ABORIGINAL LAND USE HISTORY

OF THE AREAS BEING CONSIDERED FOR SEA BREEZE VICTORIA

CONVERTER CORPORATION’S

PROPOSED JUAN DE FUCA CABLE

Prepared for:

Sea Breeze Victoria Converter Corporation

&

The Nation

Prepared by: Dr. Dorothy Kennedy and Randy Bouchard Bouchard and Kennedy Research Consultants Victoria,

5 June 2006

TABLE OF CONTENTS

1.0 INTRODUCTION...... 1

1.1 Scope and Objectives ...... 1

1.2 Report Organization ...... 2

1.3 The Study Area ...... 2

2.0 SUMMARY OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE AREA . 4

2.1 First Contact Between Europeans and the Local Aboriginal People ...... 4

2.2 Arrival of the Hudson‘s Bay Company ...... 5

2.3 Alienation of Lands in the Esquimalt Harbour Region by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company ...... 7

2.4 Initial Alienation of Lands in the Esquimalt Harbour Area for the Royal Navy‘s Use .... 11

2.5 The Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway Company‘s Right-of-Way ...... 13

3.0 IDENTITY OF THE ABORIGINAL OCCUPANTS OF SOUTHERN ...... 16

3.1 Identity of the Aboriginal Occupants ...... 16

3.2 The ...... 17

3.3 Lekwungen Local Groups‘ Association with the Study Area ...... 20

4.0 ABORIGINAL USE OF THE JUAN DE FUCA CABLE ROUTE ...... 21

4.1 Lekwungen Settlements and Resource use in the Vicinity of the Proposed Cable Route 21 4.1.1 Macaulay Point to Craigflower ...... 21 4.1.2 The Gorge and Craigflower ...... 26 4.1.3 Portage Inlet ...... 27 4.1.4 The Highlands ...... 28

5.0 A FEW REMARKS ON THE ABORIGINAL CULTURE OF THE LEKWUNGEN .... 30

5.1 Subsistence Quest ...... 30

5.2 Lekwungen Need for Wilderness ...... 32

6.0 SUMMARY ...... 35

ADDENDUM—NOVEMBER 2010 ...... 37

2.1 First Contact Between Europeans and the Local Aboriginal People ...... 37 Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 1

1.0 INTRODUCTION

In November 2005, Sea Breeze Converter Corporation invited the Esquimalt Nation to provide information concerning their aboriginal use and occupancy of the areas being considered for the placement of Sea Breeze‘s Juan de Fuca Cable. The Esquimalt Nation requested that Bouchard & Kennedy Research Consultants undertake research relating to the aboriginal presence in these areas and convey the results of that research in a report. The present report presents the findings of this research.1

1.1 Scope and Objectives Sea Breeze Victoria Converter Corporation submitted a CPCN application to the National Energy Board on 30 November 2005 (Hearing Order EH-1-2006). As part of the regulatory requirements of this application, Sea Breeze initiated consultation with the Esquimalt Nation regarding their aboriginal use and interests in the proposed route of the Juan de Fuca cable. This report contributes to this consultation on behalf of the Esquimalt Nation. The objective of this report is to provide a review of the known and available published and unpublished ethnographic, linguistic and ethnohistorical literature relating to Lekwungen2 land use – and particularly Esquimalt Nation land use – in areas between Macaulay Point and the environs of Pike Lake, along the proposed route for Sea Breeze‘s Juan de Fuca cable. This review and assessment is based exclusively on archival and library research, including a review of previously-compiled and available ethnographic accounts. No new interviews with Lekwungen people have been undertaken. Also included in this review is historical documentation that is deemed pertinent within or adjacent to the study area. While most of the documentary materials were already on file with Bouchard & Kennedy Research Consultants, due to their on-going research on behalf of the Esquimalt Nation, a limited amount of additional research was undertaken, at the following institutions:

1 Institutions where Bouchard and Kennedy have undertaken research on behalf of the Esquimalt Nation over the past 11 years include: British Columbia Archives, Victoria; Hudson‘s Bay Company Archives, Provincial Archives of Manitoba, Winnipeg; National Archives, London, England; and, Hydrographic Office, Ministry of Defence, Taunton, England.

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British Columbia Indian Language Project (Bouchard & Kennedy) Archives, Victoria;

British Columbia Archives, Victoria;

Royal British Columbia Museum, Victoria;

Esquimalt Municipal Archives, Esquimalt;

Crown Land Registry Vault, Surveyor General Division, Land Title and Survey Authority, Victoria; and

University of Victoria Library.

Additionally, the authors were assisted by personal communication with the following individuals having knowledge of the area and/or the documentary sources: Chief Andy Thomas, Esquimalt Nation;

Grant Keddie, archaeologist, Royal British Columbia Museum;

Dave Parker, archivist and historian, Esquimalt Municipal Archives;

Sherri Robinson, local historian and former archivist, Esquimalt Municipal Archives.

1.2 Report Organization This report is divided into five sections. Section 1.0 outlines the scope and objectives of the study and sets out the study area. Section 2.0 provides a brief summary of the early history of the Victoria area, including the arrival of Europeans in the 1790s and the establishment of the Hudson‘s Bay Company‘s Fort Victoria in the 1840s. Section 3.0 identifies the aboriginal people who used and occupied southern Vancouver Island. Section 4.0 examines the aboriginal people‘s specific use of the lands in the vicinity of the proposed cable route, and Section 5.0 provides an overview of aboriginal land use and occupancy. Section 6.0 provides a summary of the report. As the source materials used are identified in the footnotes, no separate list of references is provided.

1.3 The Study Area The present report focuses on the route(s) proposed for the Juan de Fuca cable. In general terms, the study area lies between Fleming Beach west of Macaulay Point in Esquimalt, where the cable

2 ―Lekwungen‖ refers collectively to the Esquimalt Nation and First Nation together (see section

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 3 will connect with Vancouver Island, and the environs of Pike Lake/Munn‘s Road in the Highland District of the Town of . More specifically, two routes were initially proposed within this study area. Both routes proceed north from the foot of Lampson Street, northwest along Craigflower Road and, in the initial application, continue along the Old Island Highway to a point about .3 kilometres northwest of Helmcken Road. From this location, the more westerly route proceeds in a northwest direction to Burnside Road, where one potential route then proceeds up Highland Road to the site of a proposed HVDC Converter Station situated east of Pike Lake. Another leg of this route extends from Burnside Road along Creed Road and joins a more eastern route that runs along the western boundary of Francis King Regional Park to the area of Munn‘s Road. Since the initial application, Sea Breeze has proposed a route amendment for Section 16. The proposed change applies to the portion of the route between Burnett Road and the Old Island Highway, with the amendment relocating the cable to a trench adjacent to the south side of the E&N Railway line.

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2.0 SUMMARY OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE ESQUIMALT HARBOUR AREA

This section provides an overview of the human history of the Esquimalt Harbour area. It begins with a review of the first contact between the local aboriginal people, the Lekwungen, and European traders who entered Juan de Fuca Strait in the early 1790s. This is followed by a summary of the Hudson‘s Bay Company‘s establishment of Fort Victoria in 1843, and a brief description of the events leading up to the 1850 treaty with the Lekwungen local groups. Additionally, this section reviews early land alienation in the Esquimalt Harbour area.

2.1 First Contact Between Europeans and the Local Aboriginal People In 1790, the Spanish expedition of aboard the Princesa Real entered Juan de Fuca Strait. The locations of a few villages were noted as well as some of the aboriginal people‘s activities. Writing to the Viceroy, Quimper reported how he had found Esquimalt Harbour – or what he called ―Puerto de Córdova‖ – to be ―a fine port sheltered from all winds with a good bottom and capable of holding some vessels of any size.‖3 Fresh water was available and without opposition from the indigenous people, Quimper procured both water and a new spar for his ship. While anchored outside the harbour, Quimper observed three San Juan Island canoes laden with what appears to have been camas bulbs coming from the harbour.4 This port, like neighbouring harbours, abounded in animals and birds, including ducks and cranes [heron], while fish were not plentiful. The only indigenous name recorded for any place within this area was the term ―Chachimutupusas‖ applied to Esquimalt Harbour, but this term is now not recognizable.5 Other Spanish explorers also contributed descriptions of Esquimalt Harbour at first contact. On the 29th of May 1791, another Spanish expedition, the Franciso Eliza expedition with Juan Pantoja y Arriaga, entered Esquimalt Harbour, and again encountered aboriginal people. 6 Few historical documents remain from explorers or traders who may have encountered the local aboriginal people between the first years of exploration in the early 1790s and the establishment

3 Henry R. Wagner 1933. Spanish Explorations in the . Fine Arts Press: Santa Ana, California. Page 79. 4 Wagner 1933:118. 5 José Espinoza y Tello 1791. Relacion del viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el año de 1792. Translated by G.F. Barwick. BCA, A/A/20/E56. Page 38. 6 Donald C. Cutter 1991. Malaspina & Galiano: Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast, 1791 & 1792. Vancouver, BC and Seattle, Washington: Douglas & McIntyre and University of Washington Press; John Kendrick and Robin Inglis 1991. Enlightened Voyages: Malaspina and Galiano on the Northwest Coast, 1791-1792. Foreword by Donald Cutter. Vancouver, BC: Vancouver Maritime Museum Society; Cecil Jane 1930. A Spanish Voyage to Vancouver and the Northwest Coast of America. London: Argonaut Press.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 5 of Fort Victoria in the early 1840s. Yet documentary records describing other parts of the coast indicate that this time was a period of intertribal hostility, largely provoked by the Lekwiltok from northeastern Vancouver Island who killed, enslaved or plundered those to the south of them. A map prepared in 1842 indicates that aboriginal villages situated at Plumper Bay in Esquimalt Harbour and on were fortified against attacks.7 It is likely other Lekwungen villages, not noted in the historical records, were occupied at this time, as well.

2.2 Arrival of the Hudson’s Bay Company The Hudson‘s Bay Company in the early 1840s closed several fur trading posts on the north coast, preferring instead to have furs collected by the steamship Beaver under the command of Captain McNeill. At the same time, losses and delays caused by the treacherous bar required the Company to consider relocating its Fort Vancouver post to a safer location. McNeill‘s 1837 reconnaissance of the southern end of Vancouver Island found that the area offered several good harbours, the best of which was the area now known as Victoria Harbour. The move north became more attractive with the growing threat of war between the United States and Britain, and HBC Governor George Simpson sent orders to find the site for a depot on Juan de Fuca Strait. In the summer of 1842, James Douglas aboard the Cadboro made a second, more detailed examination of the area and confirmed McNeill‘s assessment of Victoria Harbour‘s suitable location. A ―perfect Eden, in the midst of the dreary wilderness of the north west coast,‖ was how Douglas described ―Camosack,‖ the name for the general area chosen for the new HBC post, which was established in 1843, and later named Fort Victoria.8 The nearly six square miles of plains that could be used for tillage and pasture lands, in addition to the safe harbour, abundant timber and potential water power made the site ideal. Located on Victoria Harbour‘s waterfront at the foot of what is now Fort Street, the HBC‘s Fort Victoria began with plans for a collection of eight buildings within a 330 X 300 foot quadrangle.9 The new fort‘s first Chief Trader, John Ross, died after less than a year in this position and Roderick Finlayson took over in 1844.10 James Douglas was the establishment‘s Chief Factor. Throughout the early 1840s Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River faced increasingly anti-

7 Adolphus Lee Lewes 1842. Ground Plan of Portion of Vancouvers Island Selected for New Establishment taken by James Douglas Esq. Hudson‘s Bay Company Archives (HBCA), Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM), Winnipeg. G.2/25. 8 G.P.V. Akrigg and Helen Akrigg 1975. British Columbia Chronicle 1778 – 1846. Vancouver, BC: Discovery Press. Vol. I, pp. 312-357. 9 Fort Victoria 1843-1861. British Columbia Provincial Museum, Modern History Exhibits brochure, n.d. 10 Roderick Finlayson 1891. Biography. British Columbia Archives (BCA), Victoria. NW 971.1vi/ F512. Pages 10- 12.

