Illinois Antiquity Volume 47(3) Contested Lands: Archaeology of the Illinois Archaeology Awareness Month – September 2012

Illinois Association For Advancement of Archaeology Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 2 Archaeological Sites and Localities in This Issue

1 1. Saukenauk- Crawford Farm 4

2. Rhoads 10 3. Grand Village of the Kickapoo 3 8 2 4. Windrose

5. Young Tavern

6. Fort LaMotte

7. Williams Fort

8. Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis 6

9. Lively farmstead 9 5 and graves

10. Fort Madison, 7 Map of Illinois and Missouri, 1828. Courtesy Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum.

Illinois Antiquity is published quarterly by the Illinois ON THE COVER . . . ILLINOIS WAR OF 1812 Association for Advancement of Archaeology. Editor, Alice Berkson; Assistant Editor, Layout and Design, A sketch of Fort Dearborn forms the BICENTENNIAL Kelvin W. Sampson. Illinois Antiquity is distributed to the members of the Illinois Association for Advance- background for images showing archaeo- Be sure to check the Illinois War of ment of Archaeology. Items published in Illinois logical investigations at Illinois War of 1812 Bicentennial Commission web site Antiquity reflect the views of the authors. Publica- 1812 period sites, and some of the artifacts for information on historical sources and tion does not imply IAAA endorsement. Subscrip- tion information is can be found by visiting www. uncovered at the sites. events around the state from 2012 to 2014 museum.state.il.us/iaaa/membership.htm commemorating the bicentennial. illinoiswarof1812bicentennial.org ISSN 8756-0070 copyright 2012 3 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 Illinois Contested Lands: Archaeology of the War of 1812

FROM THE EDITOR . . . Prior to Illinois becoming a state in 1818, the territorial period here was marked by significant conflict that is not well known to many citizens. Mary McCorvie and Mark Wagner provided an overview of the War of 1812 in Illinois, and their additional articles Contents give insight into the Native perspective on warfare and vengeance (“covering their CONTESTED LANDS: AN INTRODUCTION dead”) and into the role of Native American TO THE WAR OF 1812 IN ILLINOIS By Mary McCorvie and Mark J. Wagner...... 4 prophets, who advocated a conservative ap- proach that is reflected in the archaeological FARMSTEAD, FORT AND TAVERN: WILLIAMS FORT record (Prophets and Nativists). IN WHITE COUNTY, ILLINOIS Other articles that follow touch on By Monica Shah Lomas and Cally Lence...... 8 many aspects of frontier life that are not re- corded in documents of the period. Monica “COVERING THEIR DEAD AND DRYING Shah Lomas and Cally Lence describe ex- THEIR TEARS” CIVILIAN CASUALTIES cavations at Williams Fort (Farmstead, Fort DURING THE WAR OF 1812 and Tavern), while Joseph Bartholomew, By Mark J. Wagner and Mary McCorvie...... 12 Steven Tieken, and David Nolan relate the decades-long story of the ultimately suc- SEARCHING FOR FORT JOHNSON, cessful search for a period fort at Warsaw, HANCOCK COUNTY, ILLINOIS Illinois (Searching for Fort Johnson). Rich- By Joseph L. Bartholomew, Steven L. Tieken, ard Fishel (War of 1812-Era Buttons) and and David J. Nolan...... 16 Robert Hickson (Bayonets in the Wilder- WAR OF 1812-ERA BUTTONS FROM ness) then provide a detailed look at some FORT JOHNSON AND CANTONMENT DAVIS of the artifacts recovered from the site, with By Richard L. Fishel ...... 19 buttons a category often found at military sites, but bayonets seldom found on sites of BAYONETS IN THE WILDERNESS: this period. AN INTRIGUING PRESENCE Joe Artz, John Doershuk, Cynthia Pe- IN THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD AT terson and William Whittaker contributed FORT JOHNSON AND CANTONMENT DAVIS an article on Fort Madison, Iowa, across By Robert N. Hickson...... 22 the and not far from Fort Johnson (Always Been in Peril). This site, PROPHETS AND NATIVISTS: along with many others of the period, fac- THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NATIVE PEOPLES es an uncertain future, and learning about OF ILLINOIS DURING THE WAR OF 1812 them is an important step in preservation By Mark J. Wagner ...... 23 efforts. We appreciate the authors and illus- trators who prepared the articles, as well as ALWAYS BEEN IN PERIL: FORT MADISON, IOWA By Joe Alan Artz, John F. Doershuk, Design Editor Kelvin Sampson who wove Cynthia L. Peterson, and William E. Whittaker...... 26 the whole into this attractive issue. If you would like to receive the 2012 REFERENCES AND ADDITIONAL READINGS...... 28 IAAM poster depicted on pages 30-31, please get in touch with IAAM Chair Eve ILLINOIS CONTESTED LANDS POSTER IMAGES ...... 30 Hargrave at 23 E. Stadium Dr., Cham- paign, IL 61820 ([email protected] ILLINOIS ARCHAEOLOGY or phone 217.390.8385). We appreciate the AWARENESS MONTH SPONSORS ...... 32 continuing support of the IAAM commit- tee for our publication. Alice Berkson Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 4 CONTESTED LANDS: AN INTRODUCTION TO THE WAR OF 1812 IN ILLINOIS By Mary McCorvie and Mark J. Wagner

