie, when it was driven out apparently because of the association of the missionaries1 work with western military k and political aggression.'

When one looks at the history of the Christian church in Europe and

2 Arnold Toynbee, A Study of Hi story, abridgement by D.C. Somervell (New York, Londoni Oxford University tress, 19U7 and 1957), Vol. IT, p. 17U.

3 Groves, The Planting of Christianity in Africa, Vol. I, pn. 6U-66.

11 Ib id *, p. iJlu

^ Arnold Toynbee, An H isto rian 1s Approach to Religion, p. 162: Leonard M. Outerbrldge, The Lost ilhuraHes of China (Philadelphia! The Westminster Press, undated, probably 1952), p. 96, 310 how it was introduced, one may use Norway as an example. Christianity was introduced there, as in so many European countries, with the sword. But even so it took more than thirty years from the time the first efforts were made until the tide turned with the battle of Stiklestad in 1029. This was on ly an acceptance in form. All through the Middle Ages the fo rc e s of

Christianity were battling with the old beliefs and superstitions in the soul of the people. These superstitions and non-Christi an beliefs hung on way into the nineteenth century.

In England w ith more than a thousand years o f C hristian h istory, the forces of the old beliefs and customs were slow to die. One quotation will have to suffice.

A heathen folklore and tradition, that died hard took the place of a half-hearted theology. More than one eighteenth-century church was clandestinely dedicated to the Devil by the local morris-dancers. If many through the apathy of their spiritual pastors had ceased to believe in Christ, they had not ceased to believe in his great adversary! "Old Scraper” could almost be heard by the imaginative on moonlight nights pattering through the undergrowth, livery village had its tales of ghosts and witches, of bygone murders and haunted cross-roads and g ib b e ts.^

In the United States of America the great witchcraft tria l in Salem,

Massachusetts, took place as late as 1692,

Mechanical skills can more easily be learned and absorbed than spiritual ideas and cultural traits. Arnold Toynbee suggested that it may take three generations or more to assimilate the cultural and spiritual content of an alien civilization.7

^ Bryant, op. cit,, p, See also article on witchcraft in Encyclopaedia BrfEannica, 195U, pp. 6B6-607,

7 Toynbee, A Study of History, og. olt., Vol. IA, pp. 322-326. 311

The church has been at work in Southern Rhodesia fo r a very shcrt time. The country cannot be considered to have been pacified u n til the early part of 109^, and from then u n til the end of the B ritish South Africa period there is e span of twenty-five years. From Bimost any point of view this is a very short time, and it is almost too short to measure the success or failure of anything, especially spiritual values and growth.

It is a question whether the inner man can be measured and evaluated st all. It is, therefore, with great hesitation that this last chapter is being written.

No Wri t ten Language

To begin with the church was faced with certain initial disadvan­ tages which could only be overcome by patient effort over a period of time.

The most obvious of these was the language barrier, no written language existed, and while i t was f a irly clear from the beginning th a t th ere were two main divisions, the Ndebele and hhona, the Shona was cut up in to many different di alects and no one knew how much one overlapped with the other, t. great deal of slow and painstaking linguistic research was necessary before the linguistic situation could be known. There were, therefore, no printed aids for the missionaries when they started out to learn the new tongue, and the difficulties they met can only be appreciated by those who have tried to make themselves understood in a foreign language.

African Conservatism

Right from the outset the missionaries were also faced with consider­ able African opposition. The African has been described as "the most 312 conservative o f men."® To th is has to be added the b itte rn e ss and sus­ picion left over from the Rebellion and the natural tendency in every culture to shield itself from the foreign influence. It will, therefore, be readily realized that the early missionaries faced a formidable obstacle indeed.

The British South Africa Company had made the stipulation that sites for schools and churches would not be granted unless the local chif?l’ agreed to having the mission working in his area. The opposition the chiefs showed a l l over the country was su rp risin g in i t s extent. They were afraid of the new influence, afraid of what it would do to their children, and that they would lose control over them,^ They were espe­ cially afraid for their girls.^® Many chiefs refused definitely to receiv e any m issio n ary } ^1 others would agree when the missionary asked for permission to start work, only to refuse when asked by the Native Com- missioner if he really had given permission. 12 Some would even pretend to he chiefs, while having no real authority.

Some of the Native Commissioners had the impression that the mission­ aries were not wanted by the Africans, and one a aid bluntly that the Africans

£> A.T. Culwick, Good uut of Africa (Livingstone, Northern Rhodesia: The Rhodes-Living atone I n s t i t u t e , 191:3), p. 9 , col. 2*

^ Knight-Bruce in a conversation with Makoni. The Gospel Missionary, Vol. XIV, December Lfl9h, p. 90; John M. Springer, Minutes of the Annual Conference MEG, 1907, p. 32*

3-® John M. Springer, The Heart of Central Africa, p. hi:*

NC, Mrewa, to CNC, August 19, 1909.

^ R, Wodehouse to NC, M elsetter, October 3, 1905; Meredith to CNC, October 17, 1905. 313 abhor the missionaries. ^13 In other cases the people declared themselves willing, but there was a strong tindercurrent of opposition, indicating that if he came, the people would have nothing to do with him*^ Sometimes the reason for the opposition was that the chief's heart "did not feel

1C like having a missionary." 3 The ch iefs, perhaps unconsciously, knew th at

I t meant adm itting forces over which they would have no control and which would break some of th e ir power and change th e ir people. At the same time an element of fear for the unknown must not be ruled out mixed with a stubborn refusal to admit any change.

In the case of village schools and churches, the chiefs were frequently able to prevent them from being opened within their domain, but where the residence of a European missionary was concerned the chiefs were sometimes overruled and f creed to admit the newcomer.^ The reason for the overruling was that in some cases the chief was not really representative of his people and that the people themselves wanted the schools and the churches. In other cases it was felt that an unenlightened chief should not be allowed to stand in the way of the progress of his people, and that the people really were in need of that which the missionaries had to con- 17 trib u te . 1

NC, Mrewa, to CNC, Salisbury, March b, 1911.

3-b Acting NC, Belingwe, to CwC, Bulawayo, November h, 1903.

Sam. Gurney, to NC, Mrewa, uctober 22, 1909,

CNC to NC, Mrewa, November 25, 1909.

NC, Belingwe, to CwG, Bulawayo, November ii, 1903} NC, Mrewa, to CNC, S a lisb u ry , March b, 1911. 311}

It may be considered that this amounted to the forcing of Christ­ ianity upon them. That an element oi force was present cannot be denied, but no one was ever forced to send his children to school or to attend a church service. All the chiefs were forced to give, was a sit e .

The Life of the European Settlers

Besides the opposition of the Africans, the mi.ssioneries met a real obstacle in the unprincipled life of many Europeans. Nearly all the early missionaries felt this as a considerable difficulty and spoke out strongly against it. They asked what was wrong with the churches in

Europe and England that the people who came to Rhodesia seemed to lose th e ir faith and their morals. The bishop of Mashonaland was very outspoken when he wrote:

But do not let us forget that it is white Christians, trained in your English parishes, who lay aside all. their Christian responsibilities out here, and become the d e v il’s m issionaries for making heathenism more devilish still by their heedless examples and their drunken and immoral lives. 1 believe honestLy that such men are in the minority, but they are far too many.1”

The Bishop wrote this shortly after a visit to chief Mutnsa who had asked him that if the teacher was his friend, why did the white man take his country and his cattle and his women?^

Before the Rebellion, ain Anglican missionary had visited chief

Makoni and had received a similar, cold reception:

1® Mashonaland Quarterly hews, Vol. XX, 1897, p. U. Italics in original. See also, D. Pelly in Mashonaland Quarterly Papers, Vol. XVIII, I 8 9 6 , p. 1 1 , for a similar expression.

^ The Gospel Missionary, Vol. XVII, 1897, p. 83* 31?

At first and for some time he refused us admission saying—White men were his enemies—they had killed some of "Mangwende 1s" peoole ^11 and outraged the women--Bfter assuring him— "Makoni11— again and again that I was his friend we were admitted end then he said "if God sent the White Man to teach him and his people why did God send the White Man to k i l l and outrage the native p e o p l e s . "2 l

The missionary wrote a report and stated: "You will easily see how utterly futile my mission work must be amongst the Natives if White men are allowed to kill them and outrage thrir women with impunity."

John White complained in the same way in his Letters to his society and he called this "the chief hindrance to the work."

The chief hindrance to the work is the kind of white men they meet sometimes--either mounted police, hunters or traderb. Some take their women, others take their produce without giving adequate payment, end when some have protested, they have been shot down like buck. T can v erify t h is . . . ." 2 2

When the Methodist Episcopal Church took over the old town of

Umtali, they had for several years to contend with the suspicion and antagonism which the Africans had against the old town, and they could not pq easily be convinced that the missionaries were of a different caliber.

It must constantly be borne in mind that Southern Rhodesia was a frontier and as such must be compared to similar situations in Australia and the American West. In such a context Southern Rhodesia would compare quite well.

The Nkomo in cid en t, vide, supra, p. 207.

Frank Kdwards to Dr. Jameson, January 17, 1892* For a sim ila r statement from Anglican sources, see, H.F. Hale, Diary, April 7, 190li, p. 31; April 22, 1905, pp. 109-110, unpublished manuscript in CAA,

^ Andrews, o£. c it., pp. Ii3-bl; John White to Hartley, May 3, 1&95, January 9, 1903, September 1, lfl9li.

23 John M, Springer to author, February 19?tS. 316

Nor was this ail. Some white men were active propagandists against the church by telling the Africans to stay away from the church because the

pi missionaries were powerless . £li Many farmers refused to allow any preacher,

African or European, to preach to the people on their farms.

The settlers had come from Europe where anti-cleriealism was strong at the time, and this anti-clericaLism had been transplanted in Rhodesia where it was reinforced when preachers denounced the less admirable sides of the settlers' life.

To overcome these obstacles in their approach to the inner Life of the people was not easy, nor was it easy for the Africans to see or believe that the missionaries really were disinterested friends. The sacrificial living and the motives of the missionaries in the early years were quite beyond them. Aa late as in 190? a Catholic missionary could complain;

To persuade this people that we have come among them for their good, have left kith and kin for their sake 3 , is simply impossible* The fact is most of these people are firmly convinced that we have come among them for worldly pelf, in fact, are rolling in wealth, and no matter how much they may receive, they consider that we are very niggardly, since we give so little in comparison with what they suppose us to receive. Of course there are some who by this time are more enlightened, and who acknewledge that they have really been helped, and at a great cost; but these are few. The great majority persist in retaining their preconceived ideas and nothing will shake them. And, consequently, there is no sense of indebtedness and gratitude, and not much goodwill.^

As late as 1923 it could be aaid that "conversions by the thousands, or even by the hundred, are not to be hoped for in this part of the world, where the older among th e natives are s t i l l for the most part sunk in

^ Stanlake to H artley, March 2, 1896.

2? ^ from Matabeleland," ZMR, Vol. TIT, No. 1909, pp. 981-582* 317 96 superstition and barbarism, and wedded to their degraded customs *11

Rivalry between ffl ssiona

An o bstacle of the missionaries’ own making was the rivalry that existed between various missionaries and missions. Some Jealousy and bickering is perhaps inevitable in human society everywhere, but it is neverth eless unfortunate th at i t should enter the h eart of so many noble men and women employed in a common task. This Jealousy brought out some strange comments in the Government offices sometimes, comments that were 21 not in the missionaries 1 favor, 1 It could not fail to be noticed by the

A fricans who soon learned to take advantage of i t by obtaining from one what another would refu se. That it existed between various groups is rtD 29 beyond any doubt * 0 and some of the missionaries deplored i t deeply, and some would rather move on than live in conflict with another mission .^0

Some of this rivalry was happily overcome through the work of the Southern

Rhodesia Missionary Conference, and the division of territory that to some extent was carried out.

This t e r r i t o r ia l division was loyally carried out by most of the

26 ZMR, Vol. VII, No. 100, 1923, p. 20li.

2t Surveyor General to Deputy Administrator, April 2 3 , 1900j Surveyor General to Treasury, October 13, 1903.

28 ZMR, Vol. ITT, hio. 3b, 1905, d . 126, e d ito ria l; Knight-Bruce to P. Tucker, Ju ly 7, 1897, December 12, 1893; Shimmin to H artley, November 25, 1091, A p ril 13, 1092; Fripp and M iller, Gold and the Gospel in Mashona- land, op. c it. , p. 22; Diary of Owen Watkins, entry of September 22, 1891; NC, Darwin, to Cn C, January 23, 1923; W.W. Anderson to CNC, May 29, 1922; Father Sykes, S.J., to Deputy Administrator, Bulawayo, April 20, 1098; W.F. Bates to Orpen, Surveyor General, Hay 27, 1099; C.A, Kent to Land Department, A p ril 27, 191b*

Fripp and Miller, 0£. ait., p. 97*

30 Sam. Gurney, M.D., to N C , Mrewa, February 1, 1911* 318

Protestant missionary societies in the country, so in fact there is hardly

any overlapping in the work of the Protestant missions. The Roman Catholic

Church, the Church of England and the Seventh Day Adventists refused to enter Into any agreement on division of territory. However, as the towns and urban areas grew and Africans moved to them from all over the country, many of the churches moved with them regardless of territorial agreement.