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British sentiments that threatened its operation and finally left it within American territory.11 The 15 June 1846 Treaty of Washington between Britain and the United States divided the northwest coast and assigned to Britain the area of Vancouver Island and the mainland north of the 49th parallel and south of Russian America. Fort Victoria became the main seat of the HBC presence on the coast, as Britain lost the lands north of the Columbia. In 1849, Britain granted Vancouver Island to the Hudson‘s Bay Company for a period of years, along with specified conditions. In the spring of 1850, Richard Blanshard arrived in the new Vancouver Island colony to take up his position as Governor,12 but resigned after only a year, following which James Douglas held the joint position of Governor and Chief Factor. It was in Douglas‘ role as HBC Chief Factor that he first wrote to HBC Secretary Archibald Barclay and recommended that the lands of the local aboriginal peoples be purchased, in the interests of both justice and harmony. In April 1850 James Douglas made a series of treaties – often referred to as the ―Fort Victoria Treaties‖ or ―Douglas Treaties‖ – with groups he identified as the six ―families‖ or ―tribes‖ comprising the ―Sangees‖ (i.e. Songhees or Lekwungen) people who, according to Douglas, owned the lands between ―Gordon Head on Arro [Haro] Strait to Point Albert [Albert Head].‖ Each of these treaties associated a named group of Lekwungen – the ―Teechamitsa,‖ ―Kosampsom,‖ ―Swengwhung,‖ ―Chilcowitch,‖ ―Whyomilth,‖ and ―Chekonein‖ – with a discrete area (see also section 3.2). Portions of lands associated by the 1850 Douglas Treaties with three of these groups are within the areas being proposed for the Juan de Fuca cable route: lands on the northwest corner of Esquimalt Harbour and extending north to include the Highlands were associated with the ―Whyomilth‖; lands on the north and east sides of Esquimalt Harbour, including most of the Gorge and Portage Inlet and areas to the north, were associated with the ―Kosampsom‖ (anglicized in the present report as ―Kosapsum‖); and lands situated to the southeast of the Kosapsum that embraced Victoria Harbour were associated with the ―Swengwhung.‖13 By the time of the April 1850 treaties, the Hudson‘s Bay Company‘s Fort Victoria operations had already expanded into the Esquimalt Harbour region. In 1848, a sawmill located near the mouth of what is now known as Mill Stream, at the head of Esquimalt Harbour, began producing

11 Akrigg and Akrigg 1975:I:395-406. 12 Commission and Instructions to Richard Blanshard, July 1849. National Archives, London, England. Colonial Office 381/77, pp. 23-74. 13 Because of the ambiguity of the 1850 treaty descriptions setting out the territories of the ―Kosampsom‖ and ―Swengwhung,‖ it is unclear precisely which local group the treaties associated with the Macaulay Point area. See Grant Keddie 2003. Songhees Pictorial: A History of the Songhees People as Seen by Outsiders, 1790-1912. Victoria: Royal BC Museum. Page 48. Keddie indicates his uncertainty about which Lekwungen group was associated with Macaulay Point and its environs by using a question mark on his sketch map.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 7 lumber for the new fort,14 and in 1850, a gristmill was built here.15 Linkage between the communities of Esquimalt and Victoria was by means of a rough road that sailors from the H.M.S. Thetis cut through the forest in 1850.16 The records reviewed indicate that it was around 1859 when the Colonial government first considered building a ―road to Esquimalt.‖ A ―public road,‖ which came to be known as ―Craigflower Road‖ because it joined Victoria Harbour with the Craigflower Farm site (see section 2.3), had already been in existence since the establishment of the farm in 1853; this road is shown on an 1861 map.17 In 1862, however, the government extended the public road northwest from Victoria West and north through to the Esquimalt Indian Reserve, creating Admirals Road. Surveyor General B.W. Pearse in August 1864 declared that the public road from ―Victoria to ‖ would be 40 feet wide and notices were to be posted thereon, an act that he accomplished on 6 September 1864.18

2.3 Alienation of Lands in the Esquimalt Harbour Region by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company The most significant early alienation of land around Esquimalt Harbour was made in 1849-1850 to the Puget Sound Agricultural Company (PSAC), which was an affiliated branch of the Hudson‘s Bay Company. This land was alienated to the Puget Sound Company before the signing of the Treaties in late April of 1850. In the summer of 1849, Douglas received instructions from London headquarters to reserve ten square miles for farming in Esquimalt. By the 3rd of September 1849, he reported to Archibald Barclay: ―I have marked out a considerable district of Country around Port Esquimalt for the Pugets Sound Company, being the most valuable tract of land in this neighbourhood . . .‖.19 A sketch map of these lands accompanied Douglas‘ letter to the HBC‘s London office on 3 April 1850. Douglas reported that: I now forward a ground plan of the south coast of Vancouver‘s Island drawn by Mr. Joseph McKay of the Company‘s service, which though not an absolutely correct survey, gives a good idea of the character of the country, with the relative

14 Keddie 2003:34 15 Leigh Burpee Robinson 1948. Esquimalt “Place of Shoaling Waters”. Victoria BC: Quality Press. Page 60. 16 http://www.esquimalt.ca/Main/history.htm#3; accessed 18 May 2006. 17 Map of Victoria and Part of Esquimalt District, 1861. Hydrographic Office, Ministry of Defence, Taunton, England. Map D6868. 18 Memo of B.W. Pearse for the Surveyor General, 24 August 1864. BCA, C/AA/30.7, Vol. 5. 19 James Douglas to Archibald Barclay, 3 September 1849. HBCA, A.11/72, folios 117-125. In this same dispatch, Douglas recommended that treaties be enacted with the local aboriginal people. See also L.B. Robinson 1948.52.

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extent and position of the woods, and water, hill and plain, represented by different colours as explained on the sketch. The reserves made for the Hudson‘s Bay Company at Fort Victoria, and for the Pugets Sound Company at Port Esquimalt are traced out by dotted lines, the Canal of Camosun [the Gorge] being the division of the two sections. It appeared to me that a sketch of this kind would be acceptable to their Honors, until something better could be prepared by the Company‘s surveyor, and I hope it may prove so. The sketch is in four sheets, with corresponding numbers where they join.20 While the referenced four sketch maps do not appear with this 3 April 1850 letter in the HBC Archives, these Archives do hold an undated sketch map by J.W. McKay entitled ―Map of South Tip of Vancouver [‘s Island].‖ This sketch map identifies by a dotted line, as Douglas indicates in his April 3rd, 1850 letter, the ―Puget Sound Reserve‖ encompassing all of the Esquimalt Peninsula (i.e. the area between Esquimalt Harbour and the Gorge waterway), all of Esquimalt Harbour, and lands for several miles west from Esquimalt Harbour. The middle of the Gorge waterway separates this ―Puget Sound Reserve‖ from the ―Hudsons Bay Co.‘s Reserve‖ encompassing Victoria, again, as Douglas indicates in his April 3rd, 1850 letter.21 Lands in the Esquimalt Harbour region were to be laid out primarily for the Puget‘s Sound Agricultural Company, although the HBC wanted to retain command over Esquimalt Bay until the British government decided whether or not to establish a naval station there (see section 2.4).22 The records reviewed indicate that the Hudson‘s Bay Company officials did not provide information on aboriginal land use within the Puget Sound Company‘s Reserve lands. One such document is Douglas‘ report of 16 April 1851, stating that a party of ten hands were ―employed in erecting buildings on the Pugets Sound Reserve at Esquimalt and breaking up land for cultivation.‖ No additional details were provided.23 In July 1852, surveyor J.D. Pemberton, who had arrived at Fort Victoria the previous year, reported on the final selection of lands for the Puget Sound Company: I have fixed upon the sites of the two farmsteads, which I was directed to choose for the Pugets Sound Company. Both are situated on the Peninsula lying east of Esquimalt, and are immediately on the water communication to which they have easy and convenient access. The first is situated on a commanding point in Village Bay, Esquimalt, and will form a very attractive object to vessels entering the

20 Douglas to Barclay, 3 April 1850, HBCA, A.11/72, Folios 201-206d. 21 J.W. McKay, undated [1849-1850] ―Map of South Tip of Vancouver [‘s Island].‖ HBCA, Map Collection G.1/37 (N3420). 22 Richard I. Ruggles 1991. A Country So Interesting: the Hudson’s Bay Company and Two Centuries of Mapping, 1670-1870. Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen‘s University Press. Page 101. 23 Douglas to Barclay, 16 April 1851. HBCA, A.11/73, Folios 98-99.

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harbour. The other is on the east side of the Peninsula near the head of the Victoria arm, and about three quarters of a mile distant from Esquimalt.24 The HBC established several farms in the Esquimalt region, the largest of which were Viewfield, Craigflower and Constance Cove: Each farm operated independently under the direction of a bailiff who was responsible for land clearing, provision of labourers and daily operation of the farm. Viewfield was the first farm, established in 1850 in the southeast part of Esquimalt. Its bailiff was Donald Macaulay, who had been with the Hudson‘s Bay Company for many years. Constance Cove and Craigflower Farms were both established in 1853, under the direction of Thomas Skinner and Kenneth Mackenzie, respectively.25 Viewfield Farm followed the shoreline of Juan de Fuca from West Bay to Kanaka Bay and took in 600 acres including Work, Macaulay and Saxe Points. To the north, Viewfield had a common boundary with Constance Cove Farm. Under the supervision of Bailiff Donald Macaulay between 1850-1860, the farm produced sheep and wool as its main commodities, although it kept horses, cattle, oxen, milk cows and a few pigs, as well. But the farm was not productive. After Macaulay left in 1860, the land was used for cattle. Finally, with the outbreak of WWII, the old fields were needed for ―wartime houses‖ to accommodate shipbuilders and their families.26 The house built at what is now the intersection of Craigflower and Admirals Roads for Kenneth Mackenzie, the bailiff of Craigflower Farm, established in 1853, still stands today. Lands comprising Craigflower Farm comprised 900 acres and stretched from the Gorge waterway and Portage Inlet to Esquimalt Harbour, and from Skinner‘s Cover to Thetis Cove, but excluded the Esquimalt Indian Reserve at Plumper Bay. The south bank of the Gorge to the Constance Cove Farm property line at the present Gorge Park was part of Craigflower Farm, as were the southern and western shores of Portage Inlet. To the west, Craigflower Farm‘s boundary ran along the trail along the narrow neck of land between Portage Inlet and Thetis Cove (see also section 4.1.3). 27 Lands of the Constance Cove farm, established in 1853, consisted of 600 acres and lay between the Viewfield and Craigflower Farms, sharing a common boundary with each. Thomas J. Skinner, who came from England on the Norman Morison, was the bailiff. Constance Cove farm had a long waterfrontage on the Gorge waterway, extending from Selkirk Water to the present Gorge Park. Its common boundary with Craigflower ran from the Gorge to the middle of Skinner‘s Cove (now the site of the Dominion Graving Dock) in Esquimalt Harbour. Its