The officially declared faced were the result of a loss of spiritual large parties of Kickapoo, Sauk, Fox, and war on Great Britain on June 18, 1812, values and their turning away from tradi- other peoples began traveling to Prophet- primarily because of American anger over tional ways. If they would only stop using stown to see the Prophet in person, spread- the stopping of American ships on the high American goods and animals and return to ing his message into the Illinois country seas and the seizure and “impressment” Native forms of dress, housing, and food- when they returned to their home villages. into the Royal Navy of sailors claimed to ways, the “Master of Life” would return his be British citizens. Tensions had been sim- favor, enabling them to defeat the Ameri- THE ILLINOIS COUNTRY IN 1812 mering between the United States and the cans. The most well-known of these proph- The major Native groups in Illinois in 1812 consisted of the Sauk, Mesquakie (Fox), , and Kickapoo, with other groups such as the Winnebago, Illi- nois, Ottawa, and Piankashaw represented in smaller numbers. The Kickapoo, Potawa- tomi, and Sauk alone may have numbered over 10,000 people at the start of the War of 1812. These groups occupied lands in central and northern Illinois not yet ced- ed to the United States, although Illinois became a territory in 1811. At this time, Native Americans in Illinois followed a traditional way of life that involved move- ment between big summer villages where they raised crops such as corn, beans, and squash, and smaller winter camps where they hunted animals for both food and furs to barter to fur traders for items such as cloth, blankets, guns, kettles, and silver ornaments. The Euro-American population of Il- linois, in contrast, was only 7,275 people in 1810. Settlement was largely confined to the southern third of the state with the exception of an American military post A Map of the North Western Territory, 1796. (Fort Dearborn) at Chicago. Settlement Courtesy of the Abraham Lincoln Library and Museum. was largely concentrated in the “Ameri- can Bottom,” the broad floodplain of the Native peoples of the “Old Northwest” ets was Tenskawatwa, or the Shawnee Mississippi River in present-day Madison, (, Indiana, Illinois, , and Prophet, who together with his brother Te- Monroe and St. Clair Counties, and the U. Michigan) for at least a decade before the cumseh began to organize Native peoples to S. Saline Reservation in Gallatin County. official start of the war, however, due to resist Americans. Another important leader American settlement between the two ar- incessant American demands for land ces- was the Potawatomi Main Poc (“Withered eas was like a string of pearls, with isolated, sions coupled with the government “Civili- Hand”), a feared war leader who had great single-family farmsteads located along the zation” program that was designed to turn influence among the Kankakee River Po- old buffalo traces and Indian trails connect- Native peoples into small farmers on indi- tawatomi of northeastern Illinois. ing the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. vidual homesteads similar to American set- In 1808 the Prophet established a large Americans began immigrating to the tlers of the period. village named “Prophetstown” in Indiana Illinois country after the Revolutionary As they had in earlier times, prophets that became the heart of the Native Amer- War. Many of the earliest settlers were arose among the various Native groups who ican resistance movement, which he and individuals who had served with George told their followers that the problems they Tecumseh led. Over the next several years Rogers Clark and returned to Randolph 5 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 County, where they earlier served in the them to reassemble at Prophetstown in the throughout the war, their ability to launch military, with their families. Others fol- spring of 1812. There they received black a force of hundreds of warriors at one time lowed the natural migration routes from wampum (or shell bead) belts from the against the American settlements had been the backcountry of Pennsylvania, , British in Canada as a sign to prepare for seriously compromised. and the Carolinas, by way of the Shenan- war. The British, whose best soldiers were Native American raids on block- doah Valley, the Wilderness Road and the fighting Napoleon in Europe, planned to houses and farmsteads in southern Illinois Tennessee, Cumberland, Ohio and Missis- use the Native peoples of the increased in intensity in 1813 following sippi Rivers. region as their first line of defense in hold- the destruction of the Potawatomi and ing Canada by Kickapoo villages at Peoria. At the Kicka- supplying them poo village in particular, a large number of with arms and women and children reportedly had been ammunition for killed in the attack. One of the obligations use against the of a lineage or clan member in many Na- Americans in the tive American societies was to “retaliate coming war. in kind” for the killing of a member their In a sign of family or kin group. This same sort of situ- what was to come, ation appears to have existed on the Illinois Potawatomi war- frontier during the War of 1812. riors killed three As Native Americans were killed in American settlers the war, their relatives sought to avenge in the American their deaths by “retaliating in kind” on Bottom region American soldiers and civilians. In effect, in the summer of the war was personal, with the Kickapoo, 1811. In response, Potawatomi, and other Native peoples pur- Governor Ed- suing the same pattern of warfare in regard wards ordered the to the Americans as if they had been at war General and Tecumseh. Engraving by William W. construction of with another Native group. Although adult Ridgway, courtesy Public Library. blockhouses along males formed the majority of the people They came to the Illinois Country for the edge of American settlement, where killed in such raids, women and children various reasons: in search of better hunt- settlers could retreat in times of danger. It also were killed, possibly in retaliation for ing, inexpensive land, or new economic is unknown how many of these family forts Native women and children killed in at- opportunities such as a tavern keeper, or were eventually built, but numbers range tacks on their villages. Among the Ameri- merchant. However, leaving the towns and from 22 to 50 or 90 forts and blockhouses cans killed were the John Lively family in villages of the East for the Illinois frontier along the Illinois frontier between the Il- Washington County, who were killed in meant all the work and sweat that went linois and Wabash Rivers. The Illinois mi- 1813 by a war party led by Little Deer of into building a farm and a home for the litia and Rangers patrolled between these the Kickapoo. Rough field stones that were family was at risk. It also meant that loved blockhouses, attempting to prevent In- placed above the graves of the Lively fam- ones might be in harm’s way. dian raiding parties from breaking though. ily by the Illinois Rangers still mark the However, additional settlers were killed in locations of their graves today. The article THE FRONTIER ON FIRE raids in April, 1812, two months before the in this issue, “covering their dead and dry- The War of 1812 began in earnest on official start of the war. ing their tears” delves into civilian casualties the frontier in 1811, when Governor Wil- American fortunes in Illinois worsened during this period. liam Henry Harrison of Indiana set out to dramatically in August, 1812, when Fort Native American raids on settlers in destroy Prophetstown when Tecumseh was Dearborn at Chicago fell to a combined southern Illinois peaked in 1813 and then absent on a trip to the Southeast. Although force of 500 warriors, with the fort burned declined until the end of the war. This pat- the Prophet and his warriors attempted to and the entire garrison killed or captured. tern reflects the worsening fortunes of Na- destroy Harrison’s army en route, the war- In response, Governor Edwards led a small tive American peoples in the Great Lakes riors were defeated in the Battle of Tippe- army northward in October, 1812, to de- region as the war progressed, culminating canoe on November 7, 1811. The next day stroy the Potawatomi and Kickapoo villag- in the death of Tecumseh at the battle of Harrison burned Prophetstown, the first es at Peoria. Edwards successfully surprised the Thames in late 1813. As a result, the of many fires that was to consume Na- and burned these villages, forcing their Potawatomi of the Kankakee and Illinois tive American villages as well as American inhabitants to flee. As a result of this and River valley signed armistice agreements forts, trading posts, and homesteads in Il- two further military expeditions in 1813, in late 1813 and participated in no raids in linois over the next four years. the Kickapoo were forced to flee northwest 1814 within Illinois that resulted in civil- Harrison’s destruction of Prophet- to join the Sauk on the Rock River, while ian casualties. The Kickapoo, however, were stown scattered its inhabitants throughout the Potawatomi retreated farther up the Il- identified as having led two raids in the Illinois. Upon Tecumseh’s return, messages linois River. Although both groups contin- Wabash River valley and American Bottom sent to the Kickapoo and Potawatomi told ued to launch raids into southern Illinois that caused numerous civilian deaths as late Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 6 as the summer of 1814. WAR OF 1812 rebuilt (Stephens n.d.). ISAS archaeologists re- Although the majority of the Sauk ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES cently conducted archaeological investigations supported the British during the war, their Archaeological investigations have been con- at Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis, both remote location in northwestern Illinois ducted at War of 1812 Sauk, Kickapoo, and Po- of which were established by in had protected their villages along the Rock tawatomi villages within Illinois. The University 1814 (Nolan et al. 2012). Finally, Southern Illinois River including their “capital” of Saukenauk of Illinois excavated a large portion of Saukenauk University-Carbondale and Shawnee National from direct attack by the Americans. But in (now known as the Crawford Farm site, 11RI81), Forest archaeologists mapped and photographed 1813, Major Zachary Taylor received orders in the late 1950s and early 1960s (Hedman 1993). the graves of the Lively family, who were killed to proceed up the Mississippi River and de- This was the village associated with by the Kickapoo in 1813, in the spring of 2012 stroy Saukenauk. In the only engagement that Major Zachary Taylor attempted to destroy (Wagner and McCorvie 2012). Along with the in Illinois involving British troops, Taylor in 1814. Fort Johnson articles in this issue, the civilian ca- clashed with over 1,000 Sauk and 30 Brit- During the 1970s the Illinois State Museum sualties article includes a description of the Lively ish soldiers at the Battle of . excavated a Kickapoo village in Logan County family massacre, and “Farmstead, Fort, and Tavern: Unsuccessful in Williams Fort in White County, Illinois” presents his attempt to the results of excavations there. reach Saukenauk, Taylor retreated NATIVE AMERICAN SITES to the mouth of All of these excavations have produced in- Des Moines River formation regarding daily life in Illinois during the where he estab- years leading up to and during the War of 1812. lished a short- The excavations at Native American sites such as lived post named Saukenauk, the Rhoads Site, the Grand Village Fort Johnson, of the Kickapoo, and Little Rock Village all con- which has recent- tribute to our understanding of how these tribes ly been relocated resisted American encroachment of their territory. by Illinois State Artifacts found at these sites indicate that Na- Archaeological tive Americans used European-made items such Survey (ISAS) as guns for hunting and warfare, and kettles and arc haeologists knives for cooking and food preparation. Many ex- working with lo- amples of traditional -related items such as cal historical so- The Signing of the Treaty of Ghent, Christmal Eve, 1814. Painting gift of the gun parts have been recovered from all three sites, cieties. “Searching Sulgrave Institution of the U. S. and Great Brittain. Courtesy Smithsonian including musket butt plates, gun flints, musket for Fort Johnson” American Art Museum, Washington D.C. barrel parts, and lead bullets -- and also chipped- in this issue tells stone and metal arrow heads. Other artifacts point the story of this process of discovery, while known as the Rhoads site (Old Kickapoo Town) to an innovative transformation of Western-made additional articles present details about (11LO8) that had been burned by Governor Ed- metal items into new forms with a Native identity. bayonets and buttons found at the site. wards in October, 1812 (Wagner 2011). Illinois Brass, copper, silver, tin, and lead were recycled into State University also conducted archaeological in- a variety of hunting and hide-processing tools, as THE END OF THE WAR vestigations at the Grand Village of the Kickapoo well as adornment items such as tinkling cones, The War of 1812 officially ended in site in McLean County in the 1970s-1980s (Berk- earrings, and other dangles. The recovery of stone December, 1814, with the signing of the son 1992; Smith 1978). In the 1990s the Illinois smoking pipes from these sites suggests continuity Treaty of Ghent. The Kickapoo leader State Museum and Southern Illinois University with traditional ceremonies and activities involving Pawatomo, however, ignored this treaty and Carbondale excavated a small portion of Main Poc’s the use of Indian-grown tobaccos, whereas white continued to raid American settlements in “Little Rock Village” (now known as the Windrose kaolin pipes may have been used for the everyday Missouri into 1815. Only when the Kicka- site, 11KA338), located on the Kankakee River in smoking of trade tobacco. poo were assured that the Americans want- northeastern Illinois (Wagner 2001). The lack of certain types of European-made ed peace, not land, did they sign a treaty Archaeologists also have conducted investi- artifacts at these village sites also tells us that Native in September, 1815. Main Poc, the Potawa- gations at American homesteads, frontier block- Americans rejected many Western items such as tomi prophet and war leader, also refused to houses, military posts, and cemeteries in Illinois. clothing buttons, forks, and farming implements sign the peace treaty, retreating with some These include the complete excavation of the associated with American efforts to change Native of his diehard followers into Michigan Young Tavern site (11MR52), a frontier tavern lifeways. The people at these villages also contin- where he died in 1816, a bitter enemy to and homestead abandoned during the War of ued to live in traditional long houses as indicated the Americans to the end. The Sauk of the 1812 (Wagner and McCorvie 1992); the Wil- by the identification of post-patterns at Little Rock River country also resisted signing a liams Fort and homestead (11WH262 and 264) Rock Village, Saukenauk and the Rhoads site. peace treaty until May, 1816. The Shaw- in White County, Illinois (Aberle et al. 2009; Lo- The plant and animal remains found at these nee Prophet, Tenskawatawa, retreated into mas 2012); and Fort LaMotte, an American mili- sites also indicate that the Kickapoo and other Canada before eventually returning to the tary post located in Crawford County that was Native peoples continued to follow traditional United States. He died in Kansas in 1836. attacked and burned by Indians and subsequently foodways, utilizing indigenous plants and animals, 7 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 while choosing against European foods such as because of harassment by the Sauk and other Na- and jugs used to store food items and highly deco- pig, sheep, goat and cows. Burned and unburned tive peoples. rated bowls, plates and saucers, used for serving food. food remains included native plants: wild plum, Cantonment Davis was established nearby in Several glass wine and port bottles, flasks, tumblers, wild grape, pawpaw, walnuts, hazel and hickory 1815 while Fort Edwards, which was used by both a decanter, and a saltcellar were recovered suggesting nuts were recovered along with charred corn cobs, the US Army and John Jacob Astor’s American that the Williams family was relatively wealthy and beans and squash. The great majority of the wild Fur Company, was also erected in the same vicinity well to do. Personal artifacts that provided insight by 1817. In a public partnership into the daily lives of the fort’s occupants, included with local historians and others, white clay smoking pipes, toys (such as stone mar- Illinois State Archaeological Sur- bles), fancy clothing buttons, and several eye glass vey staff located the remains of fragments that may have belonged to the family both Fort Johnson and Canton- patriarch, Aaron Williams. Surprisingly, only a small ment Davis. Recovered artifacts number of gun parts and munitions was recovered included military buttons, gun from this War of 1812 site! flints, musket balls and kitchen- Volunteers also excavated Fort LaMotte related items such as colorful in the 1990s, a War of 1812 blockhouse on the banded slipware bowls, medicine Wabash River near present-day Palestine. These phials, knives and forks. Animal excavations were conducted to guide the recon- bones recovered from these and struction of a replica fort now located at the site. other sites also tell us that officers The Young Tavern site was located on an early usually enjoyed better cuts of meat transportation route connecting the Wabash fron- than did the enlisted men. A small tier with St. Louis and Kaskaskia on the Mississippi amount of Native American arti- River. The Young family immigrated to Marion Earrings from the Windrose site. facts also was recovered. County during the first decade of the nineteenth A civilian-built blockhouse con- century but abandoned their home during the War meat food remains found at the village sites includ- structed by the Williams family in 1812-1813 of 1812. After the war was over, they returned to ed deer, raccoon and other smaller mammals. The was excavated by American Resources Group as their former home and resumed their trade as latch- discovery of an unbutchered skeletal horse burial at part of a coal mine investigation in White County, string tavern keepers on the St. Louis-Vincennes the Rhoads site also tells us horses were important IL. In contrast Trace, now U.S. to the Kickapoo, possibly because of their associa- to Fort Johnson, Hwy 50. tion with warrior-related activities. “Prophets and which had been In sum, ar- Nativists: The Archaeology of the Native Peoples described in de- chaeological inves- of Illinois during the War of 1812” in this issue de- tail by a Missouri tigations at only tails the orientation of Native leaders, who drew on Ranger stationed a few of Illinois’ traditional views in leading resistance efforts. there, no accounts Native Ameri- of this structure can villages and EURO-AMERICAN SITES are known to exist. early American Archaeological investigations at American The information settlements have sites also contribute information that cannot be recovered by the recovered signifi- found in historical sources, including the locations archaeological in- cant information of two War of 1812 U.S. military fortifications vestigations indi- regarding the War whose locations had been lost. In 1814 Major cates that the fort of 1812 that is not Zachary Taylor was ordered to ascend the Missis- was constructed available in histori- sippi River with 335 US Army troops and Mis- of upright oak cal sources. These souri and Illinois Rangers and establish a fort at and hickory posts excavations have the mouth of the Des Moines River in order to chinked with helped to present protect American interests and to prevent hostile wet clay, some of a more complete Indians from attacking downriver settlements. which was fired story of the war While attempting to reach Saukenauk and burn hard when parts of and the lives of the its cornfields, Taylor’s army was surprised by a force the stockade wall Saucer from the Young Tavern site. people who lived of over 1,500 Sauk, , Mesquakie (Fox), Win- burned. Other con- through it in scattered nebago and 30 British Regulars at Credit Island struction details included the discovery of a gate in villages, forts, blockhouses and farmsteads at a time near present-day Rock Island. Fleeing downriver, the southern wall of the structure and the skewed when Illinois’ frontier literally was on fire. Taylor’s forces stopped opposite the Des Moines shape of the fort. Although no structural remains River and quickly constructed Fort Johnson. Four were identified, several concentrations of compacted Mary McCorvie is Heritage Program Manag- blockhouses were located at each of the corners of soils inside the stockade may represent the remains er at the Shawnee National Forest, Harrisburg, the 12-foot-high walled stockade. The fort was of house floors located in the gaps between the IL, and Mark Wagner is Director of the Center abandoned almost as quickly as it was constructed stockade walls. for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Il- when provisions ran out and could not be replaced Recovered artifacts included redware bowls linois University at Carbondale. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 8 FARMSTEAD, FORT, AND TAVERN: WILLIAMS FORT IN WHITE COUNTY, ILLINOIS By Monica Shah Lomas and Cally Lence