Tn th is respect the towns were regarded as sui g en eris.

Obatacles Overcome

Gradually, by patient work on a high level, the missionaries were able to break down a big part of the African opposition. In their tireless efforts on behalf of the people many missionaries won their heart. Some­ times the way was opened by the devoted work of some medical missionary, and in a t least one case the medical missionary and the chief who had opposed his coming became very great friends.-^1 The medical missionary frequently also won the deepest respect and gratitude of the Europeans.-^

In other cases the Africans discovered that the missionary would defend

Dr, Sam. Gurney and chief Nyajina, Minutes of the Annual Con­ ference MEG, 1903, p. 3 6 ; NC, Mrewa, to CNC, Salisbury, March 8, 1911,

32 NC, Mrewa, to CNC, Salisbury, March d, 1911; H .I. James, Minutes of the Annual Conference MEC, 192U, p. 25. The investigation of the medical work done by the various missions, and an evaluation of it is a task in itself. In 1923 the following medical work was in operation by missions in Southern Rhodesia. Mount Selinda, American Board, Doctor, Mrewa, Methodist Episcopal Church, Doctor. Old Umtali, Methodist Episcopal Church, Nurse, R.N. Mutambera, Methodist Episcopal Church, Nurse, R.N. Bonda, Church of England, Nurse, .R*h. Monte Casino and D riefontein, Roman Catholic, Nursing work Morgenster, Dutch Reformed Church, Do cto r. 319 them to o b tain J u s tic e , and t h i B would open the way for the miesionery to be of further service.

The ed u cational work was 3oon discovered by the Africans as a door into a new and profitable world, and the fact that the missionary had the power of opening schools paved the way for them in to numerous villages, which otherwise ml ght have remained closed* Through the children an approach could be made to the parents. Even at this early stage the hunger which the Africans had for the white man's knowledge was tremendous, as the growth of the schools can witness.

It would be a false conclusion, however, to indicate that this thirst for education was at the same time a thirst for the Christian Faith.

It was not* In many cases the church would not have been able to establish a bridge head without the school. The missionaries maintained that the church and the school hung together.^ In many cases the school became the bridge over which many Africans walked into the great spiritual life which the church had brought.

In this connection should also be mentioned the tremendous effort put forward by the missionaries to give the Africans the treasure they themselves valued the most, namely the Bible. During the period under review only the New Testament had been completed, in Ndebele In

Shona in 1907, in hyika In 1908, in Ndau and Karange in 191 9 * ^ Together

^ Brigg to Hartley, April 26, 1901.

Mrs, J. M. Springer, Minutes of the Annual Conference MFC, 1903. p . 27.

Groves, o£. clt. , Vol. IV, p. 360- 363. 320

with the several vernacular hymnals in use the Ndebele and the Shcma people

had been given a means of spiritual growth and renewal which cannot be measured. I t was a completely new, refin in g and elevating influence brought

into their lives. The New Testament became a best seller, and thousands

of copies were sold. With the hymnals, literally speaking, 11 a new sang"3^

had been placed in the mouth of the people.

The importance of this development for the life of the people can

hardly be exaggerated, Tn addition to the religious and ethical values

which have been indicated, the spread of the Bible in towns and rural areas made many Africans truly literate. It gave them an opportunity to practice

and improve the knowledge of reading, and in this way almost became an

extension of the often weak village schools. It cannot be claimed that

the Bible in the vernaculars served the people in the same way as LutherTs

Bible served the Germans, ho such linguistic masterpiece was produced in

Southern Rhodesia, hut the most important step had been taken in the

creation of a literary language.

Notice has been taken of the fine tribute paid to many teachers by

the 1925 Native Education Commission. The teachers were not the only ones

to be noticed. Throughout the country, in spite of the many failures which were very obvious, there were many men and women whose newly found faith brought to them a new life of strength, purity and humility whose fruits were unmistakable. Not a few be came* saints in ths best sense of the word.

36 Psalm XL, 3.

3^ Revisions of the Bible have been made, and one is under prepara­ tion at the present time. 321

There were countless families whose records of devoted service and stimu­ lating Influence can be compared favorablv with the best that can be found anywhere.

The Missionaries and the Lobola Custom

In the Bantu social system there is a custom connected with marriage that usually is called lohoia and which has caused quite a debate in the missionary movement. This is not the place for a sociological study of the custom which briefly consists of giving of cattle by the family of the prospective bridegroom to the family of the prospective bride. It is a social custom which in our day \isually is regarded by anthropologists and by many missionaries as being a stabilizing factor in the Bantu marriage.

The marriage is really not complete until all the cattle have passed from one family to the other. The cattle are given to the boy's family in consideration of the loss the girl's family suffers of the childbearing capacity of the girl. Unless the cattle have passed the offspring does not belong to the physical father, but to the father of the mother. "The children are where the cattle are not."

The attitude the missionaries have taken to this custom has caused some debate. Some missionaries in Southern Hhodesia definitely considered the custom as a wife purchase.^ tDven if not all missionaries went that

^ A Bantu term which in want of a more satisfactory one has been translated "bride-price."

^ Springer, o£. cit. , p . bd. See also the IMS finding o f lti83-HU> in Bechuanaland, in which it was stated that lobola was "in deed and in truth a purchase." Arthur Phillips, editor, Survey of African Marriage and Family Life (London, New York, Torontoi Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press, 1953) » P* 357. 3?2 far, the general consensus was that the custom was contrary to Christian principles* The London Missionary Society missionaries came out of a tradition which definitely was against the loboia system,^ and the

American Board missionaries in Zululond had even gone so far as to prohibit I 1 Christians from taking lobola for their daughters. 1 The Dutch Refomed

Church condemned the custom and instructed its missionaries to oppose it t, o and lead the people away from it. But no church in Southern Rhodesia went as far as to require of their Christians to refrain from taking or giving lobola.^

In 1915 the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference agreed to the following statement: "That in the oninion of this Conference, the practice of lobola is the greatest obstacle to the highest development of the Natives of this territory and this Conference contends that legislation should aim at its total abolition,"^ A similar, but not quite as categorical a resolution, was adopted unanimously fifteen years la te r.^

For an illuminating discussion of the system from the point of view of a missionary of forty-five years experience in the LM5 work in bechuanaland, see, ibid*, pp. 367-369.

m Ibid., pp. 361-362* An exception to this view was made by the veteran missionary* Daniel Lindley. See, E,W. Efriith, The Life and Times of Daniel Lindley, pp. 391-396*

van der Merwe, op. c i t . , p. 219*

^3 in 1925 the Methodist Episcopal Church listed customs that were considered degrading for Christians, and lobola was not included. The Mi nutes of the Annual Conference * 1925. P* 29.

kk Proceeding of the SRMC, 1915, p. 15.

^ Ibid., 1930, p. 9. 323

Tt cannot be claimed that the missionaries did not know what they were talking about. They knew the custom very well from many angles, but there seems to have been little anoreelation for the good aspects of the custom and the great stabilizing factor it has been in the Bantu family life. Basic in the conflict were opposing views of society. The Hantu society was centered in the clan; the outlook of the missionaries was individualistic. The African Christians thameelves have on this point not been much affected by the rigid stand taken by the missionaries.

The Missionaries and Polygamy

Criticism has been Levelled against the missions in Southern

Rhodesia for what has been considered a far too individualistic approach to education and religious issues*^ Doubt has also been cast on the stand taken on the question of polygamy. It is at least debatable whether this question can be said to have been successfully approached. From the beginning a rigid attitude was taken, that is a polygamist who wanted to become a member of the Christian Church was forced to make some other arrangement for all his wives except the first one. The oblections raised to this way of solving the dilemma have been at least two. The standards set were not the ones found in the New Testament, and the church had no right to make the standards of admission higher than the ones Jesus himself had se t. I t was not C h ristian , and i t was humanly and socio lo g ically wrong, to let the innocent wives live on without a husband, and the children without I 7 one of the parents,

^ F.w. Posselt, o£* clt., pp. 131-132, 139.

^ This was the opinion of Bishop Colenso of the Anglican Church in Natal in the middle of the last century (1861). See, Arthur Phillips, editor, o£. cit., p. 3^6 . 32b

Many of the discarded wives were lost to a decent life all together, and many polygami srts were barred from the fellowship and renewing influence of the Christian community. Statistics in this field are practically non­ existent, but it may be seriously doubted if polygamy is a declining factor among the Africans of Southern Rhodesia, It has been maintained that it would have been far better to have taken a more generous attitude to the pre-Christian polygamist and reserved the strict discipline for second generation Christians. However, it may be seriously questioned if a change in attitude now would be justified or profitable.

The Pledging of Oirls in Marriage

There war one feature or the missionary approach which in today's light seem rather questionable, but which many of the Africans concerned give their hearty approval, in spite of the heartache and suffering it caused at the time.

The Shona had a custom of pledging a g irl in marriage; sometimes even an unborn baby, if it proved to be a female, would be pledged. For such a pledge the father would receive lobola in form of cattle and money.

When the girl reached maturity she would be taken in marriage by a much o ld e r man who frequently had one or two wives b efo re.

With the coming of the Hritishand the missionaries, these girls discovered that they could obtain their freedom and many of them took refuge in the various mission stations. When the father turned up to get the child, the girl would refuse to go, and the missionaries would not compel hBr to leave. The missionary might take the case to the Native

Commissioner, and if she in front of him refused to follow her father, 325 the girl would be allowed to remain at the mission.

This was obviously an interference with parental authority which the fathers quite naturally resented, and it did not help matters that on occasion the father was driven away from the mission station with astick.

Sometimes the fathers let their wives suffer cruelly because of the daughters, and much unhappiness resulted. Many Native Commissioners were against this practice and disliked the forcible breaking up of the parental I ft control. The missionaries defended the right of the girl to have a say in the choice of the man with whom she was going to share her life, and the Catholics in addition felt that it wasnecessary to separate them

].o because of their Christian nurture, 7

The girls who were freed and who later on led a happy married life were deeply grateful. In some cases the matter was solved by the girl marrying a boy of her choice, and the lobola which the boy's family handed over to the father of the girl was used to pay back the older man who had been deprived of an additional young w ife. A fter a while even many of the fathers admitted that the old custom had heen unfair to the girls.

But at the time it must have caused a lot of bitterness against the missions.

The Separatist Movement

One problem that was not seriously felt during the period set for this investigation, but which later became a besetting problem, was that

^ NC, Inyang a, to Superintendent of Natives, Urn tali, October 31, 1911, December 2, 1 9Hf NC, Makoni, to Native A ffairs Commission, 1909, p .21.

^9 Fleisher, Triashill, to the NC, Tnyanga, November i8, 19ilj ZMR, Vol. I, 1898, P P . 25-26. 326 of the separatist movements, also called Ethlopianism and Zionism, But the question did raise its head and caused some nuisance to the churches,^

The Government tried to stop it by refusing to recognize teachers who were not under European supervision,^ and by refusing entry permits into the to Colors to persons who were suspected of spreading the movements*^ The reasons for the movements were tribalism, Christian denoninationalism, personal ambition and lack of other (e.g. , political) outlets for ambitious

C-3 spirits,- J

In Southern Rhodesia the movement was not of great importance before

1 9 2 3, and it is significant that the problem was not discussed in the

Southern Rhodesia Mi sslonary Conference until i92U,^ i and c ! i then it was the

Watch Tower movement which had made i t s presence f e l t. This movement had played a major part in the African disturbances in tiyasaland in 191^ and had finally been suppressed there by forceful means,^ During the First

Reverend Loveless, Melnd.ro, to NC, fdnoia, July ? 6, 191?; Resolu­ tio n of th e Synod o f the Wesleyan Methodist Church, January, 1922,

CNC to African Zimba, July, 1915.

CNC to A frican Bool, December 31, 1919; Cn C to Administrator, November 20, 1919, January 25, 1921; Minister of Native Affairs to CMC, February 5, 192 L; Application from Reverend P,M. Mabiletsa, Overseer of the World, from the Union of South Africa, was refused,

£3 For very fine investigation of the movement in South Africa, see, Bengt Sundkler, Bantu Prophets in South Africa (London) Lutterworth Press, 19h8) j Katesa Schlosser, Kingeborenenkirchen in Stid - und Siidwest - Afrlka (K iel: Kommissioneverlag W alter G. Miihlau, 19?8V.