24 Pemberton to Barclay, 31 July 1852. HBCA, B.226/b/6, Folios 99-101. 25 http://www.esquimalt.ca/Main/history.htm#3; accessed 18 May 2006. See also Leigh Burpee Robinson 1948. Esquimalt “Place of Shoaling Waters”. Victoria BC: Quality Press. Pp. 52-83. 26 L.B. Robinson 1948:52-55. 27 L.B. Robinson 1948:77-83.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 10 boundaries also enclosed today‘s Gorge Vale Golf Course, as well as the Naval Cemetery and the marshlands known as Skinner‘s Bottom (where the wartime houses were built in 1940). Constance Cove farm took in a strip of today‘s HMCS Naden facilities, as its boundary line took in a strip of land between the southerly point of Pilgrim Cover, where the naval jetty is located, to the vicinity of the main entrance to Naden, then ran southeast to an area near the top of the hill on Old Esquimalt Road where it met the Viewfield line. 28 Kanaka Ranch, a small rancherie adjoining Viewfield Farm toward the west, was home to a group of men from the Hawaiian Islands who came originally to Vancouver Island as HBC labourers and herdsmen.29 Esquimalt Farm, known locally as Colwood Farm, comprised 600 acres whose waterfrontage was between Paterson Point on the west side of Esquimalt Harbour, and the mouth of Mill Stream. The other boundaries of this farm extended to the northeast corner of the old Hatley Park estate (now University), and to the western end of Colwood Lake. The bailiff for this farm was Captain E.E. Langford, a retired British military man.30 These Puget Sound Company farms were active for only a few years before events such as the gold rush rendered them obsolete. The Company held the land for many years afterward and sold it off in small sections until the 1930‘s when the municipality of Esquimalt acquired the remainder in lieu of unpaid taxes.31 Reminders of these early agricultural enterprises, together with visiting ships, are embodied in Esquimalt region place names, including: Macaulay Point, originally called ―Sailor Point‖ and marked as such on Kellett‘s 1847 chart, and on J.W. McKay‘s circa 1849-1850 sketch map was renamed Macaulay after the Bailiff of Viewfield Farm (established in 1850); 32 Constance Cove, named after the HMS Constance;33 and Kanaka Bay, named for the Hawaiian herdsmen who lived in a small community here, near what is today the sea end of Constance Avenue.34 Craigflower Road was named about 1885 after the farm, itself named after Craigflower House in England, home of the HBC‘s Lord Andrew Colvile. At the same time, Lampson Street was named for the HBC trading vessel the Lady Lampson that arrived via Cape Horn in 1869, only to

28 L.B. Robinson 1948:67-74. 29 L.B. Robinson 1948:55-56. 30 L.B. Robinson 1948:59-64. 31 http://www.esquimalt.ca/Main/history.htm#3; accessed 18 May 2006. 32 Captain John T. Walbran 1971. Names: Their Origin and History. Vancouver BC: J.J. Douglas: Vancouver. Pp.310-311; J.W. McKay, undated [1849-1850] ―Map of South Tip of Vancouver [‘s Island].‖ HBCA, Map Collection G.1/37 (N3420). 33 Walbran 1971:106. 34 L.B. Robinson 1948:55-56.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 11 be wrecked off Esquimalt in 1878. Fleming Bay, where it is proposed that Sea Breeze‘s cable join Vancouver Island, was named later, for Harold and Edgar Fleming, photographers who specialized in photos of old homes and landscapes in the late 19th century. Their home stood adjacent to the Esquimalt Anglers‘ parking lot. Kinver Street, which ends in Kinver Beach in the northwest portion of Fleming Bay, received its name in 1916 and is believed to have been named after the ―old British name from the Staffordshire area,‖ the term ―Cynibre,‖ said to mean ‗hill.‘35

2.4 Initial Alienation of Lands in the Esquimalt Harbour Area for the Royal Navy’s Use While alienation of lands for defence purposes in Esquimalt Harbour began in 1855, administrative inefficiencies in the methods used to assign the lands for the Royal Navy‘s use had the effect of conveying use of the land without conveying formal title. Both parties to the negotiations, the HBC and the Admiralty, appear to have been operating from the assumption that the 1850 Douglas Treaties extinguished all aboriginal title to lands that had not been designated as Indian Reserves pursuant to these treaties. The Royal Navy made very little use of Esquimalt Harbour in earlier years. The first land known to have been used by the Royal Navy was Thetis Island (which was an island until the excavation for the original graving dock between 1880 and 1886 joined it to the mainland).36 It acquired its name after the H.M.S. Thetis weighed anchor off the island during two visits in 1852, although previous vessels had likely used the island for the same purpose. Indeed, when the HBC sold the island to Jeremiah Nagle in 1858, the Navy protested the transaction, asserting that its right to the site had been established by its having used it for many years.37 The first permanent Naval establishment at Esquimalt was created in 1855 on account of the Crimean war. A 7-acre parcel around Duntze Head, which eventually became part of the Esquimalt Dockyard, was used to erect a temporary hospital. The hospital thus became the first naval installation at this port. On 14 February 1855, the Commander-in-Chief Pacific, Rear- Admiral H.W. Bruce, wrote Governor Douglas, stating that his squadron was coming north to attack Russia‘s North American colonies, and requested that a temporary hospital be erected for the expected wounded.38 When Rear-Admiral Bruce‘s ships arrived in July 1855, they found that ―three commodious buildings‖ had been built on Douglas‘ authority, although they had not engaged the Russians and the hospital was not needed. On 3 August 1855, Governor Douglas

35 Sherri K. Robinson 1995. Esquimalt Streets and Roads: a History. Esquimalt, BC: S.K. Robinson. 36 Willard Ireland. ―Memo re: Title to and Description of the Property Comprising Esquimalt Naval Base, June 12, 1942.‖ BCA, O/A/Ir2, page 6. 37 Rear Admiral R.L. Baynes to Captain Prevost, 13 January 1858. BCA, GR 1309, Vol. 2, Page 13. 38 J.H. Innes. ―Origin of Naval Establishments at Esquimalt and of Naval Reserve Lands generally in British Columbia, 30 November 1882.‖ NAC, MG 12, Adm 116, Vol. 820, pp.420-430.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 12 requested that Bruce take over the administration (and thus, the financial responsibility) of the new establishment. As the new colony needed to be self-sufficient, it was to Douglas‘ advantage to let the Navy take charge of the hospital and the 7-acre site on which it stood. By 1858, the Pacific Squadron needed to be expanded and the Navy acquired additional acreage. The following year, however, when it was recognized that the hospital should move from its exposed position at the end of the harbour, all the non-reserved lands on the harbour had by then been purchased by private speculators.39 As researched by the Esquimalt Municipal Archives, the townsite developed between the naval lands and those held by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company: After 1855, when the Royal Navy began to use the lands along the south side of Esquimalt Harbour, a small settlement began to grow up just to the east, in the shadow of Signal Hill. Its wharf and few small shops were there to supply Navy personnel with basic necessities, and its residents built their homes along Wharf Street, which ran south from the harbour. There are few descriptions of the village in those early days. Between 1856 and 1858, Crown lands from the original Esquimalt townsite to the western boundaries of the Puget‘s Sound farms were surveyed and sold off. The buyers included many of British Columbia‘s most prominent early citizens such as Roderick Finlayson and Dr. Helmcken.40 The Admiralty subsequently found that they had failed to secure title to some of the Esquimalt Harbour lands. After protesting to the Colonial Office to have its title recognized, the Admiralty was held largely responsible for its own difficulties and admonished for not applying sooner.41 Not until June 1859 did Vancouver Island‘s Colonial Secretary order that the deeds be prepared. The Admiralty was granted Thetis Island.42 Esquimalt, however, was not recognized by the Admiralty as a permanent naval base until about 1865, when they moved the Headquarters of the Pacific Squadron from Chile to this new base. A small community grew up around the naval base and additional buildings were constructed to provide complementary services to the base. The necessity of showing force against Russians ships off the west coast of Vancouver Island led to the installation of the first earthworks-protected artillery battery at Macaulay Point. This was completed in 1878. The site was provided with three heavy rifled pieces of ordnance, each mounted behind an earthen breastwork.43 After the Russian scare subsided, successive reports

39 Baynes to the Secretary of the Admiralty, 14 November 1858. BCA, GR 1309, Page13. 40 http://www.esquimalt.ca/Main/history.htm#3; accessed 18 May 2006. 41 Newman Merivale, Colonial Office, to the Secretary of the Admiralty, 31 March 1858. BCA, GR 1309, Vol. 2, File 13. 42 W.A.G. Young to J.D. Pemberton, 30 June 1859, cited in Ireland 1942, ―Memo re: Title to and Description of the Property Comprising Esquimalt Naval base.‖ 43 Colonel G.W.L. Nicholson 1967. The Gunners of Canada: the History of the Royal Regiment of Canadian Artillery. Vol. 1. Imprimerie L‘éClaireur: Beauceville, Quebec. Page 111.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 13 recognized the importance of maintaining a battery guarding Esquimalt and Victoria harbours. The Macaulay Point gun emplacements remained until the end of WW II.

2.5 The Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway Company’s Right-of-Way The first Vancouver Island Railway, the Victoria and Esquimalt Railway Company, was created by a Provincial statute in 1873, although it was not permitted to begin its operations until the end of 1874, to allow for a final deal between the federal and provincial governments on railway construction and funding.44 Following an apparent agreement between the two governments, the Railways‘s Board of Directors met on 19 January 1875 and concluded that since the Esquimalt and Songhees Indian Reserves would make the best sites to build the terminus facilities that would be required in Esquimalt and Victoria, the federal government should be asked to make a free grant of some of the land on those Reserves to the Railway. The Railway‘s Secretary, T.L. Stahlschmidt, wrote the federal Minister of the Interior that same day, January 19th, stating: The Indian Reservations on Victoria & Esquimalt Harbours present the most favourable sites for the termini and taking into consideration the great public benefit to be derived from the Railway, the Directors assume that the Dominion Government would not be unwilling to assist the progress of construction by a free grant of a portion of the Reserves. It was therefore resolved that the Dominion government be respectfully solicited to make a free grant of 25 acres being a portion of the Reserve on Victoria Harbour and 10 acres being a portion of the Reserve on Esquimalt Harbour, together with right of way 60 feet wide, as a Bonus towards the construction of the Railroad.45 The Interior Department, which at that time had responsibility for Indian Affairs, informed the Railway that the government had no authority to make any grant of land on the Reserve, without a formal surrender of the land by the Natives to whom it had been allotted.46 No further discussions took place because the apparent federal-provincial government railway agreement fell apart. The federal government, concerned about its budget, retreated from its earlier agreements on railway funding, and negotiations between the federal government and British Columbia on a new agreement collapsed. And the Victoria and Esquimalt Railway collapsed with the agreement. The possibility of the Indian Reserves being used for a railway grant came up again in the 1880s,