Williams Fort (11WH264) was a War WILLIAMS FAMILY are nearly 300 acres of beautiful of 1812-era fortified farmstead and rural tavern ON THE BIG PRAIRIE corn in one field, he lives in a way, located on a sandy ridge at the eastern margin of Historical accounts about Williams apparently, as remote from comfort, historic Big Prairie in the lower Wabash River Fort are sparse and describe it simply as “a as the settler of one year, who thinks valley of southeastern Illinois. The site was ar- blockhouse on the east side of the prairie, only of the means of supporting ex- chaeologically investigated through Phase II built by Aaron William in 1813, near where istence. testing and Phase III mitigation in 2005 and the red house has since stood” (Inter-State 2006 by American Resources Group, Ltd. Publishing Company 1883:451). Two early We also had an opportunity of see- ing the youth of the neighborhood, as the muster of the took place this day at his house. The com- pany amounts to about thirty, of whom about 20 attended with their rifles” (Birkbeck 1882:117–118).

Birkbeck’s and Flower’s failure to men- tion the blockhouse or fort suggests that the stockade had already been dismantled by 1817. FRONTIER FORTIFICATIONS Frontier defensive structures consisted of blockhouses, stockades, and forts. Dur- ing the early nineteenth century, there were two types of frontier forts: civilian and military. Military forts were constructed for government soldiers or territorial rangers, while civilian defenses were typically con- structed by individual families as private residences that served as places of refuge when attack was imminent and provided operational bases for the militia and scouts. Figure 1. 1876 Atlas of Illinois illustrating the location of Williams Fort in relation The simplest fortification was an isolat- to other War of 1812-era forts in the vicinity of Big Prairie. ed blockhouse—a small building generally square in form and made of heavy logs with (ARG) (Aberle et al. 2009; Shah et al. 2005). settlers—Englishmen Morris Birkbeck and port holes cut into walls for firing weaponry. The two closest, settled American Indian George Flower—came through Big Prairie Blockhouses sometimes included a second tribes in the area of Williams Fort were the in July of 1817, and spent a day with the story that projected two or three feet over Piankashaw and the Delaware. Fear of Indian Williams family (Birkbeck 1882:117–118; the lower level. Other civilian forts con- attacks before and during the War of 1812 Boewe 1962:44).They wrote little about sisted of a stockade wall about 10 to 15 feet prompted the fortification of Big Prairie and their hosts or the site. George Flower only high enclosing a residence. Logs were usu- surrounding region between 1810 and 1815. mentions that they crossed the river at Wil- ally trimmed on two sides and set vertically At least six forts were erected in Hawthorne liams Ferry about 6 miles to the east and in a trench. Strong gates, wide enough for Township, one of which was Williams Fort drank a cup of water from “Mr. Williams’ teams to pass, were usually present. Some (Figure 1). These civilian defenses were sup- well.” Birkbeck was a bit more descriptive. stockades included corner bastions to facil- ported by an organized militia stationed in the He writes this upon their arrival: itate a defense of the walls, while the larger prairie. Aaron and Tabitha Williams moved to civilian forts combined blockhouses and Big Prairie in late 1810 or 1811 and fortified Though the owner of an estate in stockades. The sides of these forts were of- their farmstead to protect their family. this prairie, on which at this time ten partially composed of cabins joined by 9 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 the stockade wall. Blockhouses were placed later served as a rural tavern from the late feet, with some taller posts ranging from at one or more corners. Small forts could 1820s through the late 1830s, or rather, a 12 to 14 feet, based on post molds that be adequately defended on all four sides more formal expansion of activities that extended below the trench base. A small had probably already been occurring at the opening that measured 4¼ feet wide in one site during the 1812 era, as civilian forts wall trench and was flanked by large, deep typically operated as community centers post molds indicates the location of a gate and gathering places. on the south wall. Baked clay and daub re- The stockade formed a squared enclo- covered along the stockade footprint would sure with an elongated southeastern corner have been used to chink gaps between the that encompassed approximately 0.1 acre. posts for increased security. The slightly ir- A squared bastion projected from the cen- regular stockade footprint meant that ex- ter of the north wall, and a gate was located isting buildings were incorporated into the directly opposite the bastion on the south enclosure, while the feature arrangement wall. Bastions, which were projections from suggests that site activities principally oc- the fortification for defensive purposes, curred outside of its walls. were commonly placed at corners in the Four horizontal log buildings were shape of an oval or diamond. They were oc- incorporated into the wall of the stock- casionally situated in the middle of a wall ade (Figure 3). Openings at the southwest in a “V” shape. A squared, central bastion, and southeast corners suggest the location however, deviates from any standard mili- of two blockhouses. Compacted subsoil tary configuration and likely reflects aci- in these areas indicates dirt-floored build- vilian adaptation to the pre-existing home- ings. Two rectangular cabins, joined by the stead. bastion, were located at the two openings Figure 2. Excavation of the south stockade wall On average, the wall trench measured along the north wall. There is no written trench, view to west. 16 inches wide and 20 inches deep. In spite record of Williams Fort having been at- of a low density of post molds, excavation tacked and no clear archaeological evidence from two blockhouses located at diagonally profiles support the conclusion that up- of such was found during the excavations. opposite corners, while large forts needed right hickory and oak posts were used to However, three Kaskaskia-type iron arrow blockhouses on all corners. Bastions were construct the palisade. The height of the points were recovered during ARG’s exca- occasionally used instead of blockhouses, Williams’ stockade was extrapolated from vations at the neighboring contemporane- but were already less common by the late known building techniques to average 11 ous Williams Farmstead, located roughly a eighteenth century. quarter of a mile to the south, where Aaron and ARCHAEOLOGICAL Tabitha’s son Thomas INVESTIGATIONS Williams lived with his Sections of a stock- family. These Contact- ade wall trench on the period arrow points are north, west, and south evidence of conflict or sides were revealed dur- some form of interac- ing the Phase II investi- tion having occurred gation of Williams Fort with the local tribes. and were exposed in full during the Phase III FORT mitigation project. The ACTIVITIES stockade wall trench The very low num- was excavated in a se- ber of features and post ries of 2-m-long (6.6 molds located in the ft.-long) test units with stockade indicates a gen- balk walls maintained eral lack of activity inside for provenience and to after the initial settlement view the profile (Figure and fortification period 2). Our investigations between 1810 and 1815. revealed that the site Only two subfloor pits consisted of a farmstead (Features 2 and 19) as- occupied from about sociated with the cabins 1810 to 1838 that was along the north wall, one briefly fortified during feature (Feature 12) of the War of 1812. The site Figure 3. Interpretive site plan of Williams Fort. unknown function near Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 10 the southeast corner, and seven post molds Area 2 redware storage vessels supports a cold storage were found within the stockade. No wells or Area 2 is located about 20 m (66 ft.) function in the cellar and well. cisterns were located inside the enclosure. south of the fort and contained a well and While the lack of a water source within a cellar (Feature 42/50), a fire pit for a possible Area 3 fort was not unusual based on compara- smokehouse (Feature 49), a midden deposit Area 3 encompasses the eastern, western, tive data, it was certainly more precarious, (Feature 47), four features of unknown func- and northern peripheries of the site. These ar- based on accounts of settlers being attacked tion (Features 39, 40, 41, and 48), and seven eas contained four fire pits (Features 9, 22, 23, or killed while fetching water. and 31), two features of unknown The absence of a well inside the function (Features 21 and 43), and enclosure meant that little time a number of post molds. Although was spent inside. The two sub- most of the Area 3 features did not floor pits (Features 2 and 19) on contain enough temporally diag- the north wall were both shallow, nostic artifacts to definitively date rectangular flat-bottomed cellars them, the fire pits may represent with very high artifact and faunal the location of campfires associated density (Figure 4). These were the with the militia during the first de- site’s two earliest features, and in- cade of site occupation. Post molds terestingly, they also produced the scattered around the periphery and majority of the site’s gunflints and a concentration southwest of the lead balls—but whether these re- fort probably indicates agricultural flect defense/attack or a reliance activities. on hunting wild game during the early years is unclear. ARTIFACT ANALYSIS Three activity areas were There were 2,344 historic ar- identified outside of the enclo- Figure 4. Feature 19 subfloor cellar excavation profile, view to west. tifacts collected at the Williams sure: Area 1, immediately east/ Fort site during the site mitiga- southeast of the stockade; Area 2, tion, however, only about one- south of the stockade; and Area quarter of these can be directly 3, the site periphery. The feature correlated with the 1812-era for- artifact assemblages suggest that tification occupation. there was a general progression of In terms of domestic house- development from north to south hold artifacts, a relatively small at the site. number of storage and table wares were recovered from 1812-era de- Area 1 posits. Everyday unrefined ceram- The most intensively used ic wares dating to the fort period activity area outside the enclo- consisted primarily of redware sure was Area 1, which is adja- storage and service vessels, such as cent to the southeastern corner flasks, mugs, plates, and pie plates of the stockade and is associat- (Figure 6a). These include dense, ed with the farmstead and tav- refined redware manufactured ern. This area contained two in the eastern United States, al- wells (Features 7 and 16), two Figure 5. Feature 42/50 well at the base of a cellar though thick, crudely potted ves- subfloor pits (Features 3 and to the south of the fort, view to south. sels were represented. The likely 4), two fire pits (Features 6 source of the early redware at the and 11), four features of unknown func- post molds. At least one building, a barn or site would have been a pottery located eight tion (Features 5, 15, 25, and 28), and 11 outbuilding, was in this area. The types of fea- miles northeast in New Harmony, Indiana. post molds. The first well dug at the site tures, artifacts, and density of faunal remains Refined ceramic tablewares like plates, (Feature 16) was found under and just indicate that food processing activities, such as platters, cups, saucers, and bowls were found outside the stockade wall trench. This smoking, curing, and butchering occurred here. in moderate numbers. From 1812-era depos- well may have collapsed during the New The well (Feature 42/50) in Area 2 is the its, only creamware and pearlware were re- Madrid earthquake of December, 1811, site’s second well, based on artifact analysis. covered. Decorative motifs consisted almost and might be the reason it was filled and Due to its location directly south of the gate, it entirely of handpainted fineline floral and not included within the stockade. A his- would have been easily accessible from the fort non-floral soft pastel and earthtone variet- torical account ties the family to the site when confined within the stockade. This well ies that were popular in the 1810s, as well as area as one of Aaron Williams’ daugh- was located in the floor of a square cellar at ap- some handpainted blue floral and Chinese- ters was badly burned by hot coals when proximately 1.4 m (4.6 ft.) below the stripped themed motifs (Figures 6b, 6c). Aside from the earthquake hit. surface (Figure 5). The recovery of a number of plain creamwares and handpainted pearlware, 11 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 only annular decorations were found in 1812- of horseshoe nails (Figure 6h). A relatively lection include pattern-molded flasks, a large era contexts (Figure 6d). Very little glass was large sample of horseshoe nails compared to molded beehive bottle, large globular bottles, recovered from the 1812-era features, includ- other farmstead sites in the region may be cylindrical bottles, tumblers, a stemmed glass, ing only a few fragments of dark olive green indicative of a higher than average volume a decanter, a salt cellar, a pocket flask, a cruet wine bottles and colorless drinking tumblers. of travelers or visitors to the site, support- or caster for condiments, and several wine or Other household and personal artifacts ing the fact that the site served as a com- port bottles. include metal and bone utensils, brass straight munity center during the fortification era pins with wire-wrapped heads, iron awls, a and beyond. Excavation of the stockade wall CONCLUSION lathe-turned bone spool fragment (Figure trench produced several antler tips or seg- The archaeological excavations at Williams 6e), buttons, buckles, shoe nails, pocket clasp ments of tines with tips missing. One of Fort revealed the site to be strictly civilian in na- knives, smoking pipes, a stone marble, and an these was sawn and drilled, but its function ture but much more extensive than was suggested early nineteenth-century faceted glass bead. is unknown (Figure 6i). by written accounts. Although noted in the lit- One brass button was a large British military Ten hunting and defense artifacts recovered erature as a blockhouse, our excavations revealed coat button that measured 1 inch in diameter. in Feature 19, one of the shallow subfloor cellars a stockade wall with two log blockhouses at the It exhibited a basket-weave front decoration along the north wall of the stockade wall, consist- southwest and southeast corners and a central and a corn and floral wreath on the back with ed of French, English, and native chert gunflints, bastion flanked by two log cabins on the north the St. Edwards Crown at the top and knot and lead shots or sprue fragments (Figure 6j). wall. The general absence of features or middens ribbon at the bottom (Figure 6f). This but- Feature 7 contained cache of primary observed within the enclosure, in conjunction ton was a British officer’s button that dates deposits and was a significant discovery dur- with the fact that Flower’s and Birkbeck’s early to the late eighteenth to early nineteenth ing site mitigation. Those deposits, however, visit to the site in 1817 made no mention of a century. The pipe stockade, indicates fragment found in the fortification had an 1812-era con- probably been dis- text is a white clay, mantled with the stemmed variety. In close of the war, prob- addition there were ably around 1815 or two writing slate soon after. For the board fragments next 20 to 25 years and a cut Spanish until site abandon- Real one-dollar sil- ment, the site func- ver coin (also known tioned as a farmstead. as a “piece of eight") The excavation of the that can be dated to terminal-period Fea- between 1803 and ture 7 well yielded a 1810 (Figure 6g). large primary deposit Architectural of drinking and food material density service vessels, indi- and diversity was cating that a public low. Only two frag- establishment func- ments of aqua flat tioned along with the glass were found farmstead during the on site. Most likely final decade of site the windows on the Figure 6. Williams Fort artifacts: A. Coggled redware pie plate. B. Teabowl-shaped handpainted occupation. buildings at Wil- pearlware cup. C. Teabowl-shaped handpainted pearlware cup, “house and tree” central Chinese motif. D. The archaeo- liams Fort were Annular inlaid slip bowl. E. Lathe-turned bone spool. F. Brass British military officer’s coat button. G. Cut logical investigations covered with ani- Spanish Real 1 silver coin, cut (“piece of 8”), 1803−1810. H. Horseshoe nails. produced important mal skins, fabric, or I. Sawn and drilled antler. J. Gunflints. comparative data on greased paper rath- a War of 1812-era er than glass; in fact, 18 tacks were found in were placed after the close of the 1812-period fortified farmstead in southern Illinois. They 1812-era features, suggesting that window and probably at the time of site abandonment point out the potential that archaeology has to coverings were secured with tacks. There in the 1830s. Notable among the Feature 7 reveal the complexity of life on the frontier, giving was also no brick or stone, and even the assemblage were 40 glass table vessels, most the families a voice through traces in the soil and wells were probably lined with wood. Very of which were manufactured in Midwestern artifacts they left behind. few nails were found in the 1812-era con- glass houses in the late 1820s and 1830s. This texts; most of the nails (both early cut and rich glassware assemblage is very rare for a ru- Monica Shah Lomas is an Archaeologist/Project hand-wrought) recovered on-site were from ral frontier-period site in southern Illinois and Manager and Cally Lence is a Historian/Project a later-period feature. provides the best evidence for a tavern-like Manager with American Resources Group, Ltd., Equestrian artifacts consisted primarily establishment at the site. Vessels in the col- Carbondale, Illinois. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 12 “covering their dead and drying their tears” Civilian Casualties during the War of 1812 By Mark J. Wagner and Mary McCorvie