^ Proceedings of the SHMC, 192b, pp. 0-9,

$5 George Shepperaon,nThe Politics of African Church Separatist Movements in B ritis h C entral Afri ca, 1892-1916, A frica, Vol* IXIV, No, 3, July 1951), pp. 233-231), 327

World War there were indications of its spreading to Southern Rhodesia, but the police kept a close check on it, and in 1917 deported one of its memhere, Janes Manda, to Nyasaland, This close check and sw ift action by the police was undoubtedly a major reason why the movement did not gain any strength at that time. Another reason was that there was no missionary in Southern Rhodesia to compare with the unstable Joseph booth who was the ^7 main cause of the Nyasaland difficulties,'

After the war the movement turned up in Southern Rhodesia and caused the Government some concern, and caused the first debate on the problem in the Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference, But the oroblem of separa­ tist groups among African Christians did not become a major problem until ch the ensuing period.

The Alliance with the State

John White was one of the outstanding missionaries of his time.

Before he retired he began to grow uneasy because he saw that some mission­ aries acquiesced far too easily in a dependence upon the Europeans who had the power and the wealth. He was afraid that in thei mind of the Africans that type of missionary would seem to be taking sides against them. It

^ CNC to P olice, August 21, 1917, and to Treasury, November 7, 1917, CAA, N 3/3/1 A.

^ Shepperson, oj>. cit.

For the sake of curiosity it may be mentioned that in 1917 a representative of "The Star of the East Gaza Zimbabwe Ethiopian Church in A frica"1 asked for permission to enter the Colony, But it was discovered that "The Rev," G.W. Kampsra was living in adultery in Johannesburg, Union of South Africa. Entry into Southern Rhodesia was refused, CAA, N 3/5/i/5, October 9, 1917. 328 was his opinion that nil missionaries ought to be free from suspicion of 59 this kind. He also felt certain that too close an alliance with the adm inistration would be f a ta l and might in the end compromise the C hristian religion itself.^

The famous Anglican missionary to India, C.f7. Andrews, v isite d

Africa in the eariy twenties and to him it was a tragedy that some missionaries had become more and more looked upon by the Africans as part of fcuropean c iv iliz a tio n i t s e l f .

I have been a traveller and observer in most of the provinces of British Africa, south of the Equator, and it has become more and more evident to me that Kuropean missionary enterprise in many quarters has very nearly accepted a compromise with the ru lin g European power, which may vitally obstruct, in the long run, the essential Christian truth from being understood hy the African natives themselves. ^

Historically, however, this argument must not be stretched too far because the earlier missionaries were acceptable to the Mdebele chief not only because of their personal worth but because of their English civilization. The Lozi chief Lewanlka found Francois Coillard acceptable because he did represent western civilization. But during the early history of the country, the circumstances changed somewhat.

There is no doubt in the mind of the present writer that the Govern­ ment grant-in-aid system, which has promoted African education and welfare to a noticeable degree, has also tended to give the missionary a false Bense of power, position and security. The Church in Southern Rhodesia can only

59 C.F. Andrews, John White of Eashonaland, d . 127.

60 Ibid., pp. 159-160.

^ East and West, ±9?k, p . h2. 329 grow in spiritual stature and fulfill its mission if it is thoroughly accepted by the people as i t s very own. I t i s not y e t out of clanger.

A Sign of Growth

It has been suggested that a Christian church should douole itself every ten years, it it would claim to be a normally healthy church. b If2 one looks at the statistical table on church membershic in Appendix H I it will be seen thst measured by this standard the church in Southern Rhodesia does not fail behind. It exhibits signs of healthy growth, for which those who are actively engaged in it are profoundly grateful to Him Who is the

Heed of the Church,

The paEt cannot be ignored nor can change be avoided. So i s l i f e ,

the Church of Christ faces the future in i-outhern Rhodesia, it should learn from the past, be faithful to its high cafling and move forward with courage and in faith.

Summary

From the end of the Rebellions and till 1923, the churches in Southern

Rhodesia had experienced a flourishing growth from practically no members at all to about 35,000 members. This very encouraging growth was due not only to the breaking up of the Ndebele power and the consequent losing of the tribal control but also results from the greater freedom given to the people in personal matters and to the greatly increased missionary activi­ t i e s .

^ Donald Anderson McGavran, The Bridges of God (mew York: The Friendship Press, 1955), p. 109. 330

The missionaries had to face the open and latent African opposition and suspicion, but quite as difficult in the eyes of the missionaries was the unprincipled life led by many of the Europeans. The language barrier and the initial lack of knowledge of the mores of the tribes were also obstacles that were not easily overcome.

Some of the difficult questions which the missionaries had to face in relation to the conversion and Christian nurture of the converts, had to do with bantu customs such as polygamy, lobola, the pledging of young girls in marriage; of these the lobola system proved to be the strongest and most universal.

To overcome these obstacles medical and educational facilities were used, and these too often proved to be the opening through which the

Gospel message could, be channeled to reach the peoDle. A small start had been made along the way to a fully ordained ministry, and the African

Christians had begun to take financial responsibilities for the growing church.

Consequently it must be considered that in the short span of twenty- five years the Church had made rreat strides towards its aim of Christian­ izing the Ndebele and Shona peoples. CHAPTER XI

CONCLUSIONS

When the life and work of the m issionary es of the l a t t e r oart o f

the nineteenth century are considered, there are at least two aspects of

the historical situation which should be kept in mind. The one is the re v iv a l of imperialism in Europe and th e other the unsettled state of the

African interior. Any evaluation which does not take these two into

account cannot do justice to the missionaries and settlers in the Africa

nf the lest century.

When the rirst party of missionaries moved into Matabeleland in

1859, and when John Mackenzie wrote his early le tte rs to the Governor of

Cape Colony, the anti-imperialist sentiment in Great Hritain was s till very strong, and Gladstone was unwilling to acquire new colonies and even

considered that England was burdened with too many of them already. In

Germany and France colonies were considered to be too costly and could easily lead to difficult complications with other powers.

Tn the eighties there was a revival of imperialism not only in

England out also on the European continent. The discoveries and ex p lo ra­ tions of men like Livingstone, Stanley, de Urazza and Schweinfurt had caught the imagination of a growing number of European people. So begin­ ning in I 88 h^ with the German occunation of South West Africa, Togoland

-*■ No specific date for this revival of imperialism can be set, but lflbh-lfldS marked s turning point beoause of the German entry into the colonial field and the Berlin West Africa Conference. 33? and Cameroon, the B erlin West A frica Conference and the o f f i c i a l recogni­ tion by the major powers of the Congo Free State under Leopold IT of

Belgium, the "scramble for Africa" was on. Great Britain, Germany, France,

Portugal and Belgium were the main contenders. It was quite evident that every available area of Africa was going to be claimed by some European power. The only question was by whom? The movement a t the time was irresistible.

The reasons for this explosive expansion have been variously ascribed to a search for markets and raw material, population nressure, prestige, military necessity, religious and humanitarian concern. All of these did without question play a part. When the movement was on, it was not, and could not be, foreseen that the material value of some of the colonies would not measure up to the high expectations, or that the number of Euro­ pean settlers in Africa would be very small compared to the enormous increase in the population in Europe itself and the great number who emigrated to North and South America*

The second point to bear in mind is the confused state of the African interior. The slave traffic had been suppressed on the West Coast but was still very active on the East Coast. The Arab slave raiders moved farther and farther into the interior from the east, and they had reached the great lakes of Tanganyika and Nyasa. The traffic took a heavy toil of the

African population. The slave raiders took advantage of the intertribal rivalry and were able to enlist the assistance of one tribe in carrying out raids on another, which increased the confusion and bloodshed. In areas where there was no slave traffic, like in Southern Rhodesia and South 333

Africa, the migration of the Zulu tribes had the effect of a Vbikerwandfl- rung with annual raids and wars as results. Looking upon this from the point of view of the massive destruction of human life in the two World

Wars, the bloodshed and cruelty was not great. But to the European people of the nineteenth century the situation was deplorable and shocking. Com­ pared to the comparative peace, the growing refinement of European culture and the increased prosperity of industrial Europe, Africa and the Africans appeared barbarous and inferior. That the motives for the European expan­ sion were mixed has already been pointed out, but when the various European powers enlarged upon th e ir c iv iliz in g mission in Africa, they cannot be dismissed as merely insincere and hypocritical.

The missionaries in what >s now Southern Rhodesia, therefore, did not merely accept the British occupation of the country, but regarded it

as beneficial and good. In their eyes it brought order and stability by stopping the Ndebele ra id s on the Shona and also brought stable government in place of Lobengula’c personal and somewhat arbitrary rule* British occupation would also bring new economic activity and a changing life for the people and would in addition make possible the free exercise of reli­ gious activity, which Lobengula had hindered. The British missionaries, naturally, favored a British occupation to that of any other power. They were afraid of a Boer or a Portuguese occupation for religious and poli­

tical reasons. As a matter of fact, the missionaries, without planning it th a t way, had become the vanguards of th e B ritish expansion. They were not in doubt that British government would be a blessing to the people.

On this American, British, French, and German missionaries in Southern 33i»

Rhodesia during the Last two decades of the nineteenth century, were agreed. Un this issue Protestant and Catholic missionaid.es were of one mind.

The m issionaries were rig h t in th e ir assumptions th a t the B ritish occupation brought a good many benefits. The intertribal raids were brought to an end, and the African population increased very rapidly, almost do ud ling itself during the twenty-five years following the end of the Rebellions. Another reason for the increase in the population was the prevention of enidemics and famines, and the beginnings of medical service to the Africans, not only by missionary bodies but also by

Government efforts.

In the same way the African cattle holding increased di.r'ng the

Company rule, and, thereby, grew the African wealth. This increase was partly due to the introduction by the Company of obligatory dipping of cattle. The Africans have a great attachment to their cattle, so this o increase must have been a ataoilizing factor in the African society,1"

With the European occupation, a more diversified economy was introduced which to enterprising Africans, opened up a new opportunity for employ­ ment and tra d e. These new economic developments brought an opportunity to learn new trades and skills. That the missionaries were right in their basic assumption that European occupation would bring in its train a great many blessings can hardly be denied by any impartial observer*

^ At the time of writing (1959/bO) the increase of African-owned livestock has led to overgrazing in some areas. The Government w ill find that the measures of destocking these areas will lead to discontentment, if not unrest, among the Africans. 335

The agreement among the missionaries, however, did not go any further. Some accepted the British South Africa Company as they would have accepted the British government, while others were opposed to the Company and would rather have seen direct Imperial rule. John Mackenzie and Knight-

Bruce never reaLly accepted the Company, while C.D. Helm and JJavid Carnegie welcomed i t .

The missionaries who came to the country at a later date had no reason to take a stand on the question just discussed. The British South

Africa Company had the Koyai Charter and ruled the country, and as such was accepted by the missionaries. But their acceptance in principle did not imply approval of ail the details. Some missionaries, to be sure, like Isaac Shimmin, J.C. H artzeil, and Father Hrestage, for instance, were outspoken in their support of the Company rule, while others took a more discriminating attitude, and directed their criticism to specific issues and speed f ic p o in ts in the policy of the Conpany, Some men lik e Knight-

and John White were pointed and sharp in their criticism. But the missionaries were seldom, if ever, unanimous on any great issue. Not only were there shades of opinion, but there were opposing ones, even on issues th at to us seem simple and c le a r enough, lik e the gun deal which Rudd made with Lobengula and the controversial labor regulations of the earliest period.

C.D. Helm has been criticized for his part in the negotiations of the Rudd Concession, but it is hard to accept such criticism as valid, cir­ cumstances being what they were. No adverse criticisms from missionary sources have been found, and those who have condemned his part in the 336 negotiations > do not seem to have had all the facts before them.^

More contentious was the attitude some of the missionaries took to the War of 1893 against Lobengula, Some came rirht out and supoorted the war, and judging by the attention the newspapers gave to it, their support must have been most welcome to the Company. Also i t must be kept in mind that the telegraph service was controlled by the Company* Hartmann,

Prestage, Sylvester, and Shimnin ail thought that the Company was justified in its war against Lobengula. It is disconcerting to the modern student to find that some missionaries openly supported war as a means of opening the way for the Gospel, Here again one must record that Knight-Bruce refused to sanction the war as inevitable or as a means of spreading the

Gospel. -Some missionaries Like Z. D. Helm and the London M issionary Society secretary in London, K. Wardlaw Thompson, took a more d iscrim inating a t t i ­ tude, hoping th a t even out of such an e v il some good might come. The young

W.J. Willoughby, of the London Missionary Society in Bechuanaland, caused art official enquiry to be held by his open criticism of the official reports of the Victoria incident.

That war was inevitable was by no means a foregone conclusion* It may be argued that Lobengula would not have been able to hold his young indunas in check and that sooner or later they would have brought on war.

It has also been suggested recently that the wdebele economy was essentially a war economy, around which their whole social structure was built, and that, therefore, e clash between the Mdebele and the Europeans was bound to

^ Sugra, 76-81. 337

come, unless the Ndebele changed their whole form of life. But even Ur.