44 An Act to Incorporate the Victoria and Esquimalt Railway, 36 Vict. No. 23. 45 T.L. Stahlschmidt to Minister of the Interior David Laird, 19 January 1875. NAC, RG 10, Vol. 3615, File 4376. 46 Deputy of the Minister of the Interior to T.L. Stahlschmidt, 12 February 1875. NAC, RG 10, Vol. 3615, File 4376.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 14 at the initiative of the Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway. The origins of this new railway‘s interest in the Reserves lay in the federal government‘s reaching agreement with a new syndicate in 1880 to build a transcontinental railway. This syndicate was unwilling to continue the railway onto Vancouver Island however. Robert Dunsmuir, the foremost capitalist in British Columbia, was willing to build the Island railway, but his terms for doing so were very steep. He demanded large land grants, financial subsidies and tax breaks, and he also demanded the land on the Esquimalt and Songhees Reserves. In August 1883, the federal government sent Alexander Campbell, the Minister of Justice, to British Columbia to discuss both the continuing federal-provincial railway dispute and Dunsmuir‘s demands. Campbell secured the long-sought-after agreement with the Province. He also reached agreement with Dunsmuir. While the agreement appears to have been verbal, Joseph Trutch, who was at that time Dominion Agent for British Columbia, was at the meeting and made a memorandum of its contents.47 Construction of the railway began from both the northern and southern ends, with the southern end‘s terminus at Esquimalt. While the railway construction contractors did not encounter difficulties in the section near the Old Island Highway that Sea Breeze is presently proposing to use for their alternate route, gangs of Chinese labourers worked hard, blasting rock and building numerous trestles over some deep chasms and rocky terrain, as discussed in Donald MacLachlan‘s The Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway: Work was commenced opposite Inskip Island in Esquimalt Harbour and energetically pushed right from the start by Mr McLellan. Workers were immediately engaged in blasting through the first rock cut three-quarters of a mile from the commencement point, known as the Dunsmuir Cut. This is the cut where the present track, after crossing the overpass bridge at the bottom of the Four Mile Hill on Highway 1-A, swings around the head of Portage Inlet. Gangs of Chinese labourers were busily moving the loose rock from this blasting to a point north of the cut for fill to the approaches to a 500-foot pile bridge to be built over a small bay of Deadman River and Victoria Arm [Portage Inlet]. Rock work and the bridge were to be finished by the first of July, 1885. At the end of the bridge a long earth fill was built by sub-contractors to a finished trestle 600 feet in length. It was strongly built of magnificent timber, well bolted and on a solid foundation. ―A most excellent piece of work,‖ reported The Daily Colonist. From the bridge the grade was quickly pushed through to Price‘s Field, a construction camp located just west of the present Thetis Overpass on Highway One. A trestle 1,600 feet in length was required to cross the valley into a heavy rock cut 21 feet deep and 300 feet long. The grade then passed onto another trestle 1,800 feet long which was on the site of the Six Mile Curve, behind the present

47 Joseph Trutch to Acting Minister of Railways and Canals, J.H. Pope, 11 May 1885. NAC, RG 10, Vol. 11,028, File SRR-3.

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Six Mile House at Parson‘s Bridge [at the mouth of Mill Stream]. Scowloads of timber were towed to Parson‘s Bridge, where they were hauled up to a bridging yard where carpenters prepared the trestle bents or bridge sections. Another trestle 1,000 feet in length was required to cross Mackenzie‘s field. Then a 300-foot rock cut brought the grade to the Millstream which was crossed by yet another trestle. From there the railway grade swung around a fairly sharp curve to a long stretch of straight grading through Colwood Plains, dropping down a grade to Langford Lake. Comparatively light work was required in this area. 48 Construction of the railway through Lekwungen territory thus contributed to the overall disruption of traditional activities that likely once occurred in the area. There is no available evidence, however, of site-specific activities continuing along the right-of-way once the line was built that would now be impacted by installation of the Juan de Fuca cable.

48 Donald F. MacLachlan 1986. The Esquimalt & Nanaimo Railway: The Dunsmuir Years: 1884-1905. Published by the B.C. Railway Historical Association.

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3.0 IDENTITY OF THE ABORIGINAL OCCUPANTS OF SOUTHERN VANCOUVER ISLAND

At the same the HBC was setting up its new fur trade depot in Victoria Harbour, members of local groups comprising the Lekwungen resided in fortified villages at Plumper Bay in Esquimalt Harbour and at Cadboro Bay, and seasonally occupied several other sites on the south end of Vancouver Island and the western shore of San Juan Island. The following section describes the linguistic and cultural affiliations of these aboriginal people.

3.1 Identity of the Aboriginal Occupants The ―Lekwungen,‖ anglicized from their indigenous name, lək w ə΄ŋən,49 have also been identified as the ―Songhees,‖ or variants of this term. ―Songhees‖ is used commonly in both the ethnographic and historical literature to refer collectively to the local groups who together formed the lək w ə΄ŋən tribe, and who are known today as the Songhees First Nation (Songhees Indian Band) and the Esquimalt Nation (Esquimalt Indian Band). While the term ―Lekwungen‖50 has been the subject of some confusion, it applies to all of the ―Songhees‖ local groups. As the late anthropologist and linguist Wayne Suttles pointed out, on the basis of his field work among these aboriginal people in the 1940s-1960s, the name that ―most Songhees call themselves‖ was this term lək w ə΄ŋən.51 Today, as in the past, the term lək w ə΄ŋən (Lekwungen) embraces both the Songhees First Nation and the Esquimalt Nation together. The aboriginal ―Lekwungen‖ (or ―Songhees‖) are a Central people who lived in a cluster of villages or local groups extending approximately from Cordova Bay to Albert Head. They spoke a dialect of what they referred to as the lək’wəŋínəη language, identified by linguists as ―Northern Straits,‖ and shared by neighbouring tribes, the Saanich, Sooke, Semiahmoo, , and .

49 Indigenous terms in this report are transcribed phonemically in the version of the International Phonetic Alphabet used by most Northwest Coast linguists; see Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 7, Northwest Coast. Published in 1990. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. Pages x-xi. 50 This same term is also anglicized as ―Lukungun”; see Randy Bouchard and Dorothy Kennedy (editors and annotators) 2002. Indian Myths and Legends from the North Pacific Coast of America: A Translation of Franz Boas’ 1895 edition of Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas. Translated by Dietrich Bertz for the British Columbia Indian Language Project, with a Foreword by Claude Lévi-Strauss. Vancouver, BC: Talonbooks (reprinted in 2003), p. 169. 51 Wayne Suttles 1990. Central Coast Salish. Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 7, Northwest Coast.

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From the early days of continuous contact, non-aboriginals have recognized the Lekwungen people as a distinct social group, usually called the Songhees Tribe. The Lekwungen formed a ―tribe‖ in the sense that they had a widely-known name, a territory and sites to which they went seasonally, a sense of common identity and history, and, additionally, a specific dialect (Songhees) of the lək’wəŋínəη language that they shared. Aboriginally, the natal village along with the ―tribal‖ group (the Lekwungen) to which a person belonged, determined an individual‘s identity. In common with other Central Coast Salish peoples, the Lekwungen had several levels of social integration based on residence, including the independent family, household, local group, village and tribe. As well, there were non-localized groups based on common descent. The core of such groups formed the elite of high-class households, and controlled access to descent group property, including owned resources and resource sites. Others sought permission to use these owned resources.52

It was the ―Samose‖ (a variant transcription of the indigenous term sc’áηəs ―Songhees‖) with whom James Douglas spoke in 1843 when he wished to inform the local people that construction of the fort was imminent.53 These aboriginal people, pleased with Douglas‘ news, then offered their services for employment and, with axes loaned by Douglas, began the task of cutting pickets. Roderick Finlayson later reported that an initial shyness exhibited by the aboriginal people soon faded, and that people from the Cadboro Bay village, including the ―Songees chief,‖ began relocating their homes to the harbour and creating a settlement north of the new fort (located at the foot of Fort Street), beyond ―the belt of thick wood‖ in the area of Johnson Street.54 Despite the move of many people into the harbour, Cadboro Bay remained a village, its location noted on maps into the mid-1850s, showing several houses situated there.55

3.2 The Douglas Treaties From the earliest days of non-aboriginal enterprise on Vancouver Island to the settlement of colonial British Columbia, local representatives of the British Crown recognized an obligation to protect the interests of the indigenous population. The Colonial Office in London did not take an active position regarding the affairs of indigenous people and encouraged the idea that the character of Indian Affairs must develop on the spot in the Colony. Since the imperial authorities knew little about the aboriginal people of this area, local officials largely dictated policy, albeit

Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution. Page 474. 52 Suttles 1990; Dorothy Kennedy 2000. Threads to the Past: the Construction and Transformation of Kinship in the Coast Salish Social Network. Doctorial Thesis. Exeter College, University of Oxford, England. 53 James Douglas 1843. Diary of a trip to Victoria March 1-21, 1843. BCA, Victoria. A/B/40/D75.4A. 54 Finlayson 1891. 55 See, for example, J.D. Pemberton 1855. [Map of Cadborough Bay area.] HBCA, H.1/1 folio 79.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 18 with occasional guidance from the Colonial Office. James Douglas was the local administrator responsible for developing relations with the local Lekwungen people. On 30th April 1850, after calling together members of the ―Sangies‖ to Fort Victoria, HBC Chief Factor James Douglas concluded an ―arrangement‖ (treaty) with each of the ―families‖ or ―tribes‖ constituting the ―Sangees‖ (Lekwungen). The treaty with the family of ―Swengwhung,‖ signed by ―Snaw-nuck and 29 others,‖ represented 183 individuals who regarded themselves as members of this local group.56 Typically, these treaties associated a particular local group with a specific territory. The Swengwhung lands, according to the treaty document, seem to have included Victoria Harbour and may have extended west to include the southern part of the Esquimalt Peninsula (i.e. the large peninsula between Esquimalt Harbour and the Gorge waterway/Victoria Harbour), for these lands were described as: the whole of the lands situate and lying between the Island of the Dead, in the Arm or Inlet of Camoson [Halkett Island, in Selkirk Waters], where the Kosampson lands terminate, extending east to the Fountain Ridge,57 and following it to its termination on the Straits of DeFuca, in the Bay immediately east of Clover Point, including all the country between that line and the Inlet of Camoson.58 Hence, Fleming Beach, situated west of Macaulay Point where Sea Breeze‘s proposed cable enters the ocean on the southern end of Vancouver Island, may have been within lands that the treaty associated with the Swengwhung. On the other hand, it is certainly possible that Douglas considered the entire Esquimalt Peninsula to belong to the Kosampsum, as neither the Swengwhung nor Kosampsum treaties refers specifically to the southern part of the Esquimalt Peninsula in the area of Macaulay Point (which was known in 1850 as ―Sailor Point‖). This

56 [Fort Victoria Treaties 1850 – 1852]. BCA, Add. Mss. 772, File 1. Copies without signatures printed in Papers Connected with the Indian Land Question, 1850-1875. Victoria: Government Printing Office, 1875. In 1856, Douglas‘ census of the ―Songees tribe‖ gave the total population of the ―Swengwhung family‖ as 185; see James Douglas 1856. A Census of the Indian Population. Original held by the National Archives, London, England. Colonial Office 305/7. 57 As archaeologist Grant Keddie (2003:52) has pointed out, an early map by Joseph Pemberton shows the Fountain Ridge ―represented by Smith Hill to the north of Hillside Avenue and west of Cook Street, the high area east of Craigdarrock Castle, and Gonzales Hill.‖ However, a typographical error at page 28 of Keddie‘s book identifies this Pemberton map as ―1854,‖ rather than its correct date of 1851. Moreover, the ridge is illustrated only on the full version of the map (not shown on p. 28 of Keddie‘s book), the correct source for which is: ―Victoria and Puget Sound Districts Sheet No, 1.‖ HBCA, G.1/131(N8362). The partial reference given in Keddie (2003:28,) is to a second version of the 1851 Pemberton map held by the Crown Land Registry Vault, Surveyor General Division, Land Title and Survey Authority of BC, Victoria, and entitled ―Victoria District & part of Esquimalt.‖ L Locker 5, No. 108577 and 108578. Keddie (2003:48,50) did not include the former Songhees Reserve site within the Swengwhung lands, but expressed uncertainty concerning which group Douglas associated with that specific area. 58 [Fort Victoria Treaties 1850 – 1854] BCA, Add. Mss. 772, File 1.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 19 ambiguity led archaeologist Grant Keddie to express his uncertainty of the ownership of this area by marking it with a question mark on the sketch map that appears in Songhees Pictorial.59 The ―Kosampsom‖ (Kosapsum) Treaty reads as follows: Know all Men, We the Chiefs and People of the Kosampsom Tribe, who have signed our names and made our marks to this Deed on the 30th day of April one thousand eight hundred and fifty, do consent to surrender, entirely and for ever, to James Douglas, the Agent of the Hudson's Bay Company in Vancouver Island, that is to say, for the Governor, Deputy-Governor and Committee of the same, the whole of the lands situate, and lying between the Island of the Dead, in the Arm or Inlet of Camoson, [Halkett Island, in Selkirk Waters] and the head of the said Inlet, embracing the lands on the west side and north of that line to Esquimalt, beyond the Inlet three miles of the Coolquits [Colquitz] Valley, and the land on the east side of the arm, enclosing Christmas Hill and Lake and the lands west of those objects.