Introduction Their meeting with Marquette and Joliet in or make agreements. Potawatomi, Kicka- Native Americans attacks on Europe- 1673 marked the initial record of contact poo, and Sauk village members were linked an travelers and homesteads during times of between Europeans and Native tribes in together by kin ties, most particularly the war were part of the pattern of warfare be- Illinois history. By the 1760s, however, the clan. Clan membership entwined individu- tween Native and European peoples in the Illinois Indians had been displaced by the als within a set of reciprocal obligations, Eastern Woodlands from the seventeenth Potawatomi, Kickapoo, and Sauk, who then with clan members both supporting and to nineteenth centuries. Such attacks also laid claim to the northern and central parts being protected by fellow clan members. occurred in Illinois during the War of 1812 of the state for the next 70 years. Members as Native American war parties raided deep of other groups present in lesser numbers Vengeance into southern Illinois to attack the homes included the Mesquakie (Fox), Menomi- One of the obligations of a lineage or of American settlers. What is often miss- nee, Winnebago, Piankashaw, Shawnee, clan member in many Native American ing in discussions of this type of warfare, Delaware, Chippewa, and Ottawa. societies was to “retaliate in kind for the however, is information regarding the Na- The members of these groups followed killing of a member of the nation or a kin tive American societies that launched these a “traditional” way of life that had devel- group.” Not only was the individual who raids and their reasons for doing so. In or- oped in the lower Great Lakes Region over was the cause of the death responsible, but der to provide a Native perspective on the a two-century-long period. For six months also his kin group “whether a household, an military actions that occurred between Na- of each year they raised corn and other extended family, or a clan” also had a collec- tive peoples and American settlers in Illi- crops in summer villages, with at least part tive responsibility for the killing. In many nois during the War of 1812, it is necessary of the population going elsewhere for a groups, certain close relatives had a right to to explore their lifeways, social and politi- summer hunt. Common village features in- avenge their dead kin; this was sometimes cal organization, and other aspects of their cluded bark or mat lodges, council houses, even a requirement. In other groups, such societies. cemeteries, dance grounds, and agricultural as with the Potawatomi in Illinois, the of- The majority of the information re- fields. As soon as crops were harvested in fended group could accept compensation in garding these attacks is taken from Gillum the fall, the people in these villages dis- the form of trade goods or other items from Ferguson’s new history of Illinois in the War persed to occupy small winter camps where the relatives of the killer to “cover their of 1812, as well as older accounts of these they hunted fur-bearing mammals for trade dead” or “dry their tears.” Such items often same attacks. These sources provide infor- and food. Starting in the late winter or included blankets or robes, which served as mation on the ages and genders of people early spring they would return to the sum- a metaphor for covering the graves of the who were attacked, the times of year these mer villages, where the houses had been left dead. If the compensation was inadequate raids occurred, the groups responsible for standing, to begin planting their fields and or refused, the result could be a series of making these attacks, and other issues. Two begin the cycle once again. endless vengeance killings by war parties raids—the Wood River Massacre and the By the late eighteenth century Algon- determined to avenge the deaths of their Lively Family Massacre—provide informa- quin tribes had been participating in the fur murdered relatives. tion on the factors that may have led up to trade for almost 150 years, during which If the killing was international in na- these raids as well as some initial archaeo- European merchants and government of- ture, that is, committed by a person outside logical information regarding the Lively ficials had learned the types of trade goods of the group to which the murdered per- family homestead and cemetery. desired by Native American consumers. son belonged, the entire nation of the killer Paramount among these was cloth, which could be held responsible for the killing Late Eighteenth/Early Native American women shaped into dis- and retaliated upon. And this is the situ- Nineteenth Century tinctive non-European clothing styles. ation that existed on the Illinois frontier Native Lifeways in Illinois All of these groups lived in politically during the War of 1812. As Native Ameri- The Sauk, Potawatomi, Kickapoo and independent villages. Rather than being cans were killed in the war, regardless of other Algonquin groups of northern and led by a hereditary chief with the power who initiated the attack, their relatives at- central Illinois who fought on the British to command, each village had a council of tacked American soldiers and civilians to side during the War of 1812 had only re- elders that made decisions by consensus. avenge their deaths. In effect, the members cently come to Illinois, arriving during the The council in turn was represented by an of these groups pursued the same pattern late eighteenth century. Prior to this time “okama” or principal man, who could repre- of warfare in regard to the Americans as if the Illinois confederacy was the most pow- sent the council in meetings with outsiders they had been at war with another Native erful Native American group in the state. but who lacked the power to sign treaties American group. 13 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 According to Gillum Ferguson’s Illi- in the late winter to early spring between mer villages. Warriors who had been rela- nois in the War of 1812, a total of 22 Native late February and April, corresponding tively isolated from each other throughout American raids occurred in which Ameri- exactly with the time of year when Native the winter months in hunting camps now can civilians were killed, wound- came together once again as ed, or captured between 1811 their clans and lineages reas- and 1816. These attacks primar- sembled at the summer villages. ily occurred in 12 present-day This enabled them to talk over southern Illinois counties with the events of the last year, reach one attack also taking place at decisions regarding the need for Chicago. The distribution of the revenge, and once again begin attacks corresponds to the loca- forming war parties to attack the tions of American settlement American settlements. during the War of 1812 and in- In terms of casualties, at dicates that no part of southern least 83 Illinois American civil- Illinois was safe from attack dur- ians were killed, wounded, or ing that time. captured in raids between 1811 Five different groups— and 1815. Of these, 63 were the Potawatomi, Kickapoo, killed, 10 were wounded, three Winnebago, Piankashaw, and captured, and seven escaped (one Creek—were involved in these of those who escaped was also raids while the Sauk also at- wounded). Adults were attacked tacked civilians in Missouri. In more frequently than children, regard to the 13 raids where the comprising 68 per cent of all in- identities of the raiding parties dividuals whose ages are known. are known, the majority of these Adult males, in turn, were at- attacks involved the Kickapoo tacked more frequently than and Potawatomi. This is not sur- adult females, making up 77 per prising as they, along with the cent of all killed, wounded, or Sauk, were the predominant Na- captured adult civilians. tive American groups in Illinois Captive taking, which had during the War of 1812. formed part of the pattern of The distribution of the raids warfare between Europeans and by year makes an almost perfect Native Americans in earlier bell curve with the raids steadily Eastern Woodlands conflicts, increasing, reaching a peak in was infrequent in Illinois dur- 1813, then declining until the ing the War of 1812. Only three end of the war. This distribution individuals, all of whom were reflects the worsening fortunes of members of the same family, Native American peoples in the were captured and held by the Great Lakes region as the war Kickapoo during the war, and progressed, culminating in the they were returned safely at the death of Tecumseh at the battle end of the war. The lack of pris- of the Thames in late 1813. As oner taking may be related to the a result, the Potawatomi of the long distances that war parties Kankakee and Illinois River val- had to travel to return safely to ley signed armistice agreements their home villages and the fact in late 1813 and participated in that they often were pursued by no Illinois raids in 1814 that re- Illinois Rangers while doing so. sulted in civilian casualties. The Kickapoo, however, remained The Wood River and hostile and were identified as Lively Massacres having led two raids in the Wa- Two of the best documented bash River valley and American raids on Illinois civilians during Bottom that caused numerous the War of 1812 are the Wood civilian deaths as late as the summer Civilian casualties during the War of 1812. River and Lively family massacres. of 1814, and may have been respon- The first is a particularly brutal mas- sible for additional raids. peoples began leaving their winter hunting sacre by the Kickapoo of six children and The majority of the attacks took place camps and re-establishing their large sum- an adult woman, all of whom were mem- Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 14 bers of the Moore family, that took place milked the family cows. While they were graves should have been present, a General at Wood River on July, 3, 1813. The raid gone, the Kickapoo attacked and killed the Land Office surveyor named Enoch Moore may have been the result of Illinois Gov- remainder of the family. Illinois Rangers mapped the area. Moore’s map shows that who arrived at the the Lively homestead was located within a cabin site the next wooded area that bordered Crooked Creek morning found with prairies to the east and west. This map that although appears to provide some support for that John Lively had part of the traditional Lively Family Mas- been killed and sacre account that states that the hired man scalped, he had and one of the Lively sons escaped being not been other- killed because they were out gathering wise mutilated. in the families’ horses. As the GLO map His wife and two shows, this indeed may have been the case of his daughters, if the Livelys had been using the prairie however, report- west of their cabin as a pasture for their edly had been horses and the son and the hired man were cut to pieces. The out on the prairie gathering in these ani- Rangers buried mals at the time of the attack. the Lively fam- ily next to their The Lively General Land Office map of the Lively Cemetery area. cabin, marking the Farmstead Today graves with upright The Lively farmstead and graves are to- ernor Edwards’ attack on the Kickapoo and field stones. day located on private property in a wood- Potawatomi villages at Peoria in October, Thomas Forsyth, in reporting on the ed area owned by a local timber company. 1812. Edwards took the Kickapoo village, killing of the Lively family in a letter to A stone marker, erected by the Washing- reportedly headed by Pemwatome, by com- Governor Edwards, noted “Kickapoos ton County historical site in 1936, marks plete surprise, resulting in numerous Kick- who killed Mr. Lively’s family…this party the presumed location of the Lively cabin, apoo casualties. One of the militia compa- was led by Little Deer”. Little Deer, a while the spring still flows beneath the hill nies that took part in the attack was headed Kickapoo leader by Captain James Moore, while John Lively who attended was a member of Jacob Short’s Company. conferences with The war party, in what clearly appears American offi- to have been a retaliatory raid to avenge cials both before the Kickapoo women and children killed at and after the war, Peoria, headed for the area of Whiteside’s is believed to Station where members of the Moore and have led a num- Whiteside families lived. There they am- ber of southern bushed a party of small children led by Mrs. Illinois raids dur- Rachel Regan, killing her and all of the ing the course of children. They made no attempt to take the the war. He also smaller children captive, which they easily had a village on could have done, nor did they attack any- the Illinois River one else. This suggests that the purpose of above Peoria dur- the raid was to retaliate in kind against the ing the War of Moore and Whiteside families and obtain 1812. If Little vengeance for the Kickapoo women and Deer or the other children who had been killed at Peoria. Al- Kickapoo in- though this does not excuse what the Kick- volved in the raid on Niki Wagner mapping the gravestones at Lively Cemetery. apoo did in killing the Moore children, it the Lively family in- does perhaps help explain why they carried deed were seeking retaliation in kind for containing the marker. A photograph of out such a brutal attack. the Kickapoo women and children at Peo- the graves taken in 1968 shows that there The Lively Massacre may also beas- ria, it may explain why John Lively’s body were five upright markers at that time, only sociated with the Kickapoo need to obtain reportedly was not mutilated but those of three of which remain today. vengeance for their relatives killed at Peo- his wife and daughters were. Again, this We recorded the graves through a ria. According to one account, John Lively does not excuse the Kickapoo, but it may combination of mapping and photography. sent one of his sons, William, along with help explain why they did it. The two remaining upright grave markers, a hired man, out one evening to gather in Only four months after the massacre, which according to tradition were placed their horses while his wife and daughters at a time when both the Lively cabin and over the graves by the Illinois Rangers, 15 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 consist of unshaped sandstone slabs that family cow, which Mrs. Lively reportedly ican-driven process, Gomo informed lack inscriptions. The markers are held up- was milking at the time of the attack, and Captain Phillips of what had happened right by smaller pieces of sandstone placed was a type of animal in which the Kickapoo and told him that, while the Potawatomi against their bases. Three other clusters of would not have been interested. liked him and his soldiers personally, they sandstone that mark the locations of fall- unfortunately would have to seek ven- en grave markers are present. Three of the Diplomacy geance for their murdered relatives by at- graves have associated depressions where Instead of Vengance tacking American settlers on the Wabash the ground settled following the digging of One other massacre, this time by the River. Phillips, who had long experience the graves. The number of graves—five— Illinois Rangers upon the Potawatomi, also with Native Americans, recognized his supports the traditional stories that five illustrates the Native American concepts expected role in the process and immedi- of the family were killed in the Kickapoo of vengeance, retaliation, and “covering the ately apologized for the attack, condemn- attack. Unfortunately, we were not able to dead” during the War of 1812. In Novem- ing the America militia in the strongest find any artifacts or remains associated with ber, 1813 a group of Illinois Rangers com- language. the Lively cabin and its location remains manded by yet another Moore, Captain When Governor William Clark, who unknown. Although the historical marker James Moore, came upon a group of friend- had decades of experience in dealing with is said to mark the ly Potawatomi in Native Americans learned of the attack, he location of this present-day Lo- responded in a Native American manner cabin, there are no gan County. De- by offering to “cover the dead” with gifts visible remains of spite the efforts to avert the threatened attacks. Clark kept this structure in of the Potawa- his promise by sending Thomas Forsyth, a this area nor have tomi to assure the man with detailed knowledge of the Na- we ever found any Americans they tive American peoples of Illinois, to Peoria early 1800s arti- were peaceful, with trade goods to give to the relatives of facts in eroded ar- Moore’s men at- the deceased in order to “cover the dead” eas near the mark- tacked them, kill- and “dry their tears”. Again, this entire pro- er in our several ing five, capturing cedure of apologizing and offering gifts to visits to the site. two others, and avert the vengeance of the relatives of the A d d i t i o n a l wounding their deceased individuals was a Native Ameri- information on leader Gomo’s can process that had centuries old roots in the Lively Fam- brother in the the Great Lakes region, not an American ily massacre is process. or European invention to buy their way out provided by the When noti- of trouble. Lively Family es- fied of the attack, Captain Moore, whose soldiers had tate papers at the Gomo acted in caused the crisis, also played a role in this Randolph County the manner of a drama that his Native American counter- Courthouse. An traditional Po- parts would have immediately recognized. auction was held tawatomi leader At an inquest into the attack, Moore was on June 29, 1813, to Grave marker at the Lively Cemetery. in what the histo- cleared of all responsibility because he was settle the family’s es- rian Richard White able to demonstrate that his men had acted tate. The list of items sold at the auction labeled the “middle ground” of the Great against his orders in attacking and killing indicates that the Livelys, even by the stan- Lakes region. The “middle ground” was the Potawatomi. Although the irony was dards of other early 1800s southern Illinois not a place but a process, the result of probably lost on Moore and his contempo- settlers, owned very little of value outside over 200 years of interaction, through raries, this type of defense—that I could not of their livestock. Clothing items offered at which Europeans and Americans on one control my young men and that they acted the auction belonging to John Lively that side and Native Americans on the other against my wishes—was precisely that used may have been in the cabin at the time of came to understand each other’s way of for generations by Native American leaders the attack consisted of one hat, one pair life and values well enough to seek an ac- such as Gomo, who had little actual power of shoes, and one pair of socks. The very commodation. Gomo, in particular, un- to stop anyone from doing anything they meager clothing possessions of Mrs. Live- derstood this process very well. Instead of wanted. Native American leaders had of- ly similarly consisted of one bonnet, one immediately attacking American settlers fered American and European officials this shawl, and one pair of slippers. in retaliation for the attack on his family, defense for generations and the officials The list of livestock sold at the auction Gomo used his mediational skills as a Po- consistently refused to believe or accept it. appears to support traditional accounts of tawatomi okama to force the Americans the attack. These included several horses, on to the Middle Ground where they had Mark Wagner is Director of the Center for which the son and hired man reportedly to recognize Native Americans as people Archaeological Investigations, Southern Il- had been sent to bring in, so they were not and seek an accommodation for one of linois University at Carbondale, and Mary at the cabin at the time the Kickapoo at- the last times in the history of Illinois. McCorvie is Heritage Program Manager at tacked. Also sold at the auction was the In what was clearly a Native Amer- the Shawnee National Forest, Harrisburg, IL. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 16 SEARCHING FOR FORT JOHNSON, Hancock County, Illinois By Joseph L. Bartholomew, Steven L. Tieken, and David J. Nolan