Jameson himself felt that peaceful penetration and 11 co-existence" was possible, and in this he was in agreement with men like C.iJ. Helm.^

If the missionary record during the Ndebele War was not wholly

creditable, their achievement during the Rebellions must be regarded as very high. Their courage, good sense, and Christian charity were manifest

for all to see. They were indeed peacemakers,'* and they proved to the

Africans that they were true friends of the people worthy of their confi­ dence and respect. There is hardly a subject on which the missionary took

a stand which cannot on some point be criticized by succeeding generations, but their record during the sad ■ twenty months that the Rebellions la ste d seems to he outstanding indeed.

When the first turbulent years of the Rhodesian history had passed, there was no problem that the missionaries had to face of greater magnitude than that of land. The uncertainty of the land settlement gave the Africans a feeling of insecurity of tenure. This was an experience entirely without precedent for them. It must be considered unfortunate that the magnitude of the questions raised by the appointment of the 191b Native Reserves Com­ mission was not sufficiently realized by the missionaries until the report was published. For this unsettling circumstances of the First World War may share the blame. But when evidence was being gathered, the mission­ aries did not play the part they could have played, and which they did play

^ Supra, p. /$ £

^ Matthew, 5:9. 339 in 192b. At the time the Clause 1*3 of the Constitution was not up for discussion, so the matter of a final segregation of land was not really before them, although the delim itation of the reserv es, which was regarded as "final", should have warned them about what was to be the p a tte rn fo r the future. John White was regarded by many as a radical friend of the

African people, and some missionaries were not ready to follow his lead.

In the light of today's experience one cannot but regret that the Govern­ ment of the day, both in 19?d (and in l92hj , did not foi Low his suggestion of giving the Africans a larger share of the land. That White was the far-sighted one later events have proved.

The contribution made by the missionaries and the missionary societies in the field of African education was a creditable one. The missionaries opened the first schools for the Africans, persuaded the parents to send th e ir ch ild ren , equipped them and taught them when they came. They further persuaded the British South Africa Company to render them financial support in their educational efforts, and by constant pres­ sure were able to obtain a constantly Increasing amount in grante-in-aid for the schools. They also defended the right of the Africans to an education, be it ever so meagre. They accepted Government inspection of the schools, and were willing to adjust their methods to new ideas which might prove beneficial.

Yet their educational efforts have been seriously questioned from various points of view. Social anthropologists have sometimes maintained that the education given was too unrelated to the life of the people, and therefore destructive. This may well have been, but it is very difficult 339

to see how it could have been otherwise. The anthropoligists were rather

late in coming on the scene with their advice. In fact, before 19lb they

had hardly begun the systematic study of African societies. Furthermore,

it seems that disruption of African society was bound to come with the

increasing contact between the Africans and the outside world. It was

inevitable and the missionary efforts rather softened the destructive process.

The i-uropean s e ttle r s and the Company o f f ic ia ls took an ambiguous

attitude towards the education of the Africans. On the one hand the missionary efforts were regarded as laudable, and on the other hand they were looked upon with uneasiness, because of the uncertainty of the end result. Some missionaries dismissed this objection, but it cannot be

considered as unimportant, especially from the point of view of the Euro­ pean settlers. The missionaries were not out to undermine the authority

of the Government or to work against the real interests of the European

settlers, But it can hardly be denied that indirectly the education intro­

duced and fostered by the missionaries has had as a by-product the growth of self-respect, the longing for independent status and recognition, in

short African self-consciousness and national!sm» The Africans themselves have regarded it as such.^ hot that the missionaries had such an end in

^ Sithole, Mdabaningi, African Nationalism (Cape Town, London, New York: Oxford U niversity Press, T959), pp. 51- 514. The parallel to the ideas prevalent in France before the French Revolution of 1?B9 is very striking. "Throughout the century government administrators had expressed alarm at the spread of education, and even in the Year III (1795) Boissyd'Angles was to fear that education would result in forming 'parasitic end ambitious minorities.' With the doors shut, the idea arose of breaking them down. From the moment the nobility laid claims to being a caste, restricting public office to men of birth, the only recourse was to suppress the privilege of birth and to 'Make way for m erit.1" Georges Lefebvre, The Coming of the French Revolution (Princetoni Princeton U niversity P ress, 19l*7), p. 31*0 view; as has been seen, some o f them frankly denied it. But that it is one of the results of the spread of the Christian education is undeniable.

It is also undeniable that more than anyone else the missionaries have been the promoters of African education.

It is from this point of view that the uneasiness of the European in regard to African education must be understood. They have sensed the dynamic character of the education offered, and they have, therefore, from time to time been desirous of having a greater say in matters pertain­ ing to the education of the Africans. Against this background one must try to understand the cry that sometimes was heard that missionaries should confine themselves to "preaching the Gospel,"

When the Rebellions finally terminated toward the end of i697, the

Europeans stood as conquerors in the African mind, and the missionaries from then on were not what they had been in the time of Carnegie, E lliott and Helm* They w ere now members o f th e conquering and r u lin g r a c e , and as such would command respect, even if they as? individuals might be unworthy 7 of it. For a missionary this could be a dangerous and compromising situa­ tion to be in. The danger was increased by the close alliance with the

Government in the field of education. This could give the missionaries a false sense of security and of importance, and the temptation would be to rely upon these external credentials instead oi‘ upon their being messengers of the Gospel and their personal worth and integrity,

That missionaries did not fail for this temptation would be to

7 It cannot be denied that there were such cases, even if the persons concerned did not remain long in the field. 3bl overstate their case. However, the Africans have on the whole a keen understanding of people, and they made a distinction not only between one white man and another but also between one missionary and another. There are numerous examples of missionaries, men and women of different national­ ities and denominations, who won not onLy the respect but the confidence and love of the African people.

The church in Southern Rhodesia did not have a phenomenal increase in membership during the period under consideration. The number of students in the schools grew much faster than the church membership. Yet, all factors considered, the increase was encouraging, and the slower growth might indieBte a more healthy development. The statistics collected are inadequate, but seem to justify the statement that the church more than doubled its membership every ten years, and that it grew faster than the estimated growth of the African population. The total number of Christians in 1900 was about one pro mi lie of the total African population, while in

1923 it was very close to four percent. That there were weaknesses and unresolved questions wi thin the church was nothing more than could be expected. From what has been written above, it is clear that this con­ siderable growth of the church can omy in part be ascribed to the work, ability, character or devotion of the missionaries themselves. To a large extent the Africans themselves carried the Gospel from village to village.

But many of those who were at first attracted to the church, later on with­ drew or were expelled. In discussing this problem with an older African of some d is tin c t! on, the w rite r asked him how he, knowing th e r e a l i t y o f human failure and shortcoming, could account for the growth of the church. The

African after some thought looked up and said: "It must be because of the

Spirit of God." a p p e n d ix e s APPENDIX A

THE RELIGIOUS IDEAS UF CECIL JOHN RHODES

In approaching this subject the student is faced with a scarcity of material which makes his work exceedingly difficult. Most of Rhodes' biographers touch upon the subject only incidentally, and even after reading nearly all of them, the w riter found the material meager.

The Background

Cecil John Rhodes was born on July 5, 1H53, the son of the vicar at

Bishops Stortlbrd, England,^ and must have received la sting impressions from his home, the school and the church his father served. In his youth he entertained the idea of taking Holy Orders, although it may be doubted if this idea was s till with him by the time he planted cotton in the

Umkomaas V a lle y , N a ta l .J Shortly afterwards when he was in the Transvaal, seeking his fortune in Kimberley, he wrote to his friend, Dr, Sutherland,

Natal, that "I am not a great believer in Churches or Church purposes, in fact am afraid life at College and at the Diamond Fields has not tended to strengthen my religious principles . 11 ^ At that time, at the age of 21,

Rhodes was on his way to wealth. But there seems to be no foundation in

^ Millin, ££. cit., p. 2.

® Philip Jourdan, Cecil Rhodes, His Private Life by His Private Secretary (London, New fork: John Lane Company, 1910), p. 2&5*

^ William Piomer, Cecil Rhodes (London and New lorki Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., 1930)j o. llu

k Michell, o£, cit., Vol. I , p . 56, letter dated May 2b, i87b* 3bU t fact for the statement that he hated the Church.

In 1873 he matriculated at Raleigh College, Oxford,^ and his duties included the study of the book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine

Articles of Religion of the Church of England. There is an interesting story of how General Warren happened to meet Cecil Rhodes, who at the time was virtually unknown, on a postcart traveling towards Kimberley*

Warren was greatly surprised to find the young Rhodes relieving the tedium 7 of the journey by reading the Book of Common Prayer.

According to all accounts Rhodes was fond of reading which included such authors as Charles Darwin, kdward Gibbon, A ristotle, Winwood Keade O and John Rusk in. It is reported that he always carried with him a copy of Meditations by Marcus Aurelius.^ In an interview with Bishop J.C.

Hartzell he said that he had studied all the religions.^ All his reading influenced him and helped him to make up a philosophy of his own.

The B e lie f in Cod

The vicar's son was no convinced Christian, not even a convinced

. . . er hasst die Kirche.” Bernhard Voight, Fiirs gro 3s e re

Vaterland (Hamburg: Deutsches Leben und Sieben Stabe Verlag, 1933)> P * 7.

^ Millin, o£. cit,, d . 27.

? Michell, on. cit., Vol. I, p. b7.

® J. G. Lockhardt, Cecil Rhodes (London: Duckworth, 19U6), p. 29.

^ J. G. McDonald, Rhodes, A Heritage (London: Chatto and WinderB,

19li3), P . 12b.

^ J, C. Hartzell, Four Years of Progress in Africa (Hew York: Missionary Society of tnetfettiodist Episcopal Church, lyUli), p, 26. 3U5 deist. He called himself an agnostic,'*'"*' nut he was not himself sure that the label was the correct one* 12 He believed in a future state, but would not be led any further in his thinking, because the nature of the future life was really unknown in man's experience * If there were a God and

Rhodes were to go before him and answer for his life, he was prepared to 13 "have it out with Him.11 This was in July 1 6 9 6* There does not appear to be any "fear of God" in the biblical sense,^ nor any sense or what Rudolph Otto described as "mysterium tremendum et fasci no sum.T h i s was a proud man's statement, and in this he was prooably influenced by John

Ruskin. "A deeply religious mind"^* would hardly have thought in this fashion. We are not told anything about what kind of personality the God of Cecil Rhodes was, whether he was a God of wrath or a God ot love, Hut he did think or Him as too far removed from man's common life to oe interested in Rhodes personally. 17

In harmony with this rather proud utterance is his blunt statement at the laying of the foundation stone of the Presbyterian Church at

Woodstock, near Cape Town, on July 29, 1N99, that he did "not care to go

^ Michell, 0£ . c i t . , Vol. T I, pp. 176-177*

12 Ib id . 13 Ibid.

Ik Acts, 13:26. Revelation, lk:7.

Lemart Penomaa, "Helig,,f rtordlak Teologirk Uppslagebok, 1952 edition, Vol. I, p. 1262,

I-b Kane, 0£. c it., p. 155, described Rhodes as na deeply religious mind.”

^ The Rhodesia Herald, June 25, 1901, p. 3d, interview with bishop J. C. Hartaell. 3U6 1 R to a particular church even on one day in a year.,,A His absence from

public worship was one of the widely known Tacts oi' his life and was referred to at his funeral by the Archbishop of Cape Town.^

At times he spoke about all great religions as more or less equal.

On July 11, 1897, he Laid the foundation stone of the Wesleyan Church in

Bulawayo, and on that occasion he said that in the religions oi' the

ancient tgyptisns, Zoroaster, Confucius, Marcus Aurelius, and Aristotle 20 he found expressed the same idea, namely that of raising humanity higher.

His agnosticism and his belief in the essential oneness of all

religions do not seem to have been maintained consistently. He is reported 21 to have sa id th a t "the man who says th e re i s no God i s a f o o l," and in no referring to Jesus Christ he usually spoke of "our Saviour .'1 In an

interview with Bishop Hartsefl he said that the religion of Christ was the p'i only one which could meet all the needs of man.

In his personality there was an element of mysticism and nature worship. When he spoke about the great Table Mountain, wherB he had "his

chapel" there was reverence in his statement. He believed in the broadening

16 Mcftonald, o£. c it. , pp. 22^ - 226.

19 Jourdan, oj). c i t . , p . 286 ,

® Michell, ££, cit., Vol. II, pp. 20?-206; These Forty Years. A Souvenir of the Fortieth Anniversary of the Stone laying of the Methodist Church, Bulawayo, pp. 6- 7 ,

21 Le Sueur, Cecil Rhodes, the Man and Hig Work, pp. 38-UO.

22 Ibid.

23 H a r ta e ll, 0£. cit., p. 2 6 ; The Rhodesia Herald, June 25, 1901, p. 3d. 3li7

influence of that mountain; it gave an immense breadth and depth of feeling

to s it on top of the mountain overlooking the Table Bay and the Atlantic 2li ucean. He got more from the mountain than from a service in a church.

In harmony with this love that he had for the Table Mountain is his choice

oi* his own grave in the lonely mountain fastnesses of the Matouos, near

Bulawayo. There one has a very far view.