The treaties promised the aboriginal people that they would be able to occupy their village sites and carry on their livelihood as formerly. Hence, James Douglas: informed the natives that they would not be disturbed in the possession of their Village sites and enclosed fields . . .and that they were at liberty to hunt over the unoccupied lands, and to carry on their fisheries with the same freedom as when they were the sole occupants of the country.60

The members of the six Afamilies@ or ―tribes@ of the Lekwungen with whom James Douglas made treaty arrangements were survivors of a once larger group consisting of an unknown number of villages. Depopulation of the area began before the arrival of the first European ships in Juan de Fuca Strait in the early 1790s. A series of epidemics, particularly smallpox, but also measles and influenza, combined with intertribal hostilities, left the aboriginal villages depleted of residents. In 1843, when James Douglas established Fort Victoria, he found only about 700 Lekwungen individuals, then wintering together in a few fortified sites. Information gathered during the course of ethnographic research undertaken among Lekwungen elders between the 1880s and 1960s reveals that at the time of the treaties, considerable

59 Keddie (2003:48), on his sketch map of the areas associated with each of the six Lekwungen treaties, omits the area encompassing Songhees Point and Macaulay Point from the lands of both the Swengwhung and the Kosapsum and instead indicates with a question mark on this map, his uncertainty concerning which group was associated with this land, according to treaty. Further to this, Keddie (2003:50) states that Douglas may have ―intended to draw a line from Halkett Island, in Selkirk Waters [in the lower Gorge waterway], west to the entrance of Esquimalt Harbour where military ships had anchored, or to include all of the Esquimalt Peninsula.‖ Keddie does, in fact, draw such a line, albeit tentatively, between Halkett Island and Duntze Head at the entrance to Esquimalt Harbour on his sketch map at page 48 of his book. 60 [Fort Victoria Treaties 1850 – 1854] BCA, Add. Mss. 772, File 1.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 20 realignment in the affiliation of individuals had already occurred. Local groups had amalgamated, and members of several Lekwungen local groups were using Victoria Harbour. The number or location of all aboriginal Lekwungen villages is not known, although in 1951 Wayne Suttles tentatively concluded: ―The winter villages of the Songish were perhaps a dozen in number and stood in every bay from Cordova Head [Cowichan Head, on the north end of Cordova Bay] to William Head on Vancouver Island.‖ 61

3.3 Lekwungen Local Groups’ Association with the Study Area While ethnographic accounts present divergent views concerning how and by whom areas of the Gorge, Esquimalt and Victoria harbours were being used in 1843 (when the HBC traders established Fort Victoria), all sources agree that the lands now being proposed as a route for Sea Breeze‘s Juan de Fuca cable are within the traditional territory of the Lekwungen people. It was anthropologist Wilson Duff‘s conclusion that both the Swengwhung and the Kosampsum local groups of the Lekwungen formerly wintered up the Gorge waterway, and that both local groups were living in Victoria‘s inner harbour area at the time of the treaties in 1850. Duff also concluded that while Douglas found the Kosampsum claim to the Gorge more persuasive, he judged the Swengwhung claim to the inner harbour as a whole to be stronger than that of the Kosapsum.62 Lekwungen elders interviewed between the 1880s-1960s offered different perspectives on the season of occupation and the precise local group‘s association with sites located on the protected waters – Victoria and Esquimalt harbours and the Gorge – yet there was a recognition that named groups of people used a variety of sites associated with the general Lekwungen territory.

61 Wayne Suttles 1951. Economic Life of the Coast Salish of Haro and Rosario Straits. PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Washington, Seattle. Page 13. 62 Wilson Duff 1969. The Fort Victoria Treaties, BC Studies, No. 3, Fall 1969, pages 10, 35; Duff 1951. Straits fieldnotes, Notebook No. 11, STR – W- 001. Originals held by Royal BC Museum, Victoria. Wilson Duff collection, File 50. Keddie (2003: 48), on his map of the areas associated with each of the six Lekwungen treaties, omitted Songhees Point from the lands of both the Swengwhung and the Kosapsum and instead indicated with a question mark his uncertainty which group was associated with this land, according to treaty.

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4.0 ABORIGINAL USE OF THE JUAN DE FUCA CABLE ROUTE

The following section reviews the available information concerning the Lekwungen people‘s specific use and occupation of areas being proposed for Sea Breeze Victoria Converter Corporation‘s Juan de Fuca cable. Aboriginal land use in the area of the proposed cable route was disrupted both by depopulation of the aboriginal villages and by European settlement beginning in the 1840s. Hence, ethnographic accounts contain very little site-specific data concerning Lekwungen land use in this area. Nevertheless, anthropologists Wilson Duff and Wayne Suttles in the 1950s-1960s recorded a few remarks from Lekwungen elders concerning the general environs of the cable route.

4.1 Lekwungen Settlements and Resource use in the Vicinity of the Proposed Cable Route While it appears that the proposed route of the Juan de Fuca cable does not transect any known villages or camps, the route is situated near – in some places very near – where Lekwungen villages once stood. Moreover, the route transects areas that the Lekwungen people used for harvesting food and materials. The following discussion follows the route of the proposed cable, beginning at Macaulay Point and proceeding north.

4.1.1 Macaulay Point to Craigflower The place name provided by Jimmy Fraser, Sophie Misheal, Ned Williams, and Thomas James refers to the entire Macaulay Point side of the Esquimalt Peninsula, and not just to the point, itself. Suttles recorded variants transcriptions for the name of the point, as did Duff, including mə΄qəqs, məqwə΄qs, mə΄qwəqs, and mə΄kwəks. No translation was provided for any one of them.63 Several Songhees members, including Sophie Misheal and Ned Williams, identified Macaulay Point as a reef-net site although the name of the site owner was no longer recalled.64 Duff‘s Native consultants described it as the only Lekwungen reef-net location on the Vancouver Island side of the Strait of Juan de Fuca,65 as most Lekwungen fishermen owned reef net sites on San

63 Wayne Suttles 2002. Personal communication from Wayne Suttles, Friday Harbor, Washington, to Dorothy Kennedy and Randy Bouchard concerning Songhees [Lekwungen] place names; Duff 1951, File 50; Wilson Duff 1960-1968. [Straits fieldnotes, Notebook No. 12, STR-W-002. March 1960 interview with Sophie Misheal and Ned Williams and July 1968 interview with Edward and Cecelia Joe]. Originals held by Royal BC Museum, Victoria. Wilson Duff collection, File 51; Duff 1969:45. 64 Duff 1960-1968, File 51. 65 Duff 1969:45.

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Juan Island.66 Reef-netting has been described by Suttles as being ―of paramount importance in the aboriginal economy of the Straits peoples.‖ Reef-nets were complex devices used only in salt water and generally off points at the mouths of bays where the current brings the fish close to shore. Lekwungen fishermen used them for fishing sockeye and pink (humpback) salmon. The operation of the large net required two canoes, and a crew of at least six men, as well as a captain who held special ritual knowledge to assist. The net was suspended between the two canoes that were anchored in place. Each reef net location had its own camp occupied by the captain and crew. The techniques of reef-netting, as well as the layout of the fishermen‘s camp, have been described by anthropologist Franz Boas, who undertook research with the Lekwungen in 1886, and by Wayne Suttles, whose primary research was done between 1946-1951.67 Anchor stones associated with reef nets may remain underwater off Macaulay Point. However, anthropologist Norm Easton wrote in 1990, with reference to his own underwater archaeological investigations off Macaulay Point, that although during the course of his mid-1980s research a single perforated net weight was found in this vicinity, ―convincing evidence of anchor stone accumulation was not located within the area surveyed.‖ But Easton added: ―This does not preclude the existence of anchor stone accumulations at these locations.‖68 While information on the location or contents of a reef-net site and/or a reef-netting camp at Macaulay Point has not been reported, archaeological evidence indicates that a settlement was located in this vicinity in former times. One of the earliest references to this former aboriginal settlement is contained in a May 1890 description of a field trip to Macaulay Point that was undertaken by members of the Victoria Natural History Society. A newspaper account of this field trip contains observations on cairns, midden mounds, and fortification features that were visible at that time. The identity of the former occupants was not known to the Natural History Society members who described these people only as ―an ancient tribe of Indians, whose very name has been lost.‖ Nevertheless, the Society members considered these cairns similar to those seen at Cadboro Bay and other places, and the site in the vicinity of Macaulay Point was described as follows:

66 Duff 1969:45; Suttles 1951:193-195. 67 Franz Boas 1891. The Lku ñgEn [Lekwungen]. Second General Report on the Indians of British Columbia. 60th Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science for 1890 [also printed separately as pp. 10-30 of this same report]. London (reprinted in 1974 in Northwest Anthropological Research Notes, Vol. 8, No.’s 1/2). Pages 568-569; Suttles 1951:152-191; 68 Norm Easton 1990. The Archaeology of Straits Salish Reef Netting: Past and Future Research Strategies. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes 24(2):175. See also Norm Easton 1985. The Underwater Archaeology of Straits Salish Reef-netting. M.A. thesis in Anthropology, .

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Shells mounds containing remains of sea-urchins, large barnacles of the common clams and cockles of the present day lay scattered in the shores of a small sheltered bay, one of the few where fresh running water can be found. On the margins of the stream are further evidence of Indian occupation in the shape of large saucer-like depressions in the level ground and also stone fireplaces. Deep ditches separate from the main camp the two narrow headlands commanding the entrance to the bay. Similar fosses [‗a narrow trench, esp. a fortification‘] exist (teste. Capt. Devereaux and Mr. Jas. Deans) at Finlayson‘s Point, Beacon Hill where the battery now is; at Cadboro Bay, Cape Mudge, Drew Island and Comox.69

The site referred to above – in the ―small sheltered bay‖ – was along the shoreline of Fleming Bay, and the ―fresh running water‖ referred to was at the foot of Kinver Street, which is the location of a stream (now culverted) emptying into Kinver Beach. This beach is located in the northwestern portion of Fleming Bay, which itself is located immediately northwest of Macaulay Point in an area adjacent to the foot of Lampson Street, including the area where the Esquimalt Anglers‘ boat launching ramp is located. The shoreline of Fleming Bay has been identified as an archaeological site known as ―DcRu 20.‖ It appears Robert Kidd, who noted at that time ―Kinver Road cuts approximately through center of site,‖ first recorded this archaeological site in 1959. Kidd identified the boundaries of DcRu 20 as running from the ―Rocky Point on N.W. [of Kinver Beach] to rocks & Esquimalt and District Anglers‘ Association ramp on S.E.‖ Concerning this site‘s description, Kidd wrote: ―Shell midden of medium depth – in fairly close association with (reported) trench and embankment.‖70 The ―Mr. Jas. Deans‖ referred to above in the May 1890 newspaper account is James Deans who spent considerable time in the 1870s-1890s investigating the cairns that were once common on southern Vancouver Island. Deans commented in a circa 1894 manuscript that he found the local aboriginal people were unfamiliar with the builders of these works: ―The Indians themselves have no tradition, nor any thing to show who made them or what they were made for. Their fathers, and Grandfathers they said found them as they did, hoary, moss covered remnants of long ago ages.‖71 Archaeologists first thought that these features reflected a time period in excess of

69 Victoria Daily Colonist, 1 May 1890. ―Natural History Society: Their Second Field Day Turns Out a Success and is Followed by a Very Interesting Meeting.‖ The present authors thank Sherri Robinson for providing them with a copy of this newspaper article. 70 Robert S. Kidd 1959. [Archaeological Site Reports for the Area]. On file with the Archaeological Collections division of the Royal BC Museum, Victoria. 71 James Deans c. 1894. Remains of an Ancient Civilization on Vancouver Island British Columbia, Part One. Unpublished manuscript. BCA A/E/P87/D34.1. Similar information was provided by archaeologist Harlan I. Smith, who noted in a 1901 publication, with reference to these same stone cairns, that ―The Indians have no historic tradition as to their origin.‖ See Harlan I. Smith and Gerard Fowke 1901. Cairns of British Columbia and Washington. Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. 2. Page 55.