Nearly 200 years ago, a future U.S. sions from the American headquarters near local memory. The fort remains were liter- president, a famous Native American, a St. Louis. ally and figuratively covered by the sands foreign army, and the grandson of a frontier The following year in 1815, a tempo- of time. icon all converged rary winter en- on what is today campment called EARLY RESEARCH Warsaw, Illinois. Cantonment Da- As part of Illinois archaeology’s rec- This came about vis was erected on ognition of the War of 1812 Bicenten- as a direct conse- the ruins of Fort nial, this article recounts some of the less quence of the on- Johnson to house well known events and individuals that going struggle for the soldiers who ultimately proved integral to the discovery control over trade would ultimately of the physical remains of Fort Johnson/ and settlement build a series of Cantonment Davis. For additional details along the western post-war military about the history of the fort search and its frontier of Amer- trading posts, in- important artifact assemblage, the reader ica during the cluding Fort Ed- is referred to Fishel (2012a, 2012b), Nolan War of 1812. The wards in Warsaw, (2009), Nolan et al. (2012), and several oth- focal point for Fort Armstrong er articles included in this issue of Illinois this convergence Figure 1. War of 1812 Button. at Rock Island, Antiquity. However, we would be remiss if was Fort John- and Fort Craw- we did not mention that the first serious son, which was ford in Prairie Du scholarly attempt to document the early constructed in the fall of 1814 under the Chien, Wisconsin. In 1914, the citizens of nineteenth-century American military command of Brevet Major Zachary Taylor, Warsaw erected an obelisk monument at outposts in Warsaw was done by William who later became the twelfth president of the site of Fort Edwards to mark the 100 L. Talbot, a local historian and postmaster the United States. Captain of the nearby town of , James Callaway, grandson of Iowa, who had a special inter- the legendary Daniel Boone, est in early fur trade activities. was one of the military offi- Talbot discovered a num- cers in charge of the fort. He ber of important primary also drafted the only period sources relating to Fort John- sketch of what the fort may son, Cantonment Davis, and have looked like that is cur- Fort Edwards, leading him rently available. to pen Fort Edwards Military During the brief life of Post and Fur Trade Center in Fort Johnson, it was spied 1968, which is still the most upon by the famous Sauk In- thoroughly written history of dian warrior Blackhawk, who the fort. The data contained was accompanied by several in this work proved invaluable braves and a detachment of to our search for Fort John- British soldiers. This mission son and it seems somewhat resulted in a minor attack ironic now, that in his closing that only served to heighten remarks, Talbot (1968) stated: the sense of danger that sur- rounded this isolated frontier Since the last timbers military post. After less than Figure 2. Joe Bartholomew and Jim Wenzel Probing during of old Fort Edwards were two months total existence, 1983-1984 Fort Search in Warsaw. carried away there has the fort and its works were been no extensive research destroyed by the men who occupied it, be- year anniversary of the establishment of in the area where the old fort stood cause winter was looming and the demor- Fort Johnson, but by then, the location of or to find where its predecessor, Fort alized detachment had not received provi- this earlier outpost had largely faded from Johnson, was located. It is hoped that 17 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 sometime the state of Illinois might objects could be located for examination. facts were recovered, which along with the employ some of its archaeologists notes and paperwork, are curated by the in uncovering whatever remains of INITIAL INVESTIGATIONS Warsaw Museum. Several features were these old forts in order to provide Since the study area was quite also encountered and mapped but were additional information about an large, the two initial project collabo- backfilled for future investigation, so their historic part rators tried to association was not clear at that time. of western narrow the num- Wenzel moved from Warsaw near Illinois, so ber of possible the end of 1984, leaving Bartholomew that teach- locations by as the sole proponent of the search. For ers, students overlaying the almost the next two decades, the senior and tourists scaled fort di- author continued to interview residents can appreci- mensions, which and monitor construction/demolition ate more fully were provided sites and local garden plots in the study the struggles in Captain Cal- area, but no additional archaeological of pioneers liv- laway’s sketch testing was undertaken. He also period- ing on the up- and a report ically shopped the project around to re- per Mississippi made by British gional archaeologists but could not get over 150 years Army spies, onto anyone interested enough to join the ago, where a modern topo- search. This was primarily due to the frontier militia graphic map of extremely short duration of the fort oc- lived and died, the area. Using cupation, which most felt would make while rug- these drawings the site difficult, if not impossible to ged fur traders Figure 3. Mike Hargrave and Steve Tieken and the other find. The trail went cold for a number Conducted Magnetometer and Electrical Resistance pursued their data, the search of years. That all changed in 2002, when Surveys in Warsaw. avocation and area was refined Joe met Steve Tieken, the president of brought American civilization to to three possible residential locations the Quincy-based North American this part of the United States. on the bluff in the southwestern part Archaeological Institute (NAAI), who of Warsaw. Some limited field investi- immediately signed on and brought a FOCUS ON LOCATION gations were subsequently undertaken renewed sense of enthusiasm and drive In 1983 the senior author and Jim to locate remains relating to the fort to the project. Wenzel, both Warsaw natives, took up Tal- in the hope that it would motivate re- bot’s challenge and began what came to be gional archaeologists to undertake a RENEWED EFFORTS a nearly twenty-five year odys- The NAAI had recent- sey to find the location of Fort ly completed an unfunded Johnson and Cantonment survey of the adjacent Lima Davis. Their research initially Lake area and Tieken was consisted of consulting the initially interested in how available documentary sourc- Fort Edwards might relate es, reviewing old maps and air to the Euro-American trade photos, and interviewing lo- goods (gun flints, lead shot, cal history buffs to determine fish spears or harpoons, where folklore traditionally axes, sleigh bells, and cop- placed the site of Fort John- per kettle fragments) that son. They also conferred with were recently found on sev- Talbot himself on several oc- eral post-contact American casions, which proved invalu- Indian sites in that area. able. A hypothesis for possible However, the two men ulti- locations of Fort Johnson was Figure 4. Rich Fishel Exposing Burned Area Adjacent to Limestone Wall or mately focused their efforts quickly developed and the Chimney Footing at 11HA957. on finding Fort Johnson in residents living in those areas partnership with the city of were interviewed. However, everyone ques- more comprehensive examination. This Warsaw, in the hopes that this would tioned was certain that the fort was located included hand probing (Figure 2) and lead to a revitalization in interest in on their property! A number of individu- trenching, with all of the investigated the town’s early nineteenth-century als even produced War of 1812-era military areas and tests tied to a “permanent” military history, as well as tourism. The buttons that could possibly validate their datum point and grid. A field journal historic sources were reexamined and claims (Figure 1); others spoke of artifacts was maintained throughout the inves- additional field reconnaissance was un- discovered on their property by grandpar- tigations and photographs were taken dertaken at that time, narrowing the ents or distant relatives, but none of these on a regular basis. A few period arti- search area to two broad bluff top loca- Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 18 tions that met most of the physiograph- of at least one fortification ditch and of the Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis ic criteria outlined on Calloway’s map several probable building locations. site using primarily volunteer labor. This and in the other available contempo- Based upon the results of these inves- work resulted in the documentation of rary accounts. Importantly, several Fort buildings (Fig- Tieken and Bartholomew ure 4), a probable palisade also secured the permission ditch and other linear anom- and enthusiastic support of alies, and the collection of the landowners to under- an unexpectedly rich artifact take archaeological investi- assemblage (Figure 5, also gations on their properties. see the articles by Fishel and One of these was originally Hickson in this issue). targeted during the 1983- The rest, as they say, “is 1984 study but could not be history.” The search for Fort accessed at that time. Johnson is a real success In 2003, the junior story in the area of pub- author joined the team at lic partnerships and ama- Tieken’s urging and con- teur/professional archae- vinced a number of col- ological collaboration. leagues with varying types We are honored to be the of archaeological expertise ones who, through a simi- to volunteer their assistance lar type of fortuitous con- as well. Two key individu- vergence as the historical als were Ken Farnsworth figures mentioned above, and Dr. Michael Hargrave, fulfilled Talbot’s dream by who specialized in different bringing the storied past remote sensing techniques. alive again in the present. Once they came on board For those contemplat- in 2003-2004, the targeted ing similar projects, we properties were each sub- remind you that in addi- jected to electronic resis- tion to trowels and shov- tance, magnetometer, metal Figure 5. Bone Handled Utensils and Pottery Fragments from Fort Johnson/ els, patience and restraint detector, and gridded au- Cantonment Davis (11HA957). are necessary parts of an ger test surveys (Figure 3). archaeologist’s tool kit, One of the surveyed locations yielded tigations, we held a press conference in especially when dealing with unique the circumscribed remains of an early Warsaw in 2006 announcing that the re- historic resources like this. We also settler’s cabin and more broadly scat- mains of both the fort and cantonment hope that, in addition to the lost tered prehistoric artifacts (11HA958), had been found. treasures you seek, you find the type whereas the other (11HA957) pro- In retrospect, after reviewing some of of camaraderie and friendships that duced a remarkable assemblage of defi- the notes and photographs housed at the we discovered while pursuing our nite War of 1812-era military artifacts. Warsaw Historical Society, it is clear that “grail.” several features that almost certainly re- FINDING FORT JOHNSON late to the Cantonment occupation were EPILOGUE Small-scale probing and remote encountered in 1983-1984. The tested lo- The continuing research at the site, sensing work was subsequently under- cations were situated on the same tract as well as multidisciplinary studies of the taken across 11HA957 in 2005 as part where the fort and cantonment were ulti- collections that have been amassed, will of an attempt to isolate features asso- mately discovered (11HA957). It was the over the coming years illuminate what ev- ciated with the defensive perimeter of respect for this valuable historic resource eryday life was like for the military and Fort Johnson. It remained possible that that kept Bartholomew and Wenzel from civilian personnel who were stationed at some or all of the period artifacts were digging haphazardly into the deposits this isolated frontier fort location. related to Cantonment Davis, which they found, forestalling the discovery for was built over the razed fort location nearly two decades. Joe Bartholomew is a member of the and beyond. This work demonstrat- Since 2006, the NAAI donated the Warsaw Historical Society and Museum, ed that the unusual linear ditches or archeological collections stemming from Steve Tieken is Director, North American depressions observed on the site sur- our initial testing work to ITARP (now Il- Archaeological Institute, and David No- face had obvious depth and were not linois State Archaeological Survey, ISAS) lan is Coordinator, Western Illinois Field modern constructs, such as buried tile in 2009 and ISAS assumed the overall di- Station, Illinois State Archaeological or utility lines, as some originally be- rection of the project. We have also con- Survey, Prairie Research Institute, Uni- lieved. We also confirmed the presence ducted three individual week-long tests versity of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. 19 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 War of 1812-Era Buttons from Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis By Richard L. Fishel