The "betterment of humanity" was an idea which Cecil Rhodes shared

with his time. Kducation, enlightenment and progress in every field would

elim inate superstition, barbarism and poverty and man would gradually enter

th e m illen iu m , i f he could have time enough.

These ideas Rhodes found expressed in various ways in his reading

referred to above, Aristotle accepted happiness (eudaimonia) as the highest oc of all practical goods at which political science could aim. To the

Stoics, of which Marcus Aurelius was an eminent spokesman, human nature

was necessarily made perfect because it was the work of divine perfection

which could not bring about anything that was in the essence evil. 26

The betterm ent of humanity became for Rhodes one of hie more

idealistic conceptions, and because of what he considered he had done for

th e b e tte rm e n t of mankind he believed he would be able to "have i t out

McDonald, op. c it., pp. 225-226* For comparison see the descrip­ tion by William James in his sixteenth end seventeenth lectures on The V arieties of Religious Kxperienoe, the Swedish edition, Den religibse erfarenheten (Stockholm: P. A, Nordstedt och Sbner, 1923), pp. Ii57-b6ln pd brie S. Waterhouse, The Philosophical Approach to Religion (London: The ^pworth Press, 193b), p, 11,

26 Ibid.. p. UiS. 3b8 with God," if God perhaps should indicate that Rhodes had not been all good,2^ All religions should work for the betterment of mankind,^® and 29 thoughts for the betterment of humanity were religious thoughts.

In his conception of prayer the elements of "mankind's betterment" were blended with mysticism. In a letter in March, 1900, to the Archbishop of Cape Town, he wrote: "T often think that prayer represents the daily expression to oneself of the right thing to do, and is a reminder to the human soul that it must direct the body on such l i n e s . "30 To G eneral

William Booth of the Salvation Army he said: "Prayer is good; it brings before you the duties of the day, pulling one up to face the obligations 11 for their discharge.

His prayer was not communion with a transcendent God, but strictly utilitarian and immanent in its aspect, directed to oneself. When he in the morning rode out with his companions and then rode silently apart, he was thinking what he was going to do during the day, and could say,

"I am really saying my prayers."^ Rhodes' prayer was really not a prayer in the Biblical-Christian sense where prayer is directed to a personally conceived God, but more like prayer in the buddhistic tradition where

Michell, on. cit., Vol. II, pp. 176-177.

28 Vol. II, pp. 205-206.

2° McDonald, aj). cit. , pp. 225-226.

3° Michell, o£. Vol. II, p. 281. Italics supplied.

31 Herbert Baker, Cecil Rhodes, by Hie Architect (London* Oxford University Press, 193li).

32 Ib id . 3119 o r ig i n a l l y b e l i e f i n God was a b s e n t .33 Hie prayer was a form of medita­ tion or self concentration. In Christianity the highest form of prayer is the dialogue with God.3^ dealing with the Bibli cal-Christian form of prayer a German theolog stated: "Dae Gebet , . . 1st der personliche

Verkehr mit dem persbnlichen Gott,"35

Rhodes' religion was pragmatic and utilitarian. He could not have said with the ancient saint: "I seek Thee, Lord, not for what Thou censt give me, but for Thyself alone. Though Thou destroyest me, I still love

T h ee." He co u ld n o t have s a id w ith S t. A u g u stin e: "Ask nothing from

God ex cep t God H im self'.

Religion and bmpire

Rhodes' God was a God of purpose, favoring order, progress, and evolution. God, however, was bound to use individuals and nations to promote his divine purpose. Especially fitted to carry out the purpose of God were the Anglo-Saxon people with their magnificent organization, the British Empire, and the British code of conduct and government. The more of the world the British people inhabited, the better it would be for the human race. The idea of painting the map red from Caoe to Cairo wss only a station on the way to the millennium. Rhodes dreamt of a union of

33 Regin Prenter, "Bon," Nor disk Teologisk Uppslagsbok, 195? edition, Vol. I, p. U95.

3U Ibid.. Vol. I, p. 501.

3^ p. Braun, "Beten, Gebet , 11 Blbllaches Handworterbuch, 192U edition, p . 90.

36 Friedrioh H eiler, Prayer {London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1932), p. 191* 350 all English speaking people^ which would rule the world, uther nations and peoples could exist, but only in a subordinate capacity. The Empire would rule because of its superior economy and the superior moral fibre of the English speaking people. The greatness of England was traceable to the parish church , 39 The vicar's son had come home*

The idee of the divinely ordained expansion of the British Empire was mystical in its conception, a form of pantheism. But Rhodes was not only a mystic but also a realist, a dreamer, and a man of action. He did not doubt that he was the instrument in the hands of God. On August 19,

1891, he wrote to his friend W. Thomas Stead, editor oi the Pall Mall

Gazette: 11. * . but remember I cannot move until I have Eashonaland a success. I wonder whether the Supreme Power will help me to this object

lor it is certainly a disinterested one, or whether out of pure mischief he dooms it to failure.11^ For Rhodes there oonld not be failure unless the Supreme Power was bent on mischief, which was unthinkable. For Rhodes, too, the Idea was a disinterested one because he could conceive of no more excellent way for the progress of mankind than the expansion of the British

Empire. Was not the betterment of humanity the essence of all religion?

The British Empire had a divine mission in the world, and Rhodes was the

3? The Rhodesia Herald, June 2b, 1901, p. 3d, interview with Bishop J.C. Hartzell; ZMR, Vol. II, wo. 17, 1902, p. 9b, Editorial.

Lockhardt, op. c it., pp. 29-31; Andre Maurois, Cecil Rhodes (London: Collins, 1953), p. 52.

39 Michell, qjj. cit., Vol. II, p. lh.

Photoatatic copy of the letter in the Rhodes Collection, CAA. 351 chosen instrument of the Supreme Power as far as Africa was concerned.

In this he found support from one whom he greatly respected and admired, Dr. James Stewart of Love dale. He wrote ten years after the death of Hhodes, when the Rhodes Memorial was unveiled at Rondebosh, near

Cape Town, that Livingstone and Rhodes had been "the complement of each other in fulfilling God’s purpose in Africa."^1 Livingstone was like the

Suffering Servant of the prophet Isaiah,^ but Rhodes was like Cyrus

"bold, able, successful—fulfilling in broad, unfinished outline, perhaps all unconsciously, a more masterful Will than his own , 11 ^

Religion and Education

There were few things that Cecil Hhodes did for which he received more praise than for his system of providing religious education for children in state supported schools.

Within the regular school hours, periods are set aside for religious instruction which iB given by the ministers of the various churches. The students attend the scripture classes of their own choice. No compulsion is exercised, and thore who do not want to take part in any religions instru- tion at all, are given some other subject during those periods. The system worked well in Rhodesia, and ail the various churches made use of their

"right of entry” into the schools.^

^ The Christian Express, August 1, 191?, pp. 121-122, Editorial,

Isaiah, Chapter 53.

^3 The Christian Express, o£. c it., pp. 121-122.

^ Michell, o£. cit. , Vol. II, pp. 29B-299. Speech at St. John's School, Bulawayo, June IB, 1901. 35?

Rhodes had supported a sim ilar system in the Cape Colony in a

speech in support of Jan Hofmeyer in 1882*^ The system appealed to many

outside Rhodesia as a way out of two difficulties. It provided religious

instruction for the young generation, and it gave perfect freedom of

religious choice without conflict or compulsion. It led one Bishop of

The Methodist Church in the United States of America to advocate the

adoption of the system in his own country.^

Rhodes' motive was again the utlLitarian one. Religion was good

as a cementing and elevating force in society, "I must say that experience teaches us that the world prefers religion in its instruction to the young,1' he wired William Milton, the Actninietrator of Rhodesia.^ He maintained that in the school years children should be told that "there is one thing ) H in life better than material instruction and that is religious belief,"

When he laid down the principles guiding the choice of students to be awarded one of the Rhodes Scholar ship e, the most important feature was the formation of character, Rhodes had said that "the only true ideal of character is our Saviour."^9

The idealism in his outlook on Christian education is clearly expressed in his last Will and is one of the outstanding features of his

^ Michell, 0£. cit** Vol. Tt pp. 217-218.

^ James Cannon, Jr.,"C ecil Rhodes and Religious Education , 11 The M eth o d ist Q u a rte rly Review, O ctober 192k, pp. bilj-637.

^ February 9, iB9h. Wire in CAA, the Rhodes Collection.

Michell, o£. cit., Vol. II, p. 299.

k9 Jourdan, P* 287- life. This idealism is evidence that Rhodes "amid a lifetime of tempta­ tions in the midst of political and commercial intrigue, never forgot the

God and Saviour of his father."^

Religion and Charity

Rhodes had a great resoect and even veneration for a number of gn religious leaders and workers. Une of them was James Stewart of Lovedale, another was General William Booth of the Salvation Army of whom Rhodes said! "I quite understand him* he is one of the few. The world does not possess many.'1-^ He also had a high regard for some of the Jesuit priests working in Rhodesia, such as Father Bertheleiny. J

When Frederick Stanley Arnot, founder of the Christian Mission to

Many Lands, at one time was waiting in Cape Town for a steamer, Rhodes invited him to meet him. uf the many questions Rhodes asked was whether the mission in the Garenganze country in worthem Rhodesia could train young men as telegraph clerks, etc., so that they might earn good wages and he useful to the large commercial companies and the European governments.

It was difficult for Arnot to exnlain that the main purpose of the mission ci, was a d ifferen t one.

Hartzell, op. c it., p. 2 6 .

Baker, o£. cit., p. y3.

52 Rhodes to Stead. August 19, 1891 . Photostatic copy of the letter in the GAA, Hhodes Collection.

53 Michell, 0£. c it., Vol. II, p. l53* A religious conversation between Rhodes and Father Bartheleny, S.J. is recorded in Michell, ojo. c it., Vol. II, pp. 176-177.

5^ Krnest Baker, The Life and hxploration of Frederick Stanley Arnot {London: Seeley, 192lT7 p. 2^6. 35h

Rhodes always took a utilitarian view, and the main work of the

missionaries, according to him, was to keep the Africans from strong drink,

teach them useful trades and civilize them. It is, therefore, typical that the religious leaders for whom he developed a liking and respect were

those who had achieved something outstanding in the social and educational

field s, like Stewart of Lovedale and William Booth of the Salvation Ariny.56

He contributed freely to a number of religious organizations and

institutions such as Lovedale,^ the Salvation Army,^ and the Catholic

Sisters of Mercy,^ He also was instrumental in starting the collecting

of funds for the buildi ng of the Anglican Cathedral in Cape Town,^0 and

was always a most generous giver to the Anglican Church.^ As has been

mentioned earlier he also contributed considerably to various missions in

R hodesia,

He kept himself informed of the work and ideals of the various

churches. He astonished Father Barthelemy with h is knowledge of the system

^ Vindex, op, c i t ., p. 162. Speech in the Cape House on the n ative Question, June 23, l8tJ7«

5^ Ibid., pp. 382-383. Speech on the Glen Grey Act, Cape House, July 30, 159U.

^ Herbert Baker, qjj. cit,, p. 93«

Jo u rd an , 0 2 * cit.» pp. 90, 102.

59 Ibid., p, 183 ; Le Sueur, op. c i t . , pp. 38-bO.

B.T. Page, The Harvest of Good Hope CLoriiont Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, I"9lj7)j—p7 75.

Cecil Lewis and U.S. Kdwards, Historical Records of the Church of the Province of South Africa ( London 1 S ociety for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 193k) 1 p. 119. 3$S |LlO the Jesuits used lor training their priests* He also had detailed information about the work of the Salvation Army in Australia and could speak with understanding of the Salvation Army practice of accompanying their religious singing with drums and trumpets.

Rhodes had a deep respect for religion and would not listen to talk against any creed, believing as he did in its necessity for the national w elfare.^ Philip Jourdan, his personal secretary, was with him in the Melsetter district of Southern Khodesia, which had a fairly large population of Afrikanders. One Sunday morning Rhodes stopped Jourdan from going hunting so as not to offend the religious feelings of the Afrikaans© population.6*’

Conclusion

Rhodes was quite convinced of the beneficial influence of religion on the welfare of the community and the state, and did not want the young generation given a godless education. His generous support of the various religious denominations in their educational and social efforts was quite genuine and greatly appreciated by the recipients.

His biographers all agree that he was a religious man, and in a sense that was true. But he was hazy in his belief in God, he refused to jL£ attend public worship, and "his ethical standpoint was not a strict one."

62 Mlchell, o£, c it., Vol. II, pp. 176-177.

^ Jourdan, og. c i t . , p. ?0.

6k McDonald, 0£. cit., p. l£.

Jourdan, 0£. c it., 213-21lu

66 Michell, o£. cit. , Vol. I, p. 307. 356

He was an Idealist in aim, and a cynic in action,^ His use of the phrase

"our Saviour" impresses one as sentiments L and customary, rather than realistic and personal. He considered religion something to be used by the state. He really was above religion, judging it, not being himself judged by religions principles.