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2,000 before present, yet more recent archaeological work has provided dates for a number of the cairns. Using radiocarbon dating, archaeologists have determined that some cairns in the Greater Victoria area were built in the 12th century A.D. Others have been dated in the range of A.D. 940 to A.D. 1740.72 Of the thousands of cairns that purportedly existed at the time of European contact in the Greater Victoria area, only about 25 known complexes remain today (see also section 4.1.2 below).73 Deans excavated a cairn in the fall of 1891. Inside the large rock circular pile of rocks he found a partially-burned human skeleton and ashes remaining from the incomplete cremation. No associated grave goods were observed. Dean also reported an association of these burial cairns with earthworks and hypothesized that the fortified sites and burials represented the same society.74 Macaulay Point, Deans subsequently noted in 1898, was one of the places where the two features – fortified sites and burials – could be found together.75 Keddie is of the opinion that the cairns referred to by Deans in 1898 were those on the hill behind a defensive site on the east side of Fleming Beach (Fleming Bay).76 Given the roughly northwest-to-southeast configuration of Fleming Bay, this seems a likely reference to the same cairns mentioned in the 1890 newspaper article discussed above. In other words, this is a reference to the archaeological site recorded by Kidd in 1959 as DcRu 20. Keddie notes that he dated portions of this site to about 4,100 years ago, and hypothesizes that the site ―may have been either a permanent village site or a general camp site used over a long period of time.‖ He adds: ―On both ends of this large site were two aboriginal defensive locations.‖ Based on a 1901 photograph, Keddie proposes that the shell midden would have extended ―from the high rocks on the east [southeast] side of the Esquimalt Anglers Association boat ramp to a peninsula on the west [northwest] side of the bay [i.e. northwest of the Kinver Beach portion of Fleming Bay].‖ This peninsula, Keddie suggests, was occupied at a later time than the older deposits of the main DcRu 20 site. He goes on to say that about 1,000 years ago, a trench was dug across the back end of this peninsula to make a defensive site. This trench is clearly visible in a 1928 RBCM photograph that Keddie reproduces as part of his paper. The accumulation of additional deposits above deposits that were radiocarbon dated suggests to Keddie that the site was abandoned a few hundred years before

72 Grant Keddie1984. Fortified Defensive Sites and Burial Cairns of the Songhees Indians. Midden Vol. XVI, No. 4, page 8. 73 Keddie 1984:8. 74 Deans c. 1894. 75 Deans 1898, cited in Grant Keddie 1990. The Archaeology of the Macaulay Point Area. Unpublished paper. Royal BC Museum, Victoria. The present authors thank Grant Keddie for providing them with a copy of this unpublished paper. 76 Keddie 1990.

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European settlement of Victoria. Keddie‘s final comment on this site is that ―There are still intact parts of this site that can provide use with a wealth of information about past human behaviour in this area.77 A second defensive site was located on the south side of Fleming Bay and has been designated as ―DcRu 21.‖ Keddie points out in his 1990 paper that the midden that remained in 1959 when Robert Kidd officially recorded the site had been reduced from what William Newcombe recognized as a defensive site in 1934. When Keddie observed the site in 1972, it was seriously disturbed, although a thin and scattered layer of midden could be seen on the end of the point on the south side of Fleming Bay, along with the remains of what may have been a trench and embankment.78 Writing earlier on the association between cairns and earthworks, Keddie remarked that cairns ―are often found on, next to, or within 250 metres of defensive sites. They vary greatly in size and structure.‖ The builders used these defensive sites, he suggested, as places of refuge in times of hostility. Concerning their location, Keddie wrote that defensive sites: were usually located on the point of a raised peninsula partially separated by an intentionally dug trench abut two metres wide. Others were located on the edge of a steep bluff. The dirt from the trench was piled on the seaward side to support the base of a wooden palisade. The combination of trench and palisade made access to the inside more difficult for attackers. The sites contain shallow deposits of midden within the trenched off areas.79

Keddie made further remarks on the association of the defensive sites and the cairns: I think it is safe to assume that defensive sites were owned by the wealthier individuals who could mobilize supporters to build and defend them. Defensive sites were a visible sign of status for their owners. The expenditure of wealth was likely a prerequisite to mobilizing a workforce to construct large stone cairns and to participating in the associated ritual of the burial ceremony. The family burial grounds of these wealthy individuals would also be a sign of status, indicating the quality of their ancestry. To be able to subtly point out that your direct ancestors are buried under some of the larger stone cairns would speak well of one‘s background.80

77 Keddie1990. 78 Keddie 1990. 79 Keddie 1984:7. 80 Keddie 1984:8-9.

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4.1.2 The Gorge and Craigflower At one time, the Lekwungen had at least three settlements in the Gorge, the inland waterway that connects Victoria Harbour with Portage Inlet. The Lekwungen name of the Gorge has been recorded as ΄səŋ, 81 anglicised as ―Camosun.‖ Jimmy Fraser told Wilson Duff a legend about ΄səŋ: After the Flood when Raven, Mink and the Transformer Hayls (xεls) were travelling around teaching the people how things were to be done, they came to this place, and found a young girl and her grandfather. The girl, q’amásəŋ, was sitting in the water, crying. ―Why are you crying?‖ asked xεls. ―My father is angry with me, and won‘t give me anything to eat.‖ ―What would you like,‖ he asked, ―sturgeon?‖ ―No.‖ ―Berries?‖ ―No.‖ She refused a lot of things, and that is why these are not found along the Gorge. ―Ducks?‖ ―Herring?‖ ―Cohoes?‖ ―Oysters?‖ These she accepted, and that is why they are plentiful here.

―You will control all of these things for your people,‖ said xεls. Then he turned her into stone, sitting there under the water, looking up the narrows. Her grandfather‘s name was Snukaymelt (snək’έməlt) ‗diving.‘ Since she liked her grandfather to be with her, he was also turned to stone, as if jumping in carrying a rock to take him to the bottom.82

Mr. Fraser explained to Duff that the two figures ―are just below the bridge and rise and fall with the level of the water, staying just beneath the surface.‖ This was a place where Lekwungen people came to search for spiritual power. They would jump into the water, holding a rock to take them to the bottom, and repeatedly doing this until the young woman, q’amásəŋ, gave them power.83 Ethnographic reports mostly agree that the site of the Craigflower School in the upper Gorge, on the northeast side of the Craigflower Bridge, was a village occupied by people who identified themselves as Kosapsum, and it was from this site that the people took their name, xwsέpsəm, anglicized in the 1850 Treaty as ―Kosampsom.‖ Some present-day members of the Esquimalt Nation are considered to be direct descendants of individuals who regarded themselves as members of the original Kosapsum local group. One of the signatories of the Kosampsom Treaty was a man whose name was transcribed as ―Say-sinaka,‖84 an anglicised spelling of sísənəq, who

81 Chief Edward Joe, Esquimalt. Tape-recorded by linguist Barbara Efrat, 18 May 1965. RBCM, Anthropology Audiovisual Unit, Linguistics Collection Tape S6888; Marjorie Mitchell 1968. A Dictionary of Songish, A Dialect of Straits Salish. M.A. Thesis in Linguistics, University of Victoria. Page 76; Duff 1969:35-36; Suttles 2002:pers.comm. While it appears that the translation of ΄səŋ has not been recorded, its translation ‗place for gathering camass‘ (see L.B. Robinson 1948:28) is not linguistically supportable. 82 Duff 1969:36. 83 Duff 1969:36. 84 [Fort Victoria Treaties 1850 – 1852]. BCA, Add. Mss. 772, File 1. Copies without signatures printed in Papers

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 27 was the 3rd great grandfather of the present Esquimalt Nation Chief, Andy Thomas. Sísənəq was Andy Thomas‘ mother‘s mother‘s father‘s mother‘s father. This site‘s association with Craigflower School, built in 1854-185585 was recalled in a 1965 interview with Chief Edward Joe of Esquimalt,86 when he referred to the site by the Lekwungen term skulέwtxw 87 whose meaning ‗school dwelling‘ is derived from the English term ‗school‘ together with the Lekwungen suffix -έwtxw meaning ‗dwelling.‘ Songhees Band members Sophie Misheal and Ned Williams stated that three villages sites were situated in the Gorge: the Kosapsum village at the Craigflower School site; the Swengwhung between Adelaide Street and the bridge, farther down the Gorge; and the ―Lekwungen‖ below the Gorge Bridge.88 However, the term anglicized as ―Lekwungen‖ is the same term applied in a much more general sense to the cluster of former villages that spoke the same dialect and occupied the overall area between Cordova Bay and Albert Head. On the southwest side of the Craigflower Bridge, at the intersection of Admirals Road and Craigflower Road, stands the farmhouse built circa 1853 for Kenneth Mackenzie, the Puget Sound Agricultural Company bailiff of Craigflower Farm (see section 2.3). This house has been given the archaeological site designation ―DcRu 159.‖ While its archaeological site form does not indicate the presence of prehistoric remains,89 a map of burial cairn locations prepared circa 1900 by archaeologist Harlan I. Smith and Gerard Fowke indicates there were such cairns in this vicinity. The source of this information concerning these cairns at the Craigflower Farmhouse site was given as James Deans.90

4.1.3 Portage Inlet Variant transcriptions have also been recorded for the Lekwungen name of the narrow area between Portage Inlet and Thetis Cove in Esquimalt Harbour. There is agreement that the name applies to this narrow area, although one Native consultant thought that the term was derived from the word meaning ‗go through the bushes,‘ while several others, who gave the name as

Connected with the Indian Land Question, 1850-1875. Victoria: Government Printing Office, 1875. 85 L.B. Robinson 1948:80. 86 Edward Joe, who had the ancestral name sísənəq (see above) and who was Andy Thomas‘ grand-uncle, was chief of the Esquimalt Nation until his death in 1972. Before he died, he passed his chieftainship to his grand-nephew, Andy Thomas, who is still chief today. 87 Chief Edward Joe, 1965 interview. 88 Duff 1960-1968. 89 Detailed Site Report, DcRu 159. Archaeology Branch, BC Ministry of Tourism, Sport and the Arts, Victoria. Accessed 2 June 2006. 90 Smith and Fowke 1901:58 and map .