Buttons are among the more common artifact types recov- ered from many historic period archaeological sites, and mili- tary forts and camps dating to the War of 1812 are not excep- tions. Recent archaeological excavations at two War of 1812-era American military posts, Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis in Hancock County, Illinois, recovered a diverse artifact assem- blage that includes a wide array of button types. The following presents a brief introduction to the button assemblage from both the fort and the cantonment. A detailed analysis of the War of 1812 buttons from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis can be found in Fishel (2012) and background information pertaining to the fort and the cantonment is presented in Nolan (2009). FORT JOHNSON/CATONMENT DAVIS BUTTON ASSEMBLAGE An assortment of 318 buttons was recovered from the Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis location during archaeological in- vestigations between 2004 and 2011. The flotation samples from the 2011 excavation were not yet processed at the time of this analysis, thus any buttons within those samples are not included here. MATERIAL Figure 1. Black glass (A), two-piece (B–D, I), stamped metal-covered (E), and The majority of the fort/cantonment buttons are manufac- miscellaneous (F–H) buttons from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis. Image I is tured from either brass or white metal such as lead or pewter. an enlargement of Button B. Some of these buttons were silver-plated, while a few others were gold-plated. Because this plating easily wears away, the number of originally plated buttons cannot be accurately quan- tified. Typically, War of 1812 soldiers of the Infantry and Dra- goons wore white metal buttons, members of the Artillery and Rifle Regiments wore yellow brass buttons, and officer buttons of all the branches were generally silver- or gold-plated. Other raw material types from which fort/cantonment but- tons were manufactured include bone, cast iron, and black glass (Figures 1–3). Bone buttons are generally associated with cloth- ing that was normally not publicly seen, such as undergarments, while the cast iron specimen is likely not a clothing button. Black glass buttons at that time were a cheaper substitute for buttons manufactured from jet, which is petrified wood that was polished to a black, glass-like appearance. SIZE The button assemblage ranges in size from eight to 25 mm (or 0.3 to 1 inch) in diameter. Bone buttons are typically small, occurring only within the 8–12 mm range. Plain brass but- tons, however, vary from 9–25 mm in diameter, while the plain Figure 2. Buttons from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis not exhibiting a shanked pewter buttons occur in a variety of sizes ranging from military insignia. A–B: Pewter conical buttons; C–D: Ball buttons; E–L: Plain 14 to 23 mm. Buttons with a military insignia at Johnson/Davis brass buttons; M: Plain pewter button; N: Tombac button. cluster in two distinct diameter ranges: 13–16 mm (N=90) and Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 20 19–21 mm (N=92). A silver-plated Infan- of 1812 military vest buttons are approxi- BUTTONS WITHOUT try officer’s button (Figure 1F) measures mately 15 mm (half inch) in diameter while MILITARY INSIGNIAS 24 mm in diameter and is the largest but- War of 1812 military coat buttons are ap- Buttons not exhibiting a military in- ton exhibiting a military insignia from the proximately 20 mm (three quarters inch). signia total 98 at the site (Figures 1–3). site. Other than the 13–16 mm, 19–21 mm, The exceptions to this sizing are the coat Other than two brass buttons that exhibit a “basket-weave” pattern of interlocking lines (Figure 3J, K), all of these buttons lack designs. These buttons, while possibly associated with the regular military, could also be non uniform buttons from clothing worn by the militia or rangers, from non uniform clothing worn by the enlisted men, associated with those non military person- nel attached to the fort/cantonment, or are non-clothing buttons. Non military per- sonnel could include “camp followers” such as sutlers, officer’s wives, officer’s servants, washerwomen/laundresses, and even slaves. Women’s clothing at this time, however, typically did not contain buttons, thus most of the buttons from the fort/cantonment are likely associated with men’s clothing. Eleven additional buttons are damaged so heavily it cannot be discerned what designs, if any, are present on the button’s face BUTTONS WITH Figure 3. Bone buttons (A–G), two-hole sew-through buttons (H–I), brass buttons displaying a basket MILITARY INSIGNIAS weave pattern ( J–K), four-hole cast iron button (L), and four-hole lead button Two-hundred eight buttons ex- (M) from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis. hibit insignias associated with six military branches: Infantry (N=114), Army General Service (N=64), Rifle- men (N=24), Artillery (N=4), Light Artillery (N=1), and Dragoons (N=1) (Figures 4–6). One additional but- ton (Figure 1B, I) exhibiting a mili- tary insignia could not be assigned to a specific military branch but may be associated with the Infantry. The most common insignias include 109 exam- ples of the Infantry button exhibiting a script initial “I” (Figure 4A–I) and 64 examples of the Army General Ser- vice button exhibiting the letters “US” (Figure 5). During the latter part of the War of 1812, additional regiments were formed, with the buttons of each re- flecting the regiment’s designation. For example, a single Regiment of Riflemen was established in 1808, but in February 1814 three additional regiments were formed. In May 1815, Figure 4. Selected Infantry buttons from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis. due to the end of the war, the four regiments were consolidated back into and 24 mm diameters, no other button size epaulet buttons, which were of the smaller one regiment. Thus, any War of 1812 was recovered from the fort/cantonment size. Overall and breeches buttons occur in Riflemen buttons bearing the regiment with a military insignia. Generally, War a variety of sizes. numbers 1–4 (Figure 6G–L) were 21 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 manufactured only in 1814 or early in the First Riflemen (N=4), the Second the War of 1812. This suggests that 1815. Regiments represented by but- Riflemen (N=8), and the Fourth Rifle- either various regimental buttons were tons at the fort/cantonment include men (N=3). attached to clothing ultimately issued the First Artillery (N=3), the Third It is interesting to note that some to other regiments, or personnel who Artillery (N=1), the First Light Artil- of these regiments did not see active switched regiments were not issued lery (N=1), the Second Infantry (N=2), duty in the during new uniforms to reflect this change. Some of these regiments were also dis- banded during the first part of 1815, after the war was over and prior to the establishment of Cantonment Davis in the fall of 1815, indicating that uni- forms or buttons were reused or not always upgraded. CONCLUDING REMARKS Intended to be mainly a fasten- ing device, buttons can also serve as identification and status markers in both military and civilian contexts. Most War of 1812 military uniforms were laden with buttons, the majority of which were contained on the coat, which was the most visible part of the uniform. Depending upon which uni- form style was in use at the time, the coat alone could contain up to 38 but- tons. In addition to the coat, breeches, gaiters/half gaiters, overalls, jackets, vests, shirts, suspenders, and even caps Figure 5. Selected Army General Service buttons from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis. and hats contained buttons. While the exact number of buttons associated with any given soldier in uniform var- ied with season, branch of service, and particular uniform style throughout the war, the number was obviously very high and could far exceed 50 for most enlisted personnel in the field. It is not surprising, therefore, that buttons are commonly found among the remains of most early nineteenth century mili- tary posts. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Research pertaining to Fort John- son/Cantonment Davis was supported in part by the Illinois State Archaeo- logical Survey (ISAS), a division of the Prairie Research Institute, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Fig- ures are by Marcia Martinho and are used courtesy of ISAS.