The problem of truth in religion hardly existed for him, and he refused to discuss dogma. All religions were alike with a slight pre­ ference Bhown for his own kind. Rhodes had religious feelings rather than religious convictions. He knew nothing of the Pauline concept of making 6ft every thought and action a captive in Jesus Christ.

He appeared to be a stranger to the biblical concepts of grace, justification, sanctification, and he did not show the humility of the creature before the Creator. His religion was a mystical pantheism mainly embodied in the virtues, as he conceived them, of the "master race" the

British people.

This attempt of an analysis of the religious ideas of Rhodes does not imply a judgment on what is, after ail, very scanty evidence of the man's thoughts and faith. The final judgment belongs to God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.

^ Lockhardt, op. d t., p. 67

^ II Corinthians, 10:5. APPENDIX B

STATISTICAL CHART, CHURCH MEMBERSHIP, SOUTHERN RHODESIA

S tatistics of Church membership (communicants) have heen most difficult to find because many churches do not keep regular statistics.

It is, therefore, impossible to make a graphic chart on church membership.

There a re too many gaps.

Some churches keep quite good statistical records from year to year.

Others make estimates occasionally and the student finds them scattered here and there in books or magazines. Others do not keep any stati sties a t a l l .

The figures that have been arrived at have been found in various publications listed below.

The London Missionary Society's figures have been taken from the Society’s Annual Reports for the respective years.

The figures for the Church of the Province of South Africa have been taken from The Report of the Diocesan Synod. 1903* p. 63, and of 1906; the Southern Rhodeaia Quarterly Paper, Vol. CXXX, November L92ht p . 1?.

The Dutch Reformed Church figures have been supplied by Dr. J. van der Merwe.

The figures for The Methodist Church (Wesleyan) have been taken from C. Thorpe, Limpopo to Zambesi, for the year 1920; the figure for 1923 is an estimate by the present writer.

The figures for The Methodist Church (Episcopal) have been taken from the Annual Conference Journals of the respective years.

The figures for the American Board of Commissioners for foreign Missions have been taken from the Annual Reports for the respective years.

Figures for the Church of Christ of New Zealand have been taken from J. Savage, Achievement, pp. 66 and 6 7 .

Statistics for the Brethren in Christ (U.S.A) have been supplied by the Reverend David Climenhaga. 358

The figures for the Church of Sweden have been taken from J.E, noreniua, bland Zuluer och K stranger, Vol. II, p. 2o3-

The figures for the Presbyterian Church of South Africa have been taken from the Annual Journals.

Roman Catholic figures have been taken from the Zambesi Mission Records. Vol. 2, No. 27, 190b, p* U82; Vol. 7, No. 96, 1922, p. 33j Vol. 7, No. 100, 1923, p . 20b. CHURCH STATISTICS, SOUTHERN RHODESIA, SHOWING GROWTH OF FULL MEMBERS (COMMUNICANTS) n •E3 •g Vi P -C 1 m xi o to 0 c , to *> U> O B 8 n n vO n r- O CM O «M t/J & * I V CO CU 1 1 ■s O r— CJN O y CO o q 0 p x: HH rH O H 10 g 5 u m ID O 6 n £ *rl [fi 'E3 d £ H PP ■H O CM o 0 U o B & G s to V ) n 3 O CM CO d - 3 _ 3 _ O co d - N A CM CM n a rH N UN AN (p n3 A an s: ■rl V 'H GO fS Ti ■H 3 T •H V o n to ON ON J o> tUJ c fH tn o O 1—1 to co o a o n E3 o O Q> h i UN co CM CM •o sO ' o 5 ■o ■H P <50 £ 1 & 0 O I— % *1 4* <0 m

n 3-3 < w rH AN O O co aq aq co d - —I p p ~_ OO _ f~ H H rH O s On On s O Jf ® ' « & m •N ® =3 -= co Q H t —I £= w A P £ v •

L CM no 'LA r r— ir> O CA CO UN M 3 - CM — C ■—I n o n a an D O TD V ON ■g S £ O AN 1 4> 0 1 s -q

r 5 -3 no OO C £ *|H V CO -a 5 -d m CM o cd O p O o o 00 QJ 0

) n -d UN N U m CO CM - f UN I CM CM (A CM n a CM O O h *N Pi n n CO rH e l§ •H -P XI O £ CM CM UN O o E o g a LS n N U UN h=J UN UN CM CO AN AN f— CM P- -O H i—li CM AN AN UN O O n •H V P P P -H £> rH rH p P ■H -M B ■C n 0 to

* 0 to HJ E n 10 09 0) 0 ) 6 x: r—1 X! lrl 1—1 q ■H .0 & t_. hp to V u 3 tn q 0 q O G m 4^

1891 Salvation Amgr 1897 South African General Mission

1912 Church of Central Africa (Presbyterian) 359 1891 Seventh Day A d v en tists. 360

APPENDIX C

STATISTICAL CHART SHOWING THE GROWTH IN NUMBER

OF AFRICAN SCHOOLS, SOUTHERN RHODESIA

1st Class 2nd Class 3rd Class Total number Schools Schools Schools of Schools

1901 3 3

1903 h h

1905 3 3

1907 30 30

1909 17 20 h9 86

1910 17 27 66 110

19H

1912 20 29 117 166

1913 193

19 m 2k hU 211 279

1915 336

1917 593

1919 2k 39 607 670

1921 856

1923 3li 52 975 1,061 361

APPENDIX D

GROWTH IN NUMBER OF AFRICAN STUDENTS

SOUTHERN RHODESIA

1901 26£

1906 1,319

1910 9 ,6 7 3

191? 1 3 ,6 6 0

191b 22,ii58

1916 27,776

1916 b l,6 7 b

1920 b3,09b

192? (F\ 335

1923 69,991 363

APPENDIX E

GROWTH IN EDUCATIONAL GRANTS EAHwED BY MISSIONS

SOUTHERN RHODESIA

1901 L 1 3 2 .0 ,0 .

1903 1 3 6 . 1 0 .0

1905 1 7 0 .0 ,0 .

1907 7 8 7 . 0 . 0 *

1909 1 ,7 5 9 .0 .0 .

1911 3»1i6 9 .1 5 .0

1913 11,1*35.0.0.

1915 6 , 6 7 0 . 0 . 0 ,

1917 8 ,6 2 2 ,0 .0 .

1919 0 , 1* 13. 0 . 0 .

1921 1U,137.0.0.

1923 19,1*19.0.0. 363

APPENDIX F

POPULATION STATISTICS, SOUTHERN RHODESIA

Europeans A fric a n s Asiatics Coloureds Total

1901 1 1 ,0 7 0 5 0 0 ,0 0 0 511.070

1905 13,070 622,000 635.070

1910 2 0 ,8 7 0 73k,000 7 5 k ,670

1915 27,3kO 8 2 2 ,0 0 0 1,010 2,020 852,370

1920 32,620 8 5 0 ,0 0 0 1,210 2,000 685,830

1923 35,910 893,000 1,330 2,070 932,310

The above statistics have been taken from O fficial Year Book of Southern Rhodesia, No, k, 1952, p. 13< APPENDIX G

DIVISION OF LAND, SOUTHERN RHODESIA, 1959

European area acres 51,987,000

Native Reserves 21,020,000

Native Purchase area R,052,000

Special Native area 12,87P,000

Forest area 3,190,000

Undetermined area 57,000

Total acreage 97,lfib,000

The figure? have been supplied by the Reverend Herbert Carter, C,B.fc., s e c r e ta r y o f th e S o u th e rn R hodesia C hristian Conference and a member o f the Native Land Poard. 3f>5

APPENDIX H

ABBREVIATIONS

AR -American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions

BSA Co. -B ritish South Africa Company

CAA -Central African Archives

C or Cm or Cmd -Command Papers of the British Parliament

CNC -Chief Native Commi ssioner

CO -Colonial O ffice White Book

HE -DLrector of Education

JSM -Unpublished diaries of John Smith Moffat

LMS -London Missionary Society

MEC - The Methodist Church (formerly the Methodist Episcopal Church)

MMS -The Methodist Missionary Society (London)

NC -Native Commissioner

SPG -Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts

SRMC -Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference

2MR -Zambesi Mission Records 366

APPENDIX I

MAP OF SOUTHERN RHODESIA

SHOWING SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL MISSION STATIONS

The American Board of Cnruni ssionera for Foreign Missions:

1. Mount Belinda 2. Chikore

The Brethren in Christ Church (U.S.A.):

3. Matopo Lu Mtshabenl

The Church of Christ (new Zealand) :

5 . Daday a

The Church of the Province of South Africa (Anglican):

6. St. Augustine's 7. St. Faith’s H. Bonda 6. Cyrene 10. St. Patrick's

The Church of Sweden Mission:

11. Mhene 12. Masaae 1 3 . Qwanda

The Dutch Reformed Church of South Africa:

lU* Morgens te r 15. Pamushana 16. Gutu + The Free Methodist Church (U.S.A.):

17. Lundi

The London Missionary Society:

18* I n y a ti 19, Hope Fountain 367

The Methodist Church (U.K.):

20. F'pwcfr th 2 1 . Waddilove 22. Wedza 23. Marshall Hartley 2h. Tegwatii

The Methodist Church (U.S.A.)!

25. Old Ujntali 26. Mutsmbara 27. Mrewa 2b. hyadiri 2 9. Nyemuzuwe

The Presbyterian Church (Southern Rhodesia):

3 0 . Ntabazinduna

The Homan C a th o lic Churchi

31. Empandeni 32. Chishawasha 33- Gokomere 3U, Monte Casino 35. Triashill

The Seventh Day Adventist Missions!

3 6 . S o lu s i 37. Inyazura

The South Ai'rica General Mission (American and British) :

3b, R u situ

The S a lv a tio n Army:

39* Howard IjO, B rad ley

Government Schools!

lil. T jolot^o 142. Domboshawa U3, Goromonzi *■ a; J d d 1 d w ode

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Fry, Ivor* Reminiscences*

The Grey Collection.

Hale, H. P. Diaries.

The Milton Papers*

The John Smith Moffat Collection.

The Newton Papers.

Pelly, Douglas, Diaries and letters.

The Rhodes Papers.

Sicard, Harald von. Extracts from the Archives of the Berlin M issio n , 1951* Covering th e y e a rs 1887-1892 in Mashonaland. 377

The Shippard Papers,

Waddell, Richard. Diaries,

Watkins, Owen. Diaries of his Journey to Mashonaland in 1891-

Wilson, H, "Matabele". Diaries.

Letters of the following persons:

David Carnegie. Archbishop at Claremont.

J. Cockin. Samuel Edwards.

W. A. Elliott. Charles D. Helm,

H. D. Hepburn, Mrs, C. D. Helm.

G. W. H. Knight-Bruce. Bowen Rees.

William Sykes. A. B. Wookey.

Papers and correspondence related to the 191^ Native Reserves Commission, Administrators File,

T y p e sc rip t o f Documents in Records of th e German C onsulate, Cape Town, 1890-91. Lovemore, Jessie. Thy Beginning. Mimeographed by the Rhodesian Pioneers and Early Settlers Society, December 1956.

A rch iv es o f the London M issionary S o c ie ty :

Outgoing letters of R. Wardlaw Thompson,

Archives of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts:

Minute Books and Journals of the Diocese of Mashonaland.

Archives of the Methodist Missionary Society:

Letters of the following persons:

0 . Brigg. G. Eva.

Isaac Shimmin. J.W. Stanlake,

Owen Watkins. G, Weavind,

John WhitB. 378

Oral Interviews:

Herbert Carter Kenneth Ohoto

Luke Chieza Josiah Chidzilcwe

R, C. G ates. F. L. Hadfield

H. I . Jamies W .J. van d er Merwe

R. Ngonyama, Shr F. B, Rea

Jackson Rugayo E, W* Smith

John M. Springer Job Tsiga.

Matthew Wakatama

B. SECONDARY SOURCES

I. Published Works.

1. Books.

Amery, C. M. The German Colonial Claim. London: W. & R. Chambers, Ltd., 1939

Andrews, C. F. John 'White of Mashonaland. New York, London: Harper Brothers, Publishers, 1935*

Baker, Ernest. The Life and Exploration of Frederick Stanley Arnot. London: S e e le y , 1921*

Baker, Herbert. Cecil Rhodes, by his Architect* London: Oxford Uni­ versity Press, 193^.

Beckmann, Johannes. Die katholische Kirche im neuen Afrika. Einsiedeln, K^ln: Verlagsanstalt Benziger, A. G. & C o., 19W .

Bertranda, Mary. In God1s White Robed Army. The Chronicle of the Dominican Sisters in Rhodesia, 1890-193^- Cape Town: Maskew M iller, 1950.

Birkelie, Fridtjov. Folitikk og Mis.jon. Oslo : Egede-Instituttet, 1952.