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šč’a·ł, translated it as ‗squeeze something through,‘ or ‗drag something over a narrow place, i.e., portage.‘ Another consultant suggested the term applied to Thetis Cove, itself.91 Cecelia Joe, wife of Chief Edward Joe of Esquimalt, told Wayne Suttles in 1952 that the Kosapsum people pulled their canoes over here ―where the tressel is now.‖ Mrs. Joe also recalled that Thetis Cove was a formerly a good place to dig clams, before the bay became too muddy.92 Local historian L.B. Robinson provided the following information concerning the portage between Thetis Cove and Portage Inlet, although she did not indicate the source of this data: The western boundary of the farm [Craigflower Farm] ran along the short trail across the narrow neck of land between Thetis Cove and Portage Inlet. Generations of Indians had carried their light cedar dugouts across this strip, scarcely a quarter of a mile wide, to reach the sheltered inner waterway. Later, officers and men from the naval ships anchored in Esquimalt Harbour, sometimes used this portage on their way to or from a visit to the Fort. When seas in the Strait were too rough to make the outer passage, the sailors would the ships‘ boats over the trail. This portage, used before the first road was hewn out of the forest in Esquimalt, gave its name to Portage Inlet.93

Lekwungen people formerly trolled for coho (and some Lekwungen people say spring salmon, as well) in Portage Inlet during the fall when these salmon ran up a creek at the head of the inlet to spawn. According to Duff, Sophie Misheal‘s father, Jimmy Chicken, fished coho here.94 He identified the stream as Craigflower Creek, although Suttles‘ Songhees consultants referred to it simply as ‗the stream at the head of the Gorge‖ or ―Deadmans Creek,‖ the name that appears on an 1855 Pemberton map.95 These Lekwungen people generally agreed that the name of the creek referred to the presence of owls or ghosts and that the name was derived from the word for ‗ghost.‘ 96 Owls are recognized in this society as being forecasters of death and are therefore commonly associated with ghosts.

4.1.4 The Highlands While no site-specific resource use information was recorded in the known and available

91 Wilson Duff 1968. [Fieldnotes of interview with Martha and Johnny Guerin, 17 July 1968]. Originals held by Royal BC Museum, Victoria. Wilson Duff Collection, File 150; Duff 1960-1968; Duff 1969:34; Wayne Suttles 1952. Interview notes with Cecelia Joe, Esquimalt, 30 December 1952; Suttles 2002:pers.comm. 92 Suttles 1952, Cecelia Joe interview. 93 L.B. Robinson 1948:78. 94 Duff 1969:34. 95 Duff 1969:34; Suttles 2002. 96 Duff 1969:34; Suttles 2002.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 29 literature that was reviewed concerning the upper sections of the proposed Juan de Fuca cable line, it is likely that Lekwungen people formerly used habitat such as the Highlands for seasonally hunting deer and small game and for gathering food plants and materials. Availability of game was governed by the habits of the individual species, resulting in ungulates not being hunted during the fall rut, yet plentiful and hunted at other times. Dogs were sometimes used to herd the animals to the waiting hunters. Traditionally, the Lekwungen killed large animals such as deer and elk with a variety of bows and arrows, and possibly with snares and deadfalls, although it is no longer possible to describe these latter implements. Lekwungen people also used such areas for obtaining materials such as bark, poles, and planks, or food plants such as the fresh shoots of thimbleberries, the bulbs of tiger lily, and the hips of wild rose. Chief Andy Thomas recalled being told by his grand-uncle, Chief Edward Joe, that he used to travel by means of a trail over to Goldstream to fish salmon, although Chief Thomas does not recall details of the route this trail followed.97 Other than the fishery at Goldstream, the locations of specific gathering places in the Highlands have not been recorded in the known and available literature, nor have recent uses of the Highlands area

97 Andy Thomas 2006. Personal communication to Randy Bouchard.

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5.0 A FEW REMARKS ON THE ABORIGINAL CULTURE OF THE LEKWUNGEN

Southern Vancouver Island is characterized by a variety of natural resources, local diversity, seasonal variation, and year-to-year fluctuation in the abundance of resources. These factors significantly impacted resource-use strategies employed by the aboriginal Lekwungen, as well as by other Central Coast Salish groups. It accounts for the Lekwungen people’s annual seasonal movements throughout their traditional territory, travelling from place to place where certain resources were known to be at their best for harvesting. The following section describes briefly the types of land use activities in which the Lekwungen were engaged at the time of the Douglas Treaties.

5.1 Subsistence Quest The rhythms of the Central Coast Salish seasonal subsistence quest on Vancouver Island have been set out in several works. Suttles, Boas, Jenness, Barnett, Keddie, and Elliot and Poth all present good, detailed outlines of the seasonal cycle, with Suttles‘ being specific to the Lekwungen and Keddie‘s providing photographs.98 Like other Central Coast Salish people, the Lekwungen had permanent winter villages occupied each winter and to which they returned after seasonal trips for harvesting fish, shellfish, game, birds, and vegetable foods. Detailed information is also available on these different economic pursuits that made up the parts of that seasonal cycle. The principal ethnographic sources all contain detailed accounts of fishing which identify site- specific reef net sites on southern Vancouver Island and the west side of San Juan Island, the latter being the exclusive property of the Lekwungen.99 One early observer mentioned the Lekwungen removing planks from their winter homes and transporting them to the summer reef- net sites in the islands to be put on frames that stood there.100 Suttles‘ 1951 dissertation remains the seminal work on the subject of fishing. He identifies traditional fishing areas, including reef net sites, and provides documentation concerning their

98 Suttles 1951; Franz Boas 1891:563-582; Diamond Jenness 1935-1936a,b,c. [Unpublished Coast Salish fieldnotes.] Canadian Museum of Civilization, Ottawa. Ethnology Service Archives. Manuscript 1103.6 (3 parts); Homer Barnett 1955. The Coast Salish of British Columbia. Eugene, Oregon: University of Oregon; Keddie 2003; Dave Elliot and Janet Poth 1990. Saltwater People: A Resource Book for the Saanich Native Studies Program. Saanich, BC: School District No. 63.

99 Suttles 1951:193.

100 Bogg 1870, cited in Suttles 1951:166.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 31 use. Lekwungen people fished sockeye using reef nets and springs and coho with trolling gear and gill nets. A salmon harpoon was used to spear springs in saltwater, and all salmon species when they entered the rivers and streams to spawn. Gaffs and dipnets were also used for fall fishing in streams. Lekwungen people harpooned salmon that ran up streams in Esquimalt Harbour and Portage Inlet. Chum salmon were harvested in large numbers for smoke-drying as this lean species when dried lasted for many months. Suttles noted other types of fishing as well, such as the Lekwungen‘s use of herring, raked from the schools off Victoria‘s waterfront and in the harbour during early spring. Halibut, once numerous on banks off the southern shore of Vancouver Island and likely the most important species after salmon, were caught in late spring and early summer with a ―U‖ shaped hook steamed into shape, fitted with a bone barb and baited with octopus.101 The Lekwungen and their neighbours also caught several species of rockfish, lingcod, flounder, sole and smelt. Seasonal variation also affected beach foods and marine mammals, available at only certain times of the years and found in only a few locations. Likely more significant to the aboriginal Lekwungen diet were seal and porpoise, as well as deer, elk and bear, in addition to smaller land mammals. Hunting has always been an important cultural activity for the Lekwungen. The hides of deer and elk became blankets and bones and horn were used in technology. While mountain goats were not available locally, the people of southern Vancouver Island traded for goat wool from the tribes of the lower mainland. This wool was spun into a fine fibre using a spindle whorl and then woven on a loom into large woollen blankets. The artist Paul Kane sketched an example of such implements during his 1847 visit to Fort Victoria. The Lekwungen diet was varied and included seasonal plant foods. Southern Vancouver Island and the offshore islands produced large grassland prairies of camas (Camassia quamash and C. leichtlinii) that Lekwungen people dug during May. The bulbs of blue camas comprised a primary food. Beacon Hill Park was especially well known for the abundant camas that could be harvested there. Family-owned camas sites in the Gulf Islands have been reported by Suttles who recorded several examples of Straits Salish families (and their slaves) digging these bulbs at sites they owned and managed. Both men and women comprised the recorded owners of certain camas beds. However, Suttles was told by his Lekwungen consultants that the camas beds around Victoria ―were open to anyone.‖102 The Straits Salish engaged in post-harvest burning of the camas prairies so that they would be more fertile the following year.103 It may have been the fires of the indigenous people burning their camas meadows that George Dawson observed in August

101 Suttles 1951:114ff. 102 Suttles 1951:34, 60; Suttles 2005. Coast Salish Resource Management: Incipient Agriculture? In, Keeping it Living: Traditions of Plant Use and Cultivation on the Northwest Coast of North America, edited by Doug Deur and Nancy Turner. Vancouver, BC: UBC Press. 103 Suttles 1951:60.

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1875, when he noted dense smoke around the Gulf Islands.104 Each spring Lekwungen people made their annual trip to such places to dig camas and other bulbs, and collect the shoots and stalks of young plants such as thimbleberry (Rubus parviflorus) and cow parsnip (Heracleum lanatum). Bracken fern rhizomes (Pteridium aquilinium ) were dug in late fall or winter.105 Some waterfowl were present only in the winter, as well. Southern Vancouver Island also provided plentiful shellfish and intertidal species, among them clams, mussels, sea urchins, chitons, and barnacles, as well as crabs and octopus. Another component of the native economy was the gathering of materials used for manufacturing items such as house planks, canoes, mats and baskets. Foodstuff and materials harvested by Lekwungen families served their personal requirements and provided items for trade with members of other aboriginal groups, and exchange with affines residing in other communities. Exchange occurred aboriginally with neighbouring groups and, after the establishment of Fort Victoria, with aboriginal visitors from more distant places. The Lekwungen traded dried camas, available to them in significant quantities.106 While sailing within the territory of the Northern Straits, the Spanish explorer Manuel Quimper commented that ―the Indians from outside the strait come here in great canoes‖ to get the resources.107 Whether they received them in trade or had access to the resource through affinal connections, however, is unclear. In addition to trading materials found in their own territory, the Lekwungen traded goods they received from others, such as mountain goat wool they received in trade from the Cowichan and Stalo, as well as slaves.108 The Fort Victoria journals indicate that the Lekwungen also traded with the HBC, exchanging salmon and other country foods and materials for blankets and goods.109

5.2 Lekwungen Need for Wilderness Religion for the Lekwungen, and for other Central Coast Salish people, is an individual affair that requires access to areas of wilderness C places away from humanity, but not necessarily the same place for all persons. There are also specific sites where groups of people go for ritual

104 Douglas Cole and Bradley Lockner 1989. The Journals of George M Dawson: British Columbia 1875-1878. Vol. I, page 48. Vancouver BC: University of BC Press.