Richard L. Fishel is Senior Staff Ar- chaeologist with the Western Illinois Field Station, Illinois State Archae- ological Survey, Prairie Research Figure 6. Selected Light Artillery (A), Artillery (B–D), Riflemen (E, G–N), and Dragoon (F) buttons Institute, University of Illinois at from Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis. Urbana-Champaign. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 22 Bayonets in the Wilderness: An Intriguing Presence in the Archaeological Record at Fort Johnson and Cantonment Davis By Robert N. Hickson

As expected, limited test excavations at lutionary War found their way into state militia built in September 1814 and subsequently razed Fort Johnson/Cantonment Davis (11HA957) supplies and were issued on a regular basis. The and burned a month later, the ensuing with- have recovered a large array of arms-related deep green patination on this example implies a drawal downriver was likely a hurried event and artifacts. Most of these overwhelmingly rep- high-quality brass alloy composition. unnecessary items were probably discarded or left resent ancillary or supportive items instead of The two flat, “Z-shaped profile” examples behind. By all accounts, bayonet scabbards of the actual weapons or parts of weapons. To date a (Figure 1a-b) are a standard United States issue time fall into this category and the presence of large number of gunflints, lead balls, and cast- ing sprue (waste lead from the manufacture of lead balls/ammunition) represent the bulk of the arms-related artifact assemblage, but three brass-edged weapon scabbard belt hooks have also been recovered. These represent the only di- rect weapon-related artifacts recovered thus far (Figure 1). Two were discovered during initial metal detector survey activities and a third was recovered from the lower levels of a test unit ex- cavation along the north edge of the site. These artifacts are commonly referred to as belt hooks but are also known as lockets or frog clips. The War of 1812 bayonet and short sword scabbard were hooked on to a white-cloth cross belt (see Figure 2), not a leather waist belt as Figure 1. (Above) Bayonet Scabbard Belt Hooks one might assume. These hooks were attached Recovered from Fort Johnson/Cantonement to a 16-inch-long leather scabbard by inserting Davis. (a-b): United States Model 1808 the two studs on the back of the hook (see Fig- Examples; (c): French Charleville Example. ure 1) through the throat or top of the scabbard and then peening the ends flat, riveting it to the Figure 2. (Right)War of 1812 Bayonet and Cross leather body. One can see how these could eas- Belt Showing Method of Attachment. ily be lost, considering the leverage action caused by catching the tip of the weapon on something, form attributable to the scabbard of a model 1808 these three bayonet scabbard hooks within the tearing the small attachment points free from the pattern bayonet with minor manufacturer related archaeological assemblage suggests such an activ- scabbard body. Bayonets were commonly lost differences. This pattern of bayonet and scabbard ity occurred. It will be interesting to see if more of more than any other parts of a musket. This type represent the first regulation U.S. accouterments this type of artifact will be recovered with contin- of attachment must have been seen as a design of the type, and remained in service until 1828. ued work at the site. flaw, as later bayonet scabbards have the hook in- Bayonets were an almost useless piece of re- corporated as an integral part of a brass throat as- quired military hardware on the frontier during ACKNOWLEDGMENTS sembly. Several accounts document the complete the War of 1812. They were intended for use in The majority of this article is based on vol- disposal of scabbards in preference to tucking the large formations of infantry that delivered disci- unteer work by archaeologists and interested sup- bayonet itself into the waist or cross belt. plined volleys of musket fire followed by a bayo- porters. The Illinois State Archaeological Survey Two styles of cast brass belt hooks have net charge en masse. This type of battle forma- (ISAS) under the direction of Dr. Thomas Em- been identified at Fort Johnson. The pear-shaped tion was the norm on contemporary European erson, provided project resources and impetus. example (Figure 1c) cannot be firmly attributed battlefields but was never employed in combat Colleagues Dave Nolan and Rich Fishel pro- to a particular style or model of weapon but is situations in the Illinois Territory. In hand-to- vided ideas and editorial guidance, and Marcia thought to be of French origin, probably asso- hand combat situations, soldiers on the frontier Martinho produced the beautiful line drawing. ciated with a Model 1763 or 1795 Charleville preferred to use knives and hatchets (tomahawks) musket ensemble. Firm identification is diffi- or wield their muskets as clubs. More often than Robert N. Hickson is Assistant Coordinator, Western cult because there is a dearth of data relating to not, bayonets were used as camp tools such as Illinois Field Station, Illinois State Archaeological scabbards for these bayonets until 1805. Many tent stakes, roasting spits, or candleholders. Survey, Prairie Research Institute, University of Il- surplus and captured weapons from the Revo- With the short duration of Fort Johnson, linois at Urbana-Champaign. 23 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 Prophets and Nativists: The Archaeology of the Native Peoples of Illinois during the War of 1812 By Mark J. Wagner