Brethren in Christ Church (Rhodesia). Sowing and Reaping. The S tory o f a 'Work o f God in R hodesia, 1 898 -T9&3• Bulawayo: The Rhodesian Printing and Publishing Company, Ltd., 19^. 379

Broomfield, Gerald W. Towards Freedom. Westminster: The Universities' Mission to Central Africa, 1957.

Browne, A.R.L. Here and There with the S.P.O. in -South Africa. West- Minster: Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1917.

Bryant, Arthur, English Saga, 1ch;0-1990. London: Collins, 195h.

Bullock, Charles. The Hashona and the liatabele, Cape Town, Johannesburg: Juta & Company, Ltd., 1950.

Cambridge History of the B ritish Empire, Vol. Vlll. Cambridge, England: The University Press, 193&*

Chambers, Stracey, The Rhodesians, London, Mew York: John Lane, 1900.

C lo e te , S t u a r t . A g ain st These T hree, dew York: Garden City Publishing Company, Inc., 19^+7.

Colquhoun, Archibald Ross. Matabeleland: The War, and our Position in South Africa. London: Leadenhall Press, No date given, but probably 1393*

_ _ _ _ , Dan to Beersheba. London: Heinemann, 1922.

Colvin, Ian. The Life of Jameson, London: Edvard Arnold & Co., 1922. Two volumes,

Coppin, L.J. Through Matabeleland, 1900— 190^. Publisher and date not given.

Culwick, A*T. Good out of Africa. Livingstone, Northern Rhodesia: The Bhodes-Livingstone Institute, 19^2.

Dahlquist, Gunnar. Mftataren bygger. Svenska Kyrkans Mission, 192h-193h, Stockholm: Svenska Kyrkans Diakonistyrelses Bokfjirlag, 193 5-

Davidson, H.F. South and South Central Africa. KLgin, Illinois: Brethren Publishing House, 1915.

De Kiewiet, C.W. A History of South Africa, Social and Economic. Oxford; The Clarendon Press, 19^1.

Du Plessis, Johannes. A History of Christian Missions in South Africa. London: Longmans, Green & C o., 1911.

. The Evangellsation of Pagan Africa. Cape Town, Johannesburg: J.C. Juta & Co., Ltd., 1930.

Egerton , Hugh Edward. A Short History of British Colonial Policy. London: Methuen & C o., 1897. E lliott, A, W. South Africa. London: The London Missionary Society, 1913*

Engle, Anna ft., Alimenhaga, John A., and Buckwalter, Leoda A. There is No Difference. Nappanee, Indiana: E.V. Publishing House, 1950*

Evans, H. St, John T. The Church in Southern Rhodesia, London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 19^5*

Findlay, G.G. and Holdsworth, W.W. The History of the Vfesleyan Methodist Missionary Society. London: The Epworth Press, 1921, Five volum es.

Fort, G. Seymour, A1 fred Beit, London: Ivor Nicholson & B atson, 1932*

Foster, John Batson. The Relations of Diplomacy to Foreign Missions, Sewanes? Tennessee: The University Press, 1906,

Fuller, Thomas E, The Right Honourable Cecil John Rhodes, London: Longmans, Green & Co,, 1910.

Fyfe, H. Hamilton* South Africa Today, with an account of modem Rhodesia. London; Eveleigh Nash, 1911.

Gale, William Daniel. Heritage of Rhodes. London: Oxford University Press, 1950.

______, Zambesi Sunrise. Cape Town; Hnward B, Trimmins, 1958.

Gann, H. Lewis. The Birth of a Plural Society. The Development of Northern Rhodesia under the B ritish South Africa Company, 189*+- 191^. Manchester: Published on behalf of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, by the Manchester University Press, 1958*

Gerdener, G.B.A. Recent Developments in the South African Mission Field. Cape Town, P r e to r ia : N.G, K erk-U itgew ers, 195$*

. The Training of Missionaries for Africa. Pretoria: The Carnegie Corporation V isitorsf Grants Committee, 1935*

Gibbs, Peter. Land-Locked Island. Bulawayo: Philpott & Collins, Ltd., 19 *+?.

. A Flag for the Matabele. London: Frederick Muller, Ltd., 1955*

Goodall, Norman. A History of the London Missionary Society, 1895-19*+5. London, New York, Toronto: Geoffrey Cumberlege, The Oxford University Press, 195*+.

Gordon-Brown, A., editor. The Year Book and Guide to Southern Africa. London: Union-Ca3tle Mail Steamship Company, Ltd., 195^+* 361

Green, J.E.S. Rhodes Goes North. London: G. Bell & Sons, Ltd,, 1936.

Groves, C. P. The Planting of Christianity in Africa. London: Lutter­ worth Press, 19^-1958. Four volumes.

Hailey, Lord. An African Survey. London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1938.

HallstrfSm, Carl-Axel. Axel Liliestrand. Rhodesiamlssionens grundl&ggare. Stockholm, Svenska Kyrkans Diakonistyrelses Bokfflrlag, 1938*

Hamilton, J.A.I.A. The Road to the North. South Africa, 1852-1966. London: Longmans, Green & Co,, Ltd., 1937*

Hancock, A. K. Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs: Vol. I. Problems of Nationality. 1918-193^ Vol. II. Problems of Economic Policy, 1918-1^39* Vol. III. Problems of Economic Policy. London: Oxford University Press, 1937-19^2.

Hanna, A. J. The Beginnings of Nyasaland and North-Eastern Rhodesia, 1859- 95. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 195^

Harris, John H, The Chartered M illions, London: The Swarthmore Press, Ltd., 1920.

______A f ric a . S lave or F re e ? London: S tudent C h ris tia n Movement Press, 1919.

Harris, N. Dwight, Europe and Africa. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Houghton M ifflin Co., 1927.

Hearnehaw, F.J.C. Outlines of the History of the British Isles. London: G.G. H arrap & C o., L td ., 1938*

Heiler, Friedrich. Prayer. A Study in the History and Psychology of Religion. Translation from the German by Samuel McComb. London, New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1932.

Hensman, Ho wal'd. A History of Rhodesia. London, Edinburgh: William Blackwood & Sons, 1900.

Hiller, V. W., editor, A Bibliography of Cecil John Rhodes. Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia: Central African Archives, 1952.

______. Central African Archives, in retrospect and prospect. Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia: Central African Archives, 199-7*

______. A Guide to the Public Records of Southern Rhodesia, under the Regitpe of the B ritish South Africa Company, 1890-1923. Cape Town: Central African Archives in association with Longmans, Green & Company, 1956. 382

Hoare, Rawdon. Rhodesian M osaic. London: John M urray, 1934.

Hole, Hugh Marshall. The Making of Rhodesia. London: Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1926.

. Old Rhodesian Days. London: Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1920.

______. Lobengula. London: Philip Allan Sc C o,, 1929.

______. The Jameson Raid. London: Philip Allan & Co., 1930.

______. The Passing of the Black Kings. London: Philip Allan & Co., 1932.

Hone, Percy F, Southern Rhodesia. London: George Bell & Sons, 1909.

James, A.T.S. Twenty-five Years of the London Missionary Society, 1695- 1920. London; The London Missionary Society, 1923.

James, Henry, Isaac. Missions in Rhodesia under the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1898-1934, Old Umtali: The Rhodesia Mission Press, 1935*

James, William. Den Relig

Jones, Neville. Rhodesian Genesis. Bulawayo; The Rhodesia Pioneers' and Ear ly S e t t l e r s ' S o c ie ty , 1953*

Jourdan, Philip. Cecil Rhodes. His Private Life by his Private Secratary. London, New York: John Lane Company, 1910.

Kane, Nora S, The 'World1 s View. The Story of Southern Rhodesia, London: Cassell & Co. , Ltd., 1954.

Klein, Harry. Stage-Coach Dust. London, Toronto, New York: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd. , 1?3?•

Knight, Edward F. Rhodesia of Today. London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1895*

Konigmacher, S.M. In the Lion Country. Washington, DC.: Review & Herald Publishing Association ,1925*

Kuper, Hilda, Hughes, A.J.B, and van Velsen, J. The Shona and Ndebele of Southern Rhodesia, London: International African Institute, 1955.

Lawyer, Selma Wood, I M arried a M issio n ary . A bilene, Texas: Abilene C h ristia n C o lleg e P re s s , 1943*

Leenhardt, Maurice. Missions and Governments. London: World Dominion Press, 1936. 3H3

Lefebvre, Georges. The Coming of the French Revolution. Princeton: Princeton University Press, I 947 .

Le Sueur, Gordon. Cecil Rhodes. The Man and his Work. London: John Murry, 1913-

Lockhardt, J.G. Cecil Rhodes. London: Duckworth, 194b,

Loram, Charles T. The Education of the South African Native. Mew York, 3ombay, Madras: Longmans, Green & Co., 191?.

Lovell, Reginald Ivan, The Struggle for South Africa, 1875-1899. A S^udy in Economic Imperialism, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934.

Lovett, Richard, The History of the London Missionary Society. 1795-1895. London: Henry Frowde, 1899* Two volumes.

Macdonald, A.J. Trade, Politics and Christianity in Africa and the East. London, New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1916.-

Mackenzie, W. Douglas, John Mackenzie. South African Missionary and Statesman, London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902.

Mackintosh, C. W, Some Pioneer Missions in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Livingstone, Northern Rhodesia: The Rhodes-Livingstone Museum, 1950,

Maclean, Norman, Africa in Transformation. London: James Nisbeth & C o ., Ltd., 1913.

McDonald, J.G. Rhodes - a Life. London: Philip Allan

______, Rhodes - a Heritage. London: Chatto and Windus, 1943*

McGavran, Donald Anderson, The Bridges of God. New York: The Friendship Press, 1955-

Mansfield, Charlotte. Via Rhodesia. London: Stanley Paul & Co. No date given, probably 1911 *

Mason, Philip. The Birth of a Dilemma, London* New York, Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1958*

Mathers, EL P. Zambesia, England's El Dorado in Africa. London: King, Sell A- Railton, Ltd., 1895.

Maughan, R.C.F. Zambesia. London: John Murray, 1910.

Maurois, Andre. Cecil Rhodes. Translated from French by Rohan Wadham. London: Collins, 1953. 3Hb

Merwe, Willem Jacobus van der. The Development of Missionary Attitudes in the Dutch Reformed Church In South Africa, Cape Town: Nasionale Pers SPK,, 193^-

. Willem Jacobus van der. The Day Star Arises in Mashonaland. Lovedale, Cape Province: The Lovedale Press, 1953■

______, Shona Idea of God. Fort Victoria: Morgenster Mission Press, 1957*

______, & Rea, F, B. Fifty Years for God in Southern Rhodesia. Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia: The Southern Rhodesia Missionary Conference, 1953* P am phlet,

Michell, Lewis. The Life of the Right Honourable Cecil John Rhodes, 1 653- 1902. London: Edward Arnold, 1910. Two volumes.

Mikush, Dagobert von. Cecil Rhodes. Der Traum einer W eltherrschaft. Berlin: Vorhut Verlag, Otto Schlegel Gmbh,, 1936.

Millin, Sarah Gertrude, Rhodes. London: Chatto ■* Windus, 1952.

Moffat, Robert Undwin. John Smith Moffat, Mdssionary. A Memoir. London: John Murray, 1921.

Mohr, Edward. To the Victoria Falls of the Zambesi. Translated from the German by N.D!Anvers. London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle & R iv in g to n , 1676 .

Muller, H.P.N. Land und Volk Zwischen Zambesi und Limpopo. Giessen: Emil Roth, T395.

Nielsen, Peter. The Black Man13 Place in South Africa, Cape Town, Johannesburg: Juta & Co., Ltd., 1922.

Norenius, J.E, Bland Zuluer och Karanger. Stockholm: Svenska Kyrkans Diakonistyrelses 3okf?rIag, 1925* Two volumes.

Ogilvie, James Hieoil. Our Knpire1 s Debt to Missions. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 192^7

Oliver, Roland. The Missionary Factor in East A frica. London, New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1952.

Outerbridge, Leonard M. The Lost Churches of China. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press. No date given, probably 1952,

Page, Brian Tindall. The Harvest of Good Hope. London: Society for Prom oting C h r is tia n Knowledge, 19^7.

Pascoe, C. E, Two Hundred Years of S.F.G. London: Society for the Propa­ gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1901. 35$

Pa ton , David M* Christian Missions and the J udgment of God. London; Student Christian Movement Press, 1953-

Paulin, Philip. En skantng i Afrikas djungel. Stockholm; Albert Bonniers F/rlag, 1950 >

Paver, B. G. Zimbabwe Cavalcade. South Africa: Central 'Jews Agency, 1950*

Phillips, J.B. Letters to Young Churches. New York; The Macmillan Company, 1952.