105 Nancy Turner 1995. Food Plants of Coastal First Peoples. Victoria BC: Royal British Columbia Museum. 106 J.W. McKay to J. S. Helmcken, 3 December 1888. BCA, Add. Mss 1917, File 27. 107 Henry Wagner 1933. Spanish Exploration in the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Santa Ana: California Fine Arts Press. Page 130. 108 Erna Gunther 1927. Ethnography. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 109 Fort Victoria Post Journal 1846 – 1850.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 33 bathing. Knowledge of such places currently in use is generally restricted to members of the indigenous community and invited guests. It is nonetheless important when documenting Lekwungen practices possibly in conflict with proposed development to consider the Lekwungen people’s potential and current use of their territory for religious purposes. While not all Lekwungen people adhere to what is now regarded as traditional religious beliefs, there is a general appreciation among the membership that some individuals will always follow these ways. Others adhere to Catholicism or practice the beliefs of the Shakers, both of which incorporate some indigenous practices in their religious life. Following is a brief description of some of the salient features of aboriginal Central Coast Salish religious beliefs. The possession of an appropriately-powerful guardian spirit was critical in a person’s proficiency to accumulate wealth, at least according to Central Coast Salish theory. But spirit possession, itself, was somewhat reliant upon family status. Good families knew better than others how to train their children, and therefore became more proficient in whatever endeavour they undertook. The blessings bestowed upon persons of high status included both tangible and intangible rewards. Ancestral names, songs, private family knowledge, and the use of ceremonial rights were manifestations of prestige, just as was the preferred access to a few uncommonly- productive resource sites. All of these were inherited possessions. Even common people recognized that proficiency in any skill was dependant, at least partly, on acquisition of an appropriate guardian spirit. In earlier times, all boys and many girls were sent alone into the wilderness where they fasted, bathed themselves in cold water, and scrubbed their bodies with conifer boughs. The activity had to be conducted away from humanity, in a pure place, as the objective was to find a non-human helper. The Central Coast Salish had no belief in a single Creator, a Mother Earth or a Great Spirit. Each individual person trained and entered into a partnership with a new helper that appears in a vision. In later life, the vision, now nestled inside the individual, manifested itself in a spirit-sickness and came out as a song. Once obtained, this spiritual power was a private possession, never discussed but sometimes hinted at in the manner in which a person danced or painted his or her face at a winter spirit dance. On these occasions, an individual, overwhelmed by his or her power, dances alone individually the longhouse, accompanied by a group of friends and relatives beating drums and singing the dancer’s song. The longhouse (also called smokehouse) religion continues to be profoundly important to many Lekwungen and other Central Coast Salish aboriginal people. Each weekend, between October and March each year, hundreds of people from throughout the area gather in smokehouses such as those situated on the Songhees and Esquimalt Indian Reserves and participate in spirit dancing. Though Lekwungen youth no longer spend long periods alone in the wilderness at the

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 34 time of puberty, individuals who become spirit dancers undergo an initiation that brings out their song. As part of this induction, and for on-going ritual bathing, dancers require access to areas away from other humans, where a clean stream flows and conifer boughs grow abundantly. In these places Lekwungen people pray, bathe, scrub themselves with boughs, and place their ceremonial paraphernalia away from other people, preferably where the wind can blow through it. Hence, areas of wilderness continue to be necessary for these individuals to practise their traditional religious beliefs. Additionally, some Lekwungen people who are not dancers undergo ritual bathing in these same locations to provide themselves with physical and spiritual strength.

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6.0 SUMMARY

This report has examined the known and available data concerning the aboriginal land-use history of areas being proposed for the placement of Sea Breeze Victoria Converter Corporation‘s Juan de Fuca cable between Macaulay Point and the Pike Substation near Munns Road. Sea Breeze‘s cable is located within the traditional territory of the Lekwungen, a Coast Salish tribe whose aboriginal villages once extended from approximately Albert Head to Cordova Bay. After the Hudson‘s Bay Company established a fort on Victoria‘s Inner Harbour in 1843, many Lekwungen people relocated to the harbour and villages there became an amalgamation of the survivors of formerly more-independent groups. Around 1846, the HBC encouraged some of the Lekwungen people to cross the harbour and establish a village in the area of Songhees Point. Another Lekwungen village was situated in Plumper Bay, in Esquimalt Harbour. The aboriginal Lekwungen people who lived in the Songhees Point and Plumper Bay communities, confirmed as Indian Reserves in 1878, were an amalgamation of Lekwungen local groups whose populations had been greatly decreased by disease. In 1850, the Douglas Treaties identified six groups who together comprised the Lekwungen or ―Sangies‖ (Songhees) people; individual treaties were signed with each of these groups. Each treaty provided for each group‘s ongoing ownership of their village sites and their use of fisheries and hunting grounds as formerly. Because of the ambiguity of the 1850 treaty descriptions setting out the territories of the ―Kosampsom‖ and ―Swengwhung,‖ it is unclear precisely which of these two local groups the treaties associated with the Macaulay Point area. However, these 1850 treaties associated lands on the northwest corner of Esquimalt Harbour and extending north to include the Highlands, with the ―Whyomilth‖; these same treaties associated lands on the north and east sides of Esquimalt Harbour, including most of the Gorge and Portage Inlet and areas to the north, with the ―Kosampsom‖ (Kosapsum). Some present-day members of the Esquimalt Nation are considered to be direct descendants of individuals who regarded themselves as members of the original Kosapsum local group. This report has examined the known and available land use data for the general environs of the proposed cable from Macaulay Point to Munns Road. The evidence suggests that the southern part of the proposed route was especially important to previous generations of Lekwungen people. At Fleming Bay there was a former settlement, and offshore from Macaulay Point was situated the only known Lekwungen reef-net site in the area. Earlier archaeological work has confirmed the presence of defensive sites and burial cairns in the area of Fleming Bay. Further disturbance of this area may uncover additional archaeological deposits, including the potential

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 36 of human burials that would be of interest to the Esquimalt Nation. Ethnographic accounts describe how Victoria and Esquimalt harbours and the Gorge were places for camping and seasonal villages, and were productive for important resources such as coho salmon, clams, camas and herring, in addition to providing fertile lands for planting introduced potatoes. The waterways also provided habitat for migratory birds. As well, a portion of the Gorge was the location of a Lekwungen myth, and where this myth occurred was said to be a place where people trained for spiritual power. An archaeologist in 1901 reported burial cairns in the vicinity of Craigflower House (at the intersection of Admirals and Craigflower Roads), suggesting that further disturbance of this area may uncover archaeological deposits, including the potential of human burials that would be of interest to the Esquimalt Nation. Lekwungen people likely travelled to upland areas, such as the Highlands, for plant food and materials gathering and for hunting deer and other game. While no site-specific ethnographic data have been reported in the known and available literature concerning the northern section of the route(s) being proposed for the Juan de Fuca cable, uplands areas appear to have been locations for traditional activities in earlier times, as evinced by Millennia Research‘s archaeological survey of the route. This report has also examined the non-aboriginal history of the area. Development of the Esquimalt Harbour region began soon after the establishment of the Hudson‘s Bay Company‘s Fort Victoria in 1843. This development accelerated in the early 1850s with the establishment of several large farms by the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, a subsidiary of the HBC. Consequently, any indigenous land use that may have occurred in the southern and mid-portions of the corridor being proposed for the Juan de Fuca cable route was disrupted more than 150 years ago. It is likely that some aboriginal use of the Highlands continued after the development of Esquimalt and the Gorge, but any site-specific use that may be in conflict with the cable route has not been recorded in the known and available literature. Based on a comprehensive review of the known and available data, it appears that placement of the Juan de Fuca cable in the proposed route(s) will not likely impact known sites of cultural significance to the Esquimalt Nation. As discussed in this report, large sections of the proposed route(s) were developed in the 19th century. However, further disturbance of the landscape in certain sections of the route, particularly the southern portion near Fleming Bay/Macaulay Point and the portion near Craigflower House, may disturb archaeological deposits, including, potentially, human burials.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 37

ADDENDUM—November 2010

2.1 First Contact Between Europeans and the Local Aboriginal People In the summer of 1790, the Spanish expedition of Manuel Quimper aboard the Princesa Real entered Juan de Fuca Strait. The locations of a few villages were noted as well as some of the aboriginal people‘s activities. Writing to the Viceroy on 13 November 1790, Quimper reported how he had found Esquimalt Harbour – or what he called ―Puerto de Córdova‖ – to be ―a fine port sheltered from all winds with a good bottom and capable of holding some vessels of any size.‖110 Fresh water was available, and Quimper procured both water and a new spar for his ship, and Quimper‘s pilot and second pilot made a plan of Esquimalt Harbour. The indigenous residents of the harbour did not oppose these newcomers; indeed, Quimper‘s second pilot reported that Esquimalt Harbour ―was inhabited by Indians who called to him, manifesting their joy.‖ While anchored outside the harbour, Quimper observed coming out from Esquimalt Harbour three canoe of Natives from ―Puerto de San Juan of the north coast of the entrance to the strait with their Chief, Janapé‖ (this was a reference to Port San Juan, now regarded as Pacheedaht territory at the entrance to Juan de Fuca Strait). These canoes were laden with what appears to have been camas bulbs ―with which the port [Esquimalt Harbour] abounds.‖ Quimper noted that these three canoes of indigenous people headed off to their settlement at Port San Juan. 111 Other Spanish explorers also contributed descriptions of Esquimalt Harbour at first contact. On the 29th of May 1791, another Spanish expedition, the Franciso Eliza expedition with Juan Pantoja y Arriaga, entered Esquimalt Harbour, and again encountered aboriginal people.112 Pantoja‘s description of this region indicated that Esquimalt Harbour had ―but few inhabitants‖ and, like neighbouring ―ports,‖ abounded in animals and birds, including ―some cranes [herons] and ducks‖ although fish were not plentiful. 113

It appears that it was not until the 1792 Spanish expedition led by Galiano and Valdés that an indigenous term was provided for this area. This term was transcribed as ―Chachimutupusas‖ and

110 Henry R. Wagner 1933. Spanish Explorations in the Strait of Juan de Fuca. Fine Arts Press: Santa Ana, California. Page 79. 111 Wagner 1933:117-118, 129. 112 Donald C. Cutter 1991. Malaspina & Galiano: Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast, 1791 & 1792. Vancouver, BC and Seattle, Washington: Douglas & McIntyre and University of Washington Press; John Kendrick and Robin Inglis 1991. Enlightened Voyages: Malaspina and Galiano on the Northwest Coast, 1791-1792. Foreword by Donald Cutter. Vancouver, BC: Vancouver Maritime Museum Society; Cecil Jane 1930. A Spanish Voyage to Vancouver and the Northwest Coast of America. London: Argonaut Press. 113 Wagner 1933:185.

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Aboriginal Land Use History of the Areas Being Considered for Sea Breeze Pacific’s Proposed Juan de Fuca Cable Page 38 was said to refer to Esquimalt Harbour. The Aboriginal person who provided this term, however, was a Chief named ―Tetacus‖ who was from the Neah Bay area and who accompanied one of the Spanish vessels from Neah Bay to Esquimalt Harbour. While ―Chachimutupusas‖ has the appearance of a Makah term, it is more likely a Makah pronunciation of a Lekwungen term. However, this original Lekwungen term is not recorded elsewhere.114 Few historical documents remain from explorers or traders who may have encountered the local aboriginal people between the first years of exploration in the early 1790s and the establishment of Fort Victoria in the early 1840s. Yet documentary records describing other parts of the coast indicate that this time was a period of intertribal hostility, largely provoked by the Lekwiltok from northeastern Vancouver Island who killed, enslaved or plundered those to the south of them. A map prepared in 1842 indicates that aboriginal villages situated at Plumper Bay in Esquimalt Harbour and on Cadboro Bay were fortified against attacks.115 It is likely that other Lekwungen villages, not noted in the historical records, were occupied at this time, as well.

114 Wagner 1933:240-244; Jane 1930:33-37. See also José Espinoza y Tello 1802. Relacion del viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el año de 1792. Royal Printing Office, Madrid, Spain. Translated by in 1911 by G.F. Barwick. BC Archives, Victoria. A/A/20/E56. Pages 37-42. 115 Adolphus Lee Lewes 1842. Ground Plan of Portion of Vancouvers Island Selected for New Establishment taken by James Douglas Esq. Hudson‘s Bay Company Archives (HBCA), Provincial Archives of Manitoba (PAM), Winnipeg. G.2/25.

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