Plomer, William. Cecil Rhodes, London, New York: Thomas Nelson & Sons, L t d .,1 9 3 3 -

Posselt, F.W.T. Fact and Fiction. A short Account of the Natives of Southern Rhodesia, Bulawayo: The Rhodesian Printing & Publish­ ing Co,, Ltd., 1935-

______, Upengula the Scatterer. Bulawayo: The Rhodesian Printing & P u b lish in g Co., L td ., 19^5*

Savage, Murray J. Achievement. Fifty Years of Missionary Witness in Southern Rhodesia. New Zealand: Published by H.H. and A.W. Reed for the Foreign Mission Executive Committee, Associated Churches of Christ, 19^9.

Schiffers, Heinrich. The 3uest for Africa. Translated from the German by Diana Pyke. London: Odhams Press Limited. No date given, probably 1957 *

Schlosser, Katesa. Singeborenenkirchen in Stid-und Stidwest-Afrika. Kiel: Kommission3verlag Walter G. Mtthlau, 1953.

Schreiner, Olive. Tropper Peter Halket of Mashonaland. Boston, Massachusetts; Roberts Brothers, 189?.

Seaver, George, David Livingstone, his Life and Letters. London: Lutterworth Press, 1957.

Sicard, Harald von. F^regangare i Rhodesia. Missionsfore^k pa 1800- talet, Stockholm: Svenska Kyrkans Diakonistyrelses Bokfjirlag, 19^ . Sithole, Ndabaningi. African Nationalism. Cape Town, London, New York: Oxford University Press, 1959.

Smith, Edwin W, The Way of the White Fields in Rhodesia. London: World Dominion Press, 1928.

The Mabllles of Basutoland. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1939.

* * Knowing th e A fric a n . London, R e d h ill: U nited S o ciety fo r Christian Literature, Lutterworth Press 19^. 366

Smith, Edwin W. The Life and Times of Daniel Lindley. London:. The Epworth P r e s s , 19^+9 -

The Blessed M issionaries. Cape Town, London, New York; Oxford U n iv e rs ity P re s s , 1950*

______, editor, African Ideas of God. London: Edinburgh House Press, 1950.

Spender, J.A* Great B ritain, Empire and Commonwealth, 1886-1935. London, Toronto, Sydney} Cassell & Co., Ltd., no d a te giv en , (1936)

Stewart, James. Dawn in the Dark Continent. Mew York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1903.

Strong, W. E. The Story of the American Board. Boston, New York, Chicago: The Pilgrim Press, 1910.

Sundkler, Bengt. Bantu Prophets in South Africa, London: Lutterworth P r e s s , i W T

Tanser, G. H. Founders of Rhodesia. Cape Town: Geoffrey Cumberlege, O xford U n iv e rs ity P re s s , 1950.

These Forty Years. A Souvenier of the Fortieth Anniversary of the Stone- laying of the Methodist Church, Main Street, Bulawayo.

Thorpe, Clarence. Limpopo to Zambesi. Sixty Years of Methodism in Southern Rhodesia. London: The Cargate Press, 1951.

Townsend, Mary E v e l y n , The Rise and Fall of Germanyfs Colonial Empire. 188^-1918. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1930.

Toynebee, Arnold. A Study of History. Abridgement by D.C. Somervell. Mew York, London: Oxford University Press, 1947-1957* Two volumes.

______. An H istorian^ Approach to Religion, London, New York, Toronto: O xford U n iv e rs ity P re ss , 1956.

Turner, W. J* Barnard. A Record of Salvation Amy Work in South Africa, 1883-1933. Johannesburg, 1933*

Ussing, Henry. Evangel lets Se.irsgang. K^benhavn: G.E.C. Gads Forlag, 1924,

Voigt, Bernard. Ftirs gr^ssere Vaterland. Der Lebenstraum des Cecil Rhodes. Hamburg: Deutsches Leben und Sieben St&be Verlag, 1933*

Walker, Eric Anderson, The Great Trek. London: Adam & Charles Black, 1938*

______. A History of Southern Africa. London, New York, Toronto: Longmans, Green & C o ., 1957* 3P7

Wallis, J.P.R. One Man's Hand. The Story of Sir Charles Coghlan and the Liberation of Southern Rhodesia. London: Longmans, Green & C o., 1950.

W arren, M.A.C. C aesar, th e Beloved Bnerny. C hicago, I l l i n o i s : Alec R. Allenson ,Inc., 1955.

Waterhouse, Eric S. The Philosophical Approach to Religion. London: The Epworth Press, 1933-

Wells, James. The Life of Jaroos Stewart. London: Hodder & Stroughton, 1908 .

Westermann, Diedrich. The African, Today and Tomorrow. London: Published for the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures, by the Oxford University Press, 1939.

Williams, Basil, and Mauk, Mariellies. Stidafrika. Berlin: Safari Verlag, 1939* Two volumes,

Williams, Basil. Cecil Rhodes. London: Constable s.- Co., Ltd., 1921.

W ills, W. A. and Collingridge, L.T. The Downfall of Lob eng ul a. Cape Town: The Argus Company, Ltd., 1899,

Willoughby, W. C, The Soul of the Bantu. Garden City, Hew York: Double­ day, Doran 1 Co., Inc., 1928.

. Uature-Worshlp and Taboo. Hartford, Connecticut: The H a rtfo rd Seminary Press, 1932.

Windram, Foster. Night Over Africa. London: Victor Gollanca, Ltd., 1937.

Wood, Michael Henry Hansel. A Father in God. The Episcopate of William Wets Jones, D.D., Archbishop of Cape Town and Metropolitan of South Africam 1374-190°. London: Macmillan & Co., 1913*

Worsfold, William Basil. Mouth Africa. A Study in Colonial Administration and Development. London: Methuen & Co., 1897*

2. Periodicals.

Africa. Journal of the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures. 1918-1938; 1943-1944; 1943-1952.

African Affairs. Journal of the Royal African Society, 1901-1994.

A frican Hews. 1889-1891.

African Studies (Successor to Bantu Studies), 1942-1949. 388

African World, 1905-1908.

Bantu Studies (Succeeded by African Studies), 1921-1941.

Illustrated Christian World, 1385-1898*

International Review of Missions, 1912-1958.

Nordisk M issions-Tidsskrift, 1907-1941.

Norsk Tidsskrift for HIs.j on, 1947-1958.

Svensk H issionstldskrlft. 1914-1953*

The Church Missionary Gleaner, 1888-1925*

The Church Missionary Intelligencer and Record, occasional numbers.

The Church Overseas. 1928-1934,

The Missionary Herald, 1335-1909; 1911-1925,

The Missionary News, occasional numbers.

The Missionary Review of the World, occasional numbers.

The Methodist Quarterly Review. 1924.

Universal Brotherhood. Supplement to The Chronicle of the London Missionary Society, 1914 only.

World Dominion, 1923-1942.

World Outlook. 1915-1920.

World Wide M issions, 1893-1910.

3. Periodical Articles.

Afrikander. "Cecil Rhodes-Colonist and Im perialist , 11 The Contemporary Review, pp. 374-390. Vol. 6 9, 1896.

A, W. "The libcpulsion of Nkulumane,11 Nada, pp. 93-95* Ho. 13. 1935.

Bazely, W. Selwyn. "First Principles of Native Policy," Nada, pp. 4?-51. No. 13, 1935.

Bevan, E.W. "The Education of Natives in Pastoral Pursuits , 11 Nada, pp. 34-37, No. 17. 1940. 389

Blake, John William, "The Study of African History," Transactions of the Royal H istorical Society, Vol. XXX.II.

Boos, A. "The S pringtim e o f the Mashonaland M ission , 11 Zambesi Mission Records, pp. 121-12?. Vol. I, 1393.

Burbridge, A. "In Spirit-Bound Rhodesia," Hada, pp. 20-32. Ho. 16, 1939.

Cannon, J., Jr. "Cecil Rhodes and Religious Education," The Methodist Quarterly Review, pp. 634-637, October, 1924,

Carbutt, C,L, "A Brief Account of the Rise and Fall of the Matabele , 11 Nada, pp. 38-44. Ho. 25, 1948.

Chari Gwati to J.E.S.T. "Native History of S a lisb u ry Nada, pp. 1?.19. Ho. 16, 1939.

A China Missionary. "First Thought on the Debacle of Christian Missions in C hina , 11 International Review of Missions, pp. 411-420. Vol. XL, October 1951.

Cripps, A. 3. "The Dispossession of the African," East and West, pp. 211- 226. July, 1922.

E.H.8 . "Notes on the Matabele Occupation of Southern Rhodesia," Hada, pp. 14-17, Ho. 13. 1935.

F, J. "Father Feter Prestage, 3.J.," Zambesi Mission Records, pp. 29-34; 68-73. Vol. Iv/1910.

Gillet, H. "The Pioneer Capital of Rhodesia," Zambesi Mission Records, PP. 343-353. Vol. XI, 1904.

Hammond, H.E.D. "Special Reports on Educational Subjects in British Africa, Southern Rhodesia, 1890-1901," pp. 147-168. Cd. 2378.1908.

Hole, H. Marshall. "Rhodesian Natives and the Land," reprinted from Ways and Means, July 3* 1920.

Hutchinson, Bertram. "Some Social Consequences of Nineteenth Century Missionary Activity Among the South African Bantu," Africa, pp. 160-175. Vol. XXVII, No. 2, April 1957.

Jarvis, Alexander Weston. "Cecil Rhodes and the Raid," United Empire, pp. 593-595. Vol. 25, 1934.

Jowett, L.V. "Mashona Background , 11 Nada, pp. 110-11?. Ho, 35* 1958.

Homan Nescio. "History of the Zambesi Mission," Zambesi Mission Records, Vol. I, 1898, pp. 49-52. Vol. I, 1899, pp. T34-139. Vol. II, 1904, pp. 395-397. Vol. Ill, 1907. p p . 233-239. Vol. Ill, 1906, pp. 253-259; PP. 392-399; pp. 438-439. Vol. Ill, 1909, pp. 556-559* 390

Pitout, J.A. "The Arrival of the Mandebele in Southern Rhodesia as told by Siatsha," Nada, pp. 57-58. No. 30, 1953.

Posaelt, F. "Native Education , 11 Hada, pp. 99-106. No. 16, 1939.

A Retired Missionary. "The Prospect in China," International Review of Missions, pp. 204-206. Vol. XL, April, 1951.

Richards, John 3. "The Mlimo-belief and Practice of the Kalanga," Nada, PP. 52-55* Ho. 19, 199-2.

Sicard, Harald von. "Apartheids-Principen i Rhodesias Lutherska Kyrka," Svenska Kyrkans M issionstyrelses Arsbok, 1950, PP* 45-55*

Shepperson, George. "The Politics of African Church Separatist Movements in British Central Africa, 1892-1916," Africa, pp. 233-246. V ol. XXIV, No. 3, 1954.

Stead, Christina. "The Education of Primitive Peoples," Nada, pp. 84-92. No. 13, 1935-

Summers, Ror'er. "Karl Hauch on Zimbabwe Ruins," 1-Jada, pp. 9-17. No. 29, 1952. Sykes, R. "Protestant Missionary Activity in South and Central Africa," Zambesi Mission Records, pp. 11-15. Vol. I, 1898.

"The Duty of the Strong," Zambesi Mission Records, pp. 457-460. Vol. V, 1917*

Viator, "A Visit to Chishawasha," Xambasi Mission Records, pp. 22-26, Vol. I, 1898.

Wilson ,N.H. "Native Political Movements in Southern Rhodesia," Nada, PP. 17-19. No. 1, 1923*

4. Encyclopedia Articles.

Braun, P. "Beten, Gebet," Biblisches Handwgirterbuch, Paul Zeller, editor. Stuttgart, 1924, pp. 90-93.

Encyclopedia of Missions, "Relations of Missionaries to Government," pp. 270-273* "International Service of Missions," pp. 334-339, Second edition, New York, London, 1904.

Kringla Heimsins. "Heks," tfol. III. Wollert Keilhau, editor. Oslo, 1932.

Murray, Margaret Alice, "Witchcraft," Encyclopedia Pritannlca, Vol. XXXII, pp. 686-683. 195^ e d itio n . 391

Pinoman, Lennart. nH e lig ," Nordisk T eologisk U ppslagsbok, Vol. I , pp. 1260- 1266. 195? e d itio n .

Prenter, Hegin. Uordisk Teologisk Uppslagsbok, Vol. I, pp. 9-9^--50^. 1952 e d itio n .

II. Unpublished Manuscripts.

Dornan, S. S. After ten Years. typewritten Manuscript, 191?. Dealing with the London Missionary Society in Southern Rhodesia. loodlow, Tobert Jesley, Jr. Missionaries as Transioitters of .Vestern C ivili­ zation in Nineteenth Century Africa. Ph.D. Thesis, University of St. Andrew’s, Scotland, 1955*

Matthews, Harold S., compiler. Lessons to be Learned from the ifxperlencas of Christian Missions in China. A Study made Linder the Auspices of the Research Committee of the Division of Foreign Missions of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the United States of America, August 31, 1951 <

Thompson, Victor. Delayed Harvest. Mashonaland, 1891-1396. The story of the Salvation Army in Southern Rhodesia. Salisbury: Mimeo­ graphed for private circulation only, 1957 .