The [Shawnee] Prophet had his disciples Prophets terial culture, foodways, and animals. As among every nation of Indians, from Detroit Profound misgivings regarding the had earlier prophets, he urged his follow- in , to the Indians on the use of European material culture had ers to cleanse themselves of corruption by Mississippi…Many Indians still follow the come to form part of conservative Native returning to the ways of their ancestors. dictates of the Prophet in a great measure American identity by the early eighteenth If this practice were followed, they would (Thomas Forsyth, writing about 1830, in century (Cave 1991). At least by the 1730s, regain the favor of the “Master of Life,” Blair 1911:278). if not earlier, Algonquin prophets began who would then miraculously remove the interpreting the problems faced by Native Americans from the continent. Alcohol, Introduction people as the result of a loss of spiritual which was tearing villages apart, was for- The years leading up to the War of power, caused by their use of European bidden; unclean domesticated animals 1812 were a period of tremendous stress materials and interaction with Europe- such as cattle, pigs, and sheep were to for the Native American peoples of Il- ans. Recurrent themes included a need for be killed; people were to return to wear- linois, who during this time went from Native peoples to return to the way of life ing leather skins; women were to discard controlling over 99% of the state to ced- that existed before they encountered Eu- their metal pots and return to pots made ing their lands and being removed to ropeans; a ban on various types of Euro- of clay; metal tools and implements were west of the Mississippi River. Among pean materials including alcohol, firearms, to be replaced with stone and wooden these were the Kickapoo, Potawatomi, and western-style dress; and a belief in tools; and warriors were to hunt animals and Sauk who from 1790 to the 1830s with “stone- occupied two-thirds of present day Il- tipped spears and linois. During this period many Native arrows,” using American groups split into two fac- guns only for de- tions—nativists and pragmatists—that fense (Edmunds advocated opposing strategies for deal- 1983). ing with Euro-Americans (Dowd 1992). H i s t o r i c a l Groups such as the Kickapoo and Po- accounts indi- tawatomi, for example, contained strong cate that many nativist factions whose leaders urged of the Prophet’s their followers to return to “traditional” followers found ways and to stop using Euro-American it difficult if not tools, clothing, alcohol, and food items. impossible to Pragmatists, in contrast, attempted to follow all of his ensure their survival by adopting vary- rules. Some, for ing degrees of American material cul- example, chose ture, clothing, subsistence, and ideology. to follow Main During the War of 1812 the na- Excavation at the Crawford Farm (Saukenauk) site. Poc, the fiercely tivists allied with the British in an at- anti-American sha- tempt to protect their lands in Illinois. separate creations for Native and Euro- man and war leader of the Kankakee River Archaeological investigations over the pean peoples. Potawatomi. He allowed his followers last three decades have recovered ex- The best documented of these prophets to use alcohol, an item forbidden by the tensive data from Illinois sites once oc- is Tenskawatawa, or the Shawnee Prophet, Prophet (Edmunds 1985). Examination of cupied by Algonquin nativist factions who together with his brother Tecumseh, the artifacts recovered from conservative- that can provide information regarding led the Native American resistance dur- occupied sites can provide information on this movement (Berkson 1992; Wag- ing the War of 1812 (Edmunds 1983). In what types of materials Native peoples ner 2001, 2011). Among these are three 1805, Tenskawatawa experienced a dra- were actually using during the War of sites—Windrose, Rhoads, and Crawford matic set of visions, in which the creator 1812. Farm—occupied by Potawatomi, Kicka- or Master of Life informed him that the poo, and Sauk peoples, respectively, who source of Native problems lay in a loss of Archaeological Data were allied with the British during the sacred power due to their abandonment of Three sites—Rhoads, Windrose, and War of 1812. traditional values and use of Western ma- Crawford Farm—excavated between the Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 24 1950s and 1990s contain information that 1962) as well as four cemeteries (Hedman in the Great Lakes region over the previ- can be used to answer the above questions. 1993). ous century, such as knives and trap parts, The Rhoads site represents the remains of a Excavation of the much smaller hoes, silver ornaments, and gun parts. Kickapoo village burned by American mili- Rhoads site in the 1970s by the Illinois Items indicative of ties with the British tia during the War of 1812. The Windrose State Museum revealed that the Kickapoo military in Canada, who supported the village plan con- nativists during the War of 1812, included sisted of a circu- British trade gun parts and a high num- lar arrangement ber of English gun flints. One particularly of structures, striking item in this regard was the recov- pits, and post- ery from the Crawford Farm site of a silver molds distributed gorget or chest ornament engraved with a around a pos- lion, a type of item distributed by the Brit- sible courtyard ish to high-ranking leaders or “chiefs” to (Wagner 2011). confirm their status as British allies. Structures, both The three sites also exhibited marked large rectangular evidence of continuity with earlier Algon- and smaller oval quin traditions in the form of the contin- buildings, had as- ued manufacturing of stone, bone, ceram- sociated clusters ic, and metal artifacts. Particularly notable of food storage was the recovery of ground stone smoking and hide smoking pipes and manufacturing debris at all three or smudge pits. sites. Stone smoking pipes, which extend In terms of tradi- back to the Late Archaic period in Illinois, tional Kickapoo were closely linked to Native identity with Silver Crosses from the Crawford Farm (Saukenauk) site. architecture, the tobacco smoking playing an essential role first type of structure in Native American religious, social, and site represented part of a large Potawatomi appears to represent a summer lodge while political activities into the early 1800s. village once occupied by the anti-American the oval structure may have been a mat- Potawatomi prophet and war leader, Main covered wigwam-type winter house. Poc. The Crawford Farm site (or Sauke- The subsistence data from all three nauk) was a major Sauk village occupied by sites exhibited marked continuity with Na- the anti-American “British Band” (includ- tive plant and animal utilization strategies ing a young warrior named Black Hawk) extending back to the late prehistoric, with during the War of 1812. Large-scale inves- minimal use of Western domesticated food tigations were conducted at Crawford Farm animals and plants. Analysis of a combined and Rhoads sites, while those at Windrose 49,000 faunal remains from the three sites were limited to the excavation of a single indicated an almost total reliance upon wild structure with an associated midden (Wag- species as only seven bones from European ner 2001). domesticated food animals were recovered. Historic accounts indicate that all The botanical analyses indicated a similar three villages represented traditional Al- reliance by Native peoples on indigenous gonquin villages with bark- and mat-cov- foodways in the form of maize agriculture ered houses and cemeteries. Saukenauk was supplemented by collecting nuts, plums, Brass Kettle from the Rhoads site. described as containing as many as 100 to blackberries, and other wild plant foods. 260 structures and between 1000 to 3000 With the exception of watermelon (which All three sites also produced evidence of people in the early 1800s. Architectural has a long history of use by Native peoples the continued use of chert artifacts in the features included a brush palisade, rectan- in Illinois), European cultigens were not form of triangular stone arrow points, al- gular houses arranged in rows on streets, recovered from any of the sites. though it is possible that these items were a council house, and a square courtyard collected from earlier sites rather than or plaza. Archaeological investigations by Artifacts Related to manufactured. The Menomini and Sauk, Elaine Bluhm Herold of the University of Traditional Lifeways for example, are known to have continued Illinois at Crawford Farm between 1958 Artifacts recovered from the three to collect and reuse stone projectile points and 1962 confirmed much of this informa- sites also exhibited many characteristics into the early twentieth century. tion, uncovering the remains of a number thought to be associated with a nativ- Bone industries included the con- of structures including “large rectangular ist identity. More than 95 percent of the tinued manufacturing of a variety of ear- summer-type houses [surrounded by stor- Western-made artifacts recovered from lier regional artifact forms such as flutes, age and other pits]….arranged in a row the three sites, for example, consisted of whistles, pendants, and beads similar to along a ridge parallel to the river” (Herold items that formed part of Native identity those of the late prehistoric period. Met- 25 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 alworking activities at the three sites is of small glass and shell wampum beads redware sherds. Although the absence of represented by European-made brass, from the Rhoads site that had been used European-made dishes and glassware at copper, tin, and silver items reworked by Kickapoo women to embroider their the three sites is consistent with a nativist into a variety of clothing and personal dresses, moccasins, and other clothing identity, metal kettles were on the list of ornaments that reflected an indigenous items in a distinctive fashion, European-made items prohibited by the identity. Many of the Native-made cop- A final link to earlier regional Native Prophet, who instructed nativist women to per and brass artifacts from the Kicka- traditions is the continued manufacturing return to making ones of clay as had their poo-occupied Rhoads site, for example, by the Kickapoo of ceramic human and grandmothers. The presence of such items are identical to at all three sites suggests that Kickapoo, those document- Potawatomi, and Sauk men and women ed at mid to late may have negotiated regarding which of eighteenth-cen- the Prophet’s rules they would follow and tury Illinois con- for how long. Brass kettles, for example, federacy sites, may have been viewed as completely com- indicating a time patible with a nativist identity due to their depth of almost centuries-long association with Native 200 years for American lifeways in the Great Lakes re- Native metal- gion, despite whatever the Prophet had to working indus- say on the matter. tries. Also indica- Conclusion tive of a Na- Archaeological investigations provide tive as opposed information regarding the lives of Na- to European tive peoples in Illinois during that War of identity was 1812 not contained in any known histori- the recovery of cal records. In the case of the Kickapoo, warrior-related Potawatomi, and Sauk, these data indicate items from the that they followed a traditional way of life Rhoads site, Knives and other tools from the Windrose site. developed in the Great Lakes region over such as a warrior’s the prior two centuries (White 1991). The antler hair roach spreader and bone animal effigy figurines, an artifact type traditional lifeways stood in clear opposi- plume holder, whose origins extend back that extend backs at least 2,000 years in tion to that followed by American settlers to the precontact period. Weapon parts Illinois. Recovered as discarded broken in the southern part of the state. included the iron blade to a warrior’s items from storage pits, these objects may The archaeological data from the gunstock war club, an artifact type that once have formed part of personal or med- Rhoads, Windrose, and Crawford Farm again developed during the precontact icine bundles. (Saukenak) sites correlates strongly period out of an earlier indigenous war with the message of Tenskawatawa, club. Absence of Some Euro- the Shawnee Prophet, suggesting that Preparation of animal hides for American Artifacts he and other late eighteenth- to early clothing or trade, an important part of Coupled with the evidence for con- nineteenth-century prophets picked Algonquin women’s activities from the tinued utilization of traditional foodways, up on and crystallized already-existing seventeenth to twentieth century, was rep- houses, and artifacts at the three sites is the sentiments regarding the negative ef- resented by the recovery of metal scraping almost total absence of Euro-American fects of many aspects of Euro-Amer- tools from the Rhoads site. These scrap- clothing, kitchen, and agricultural items ican culture on Native peoples, rather ing tools, which consisted of a rectangu- condemned by the Prophet. Although a than originating these ideas. In other lar section of a copper kettle body and a few European clothing items were found words, the Prophet’s message to Native cut-off musket barrel with a reheated and at Rhoads site, they comprise far less than peoples that they needed to quit using flattened end, demonstrate modifying Eu- 1% of the assemblage, while the Windrose European-made goods and foods and ropean artifacts to achieve Native goals. site produced only a single button from a return to a traditional way of life may Other European-made items that military coat. Food-related items viewed have been so well-received by Sauk, were used to express a Native rather than by both Euro-Americans and Native Potawatomi, and Kickapoo nativists “American” identity included from the Americans of the period as symbolic of precisely because they already were fol- Rhoads site, a large shell hair pipe bead, a acculturation—refined earthenware dish- lowing a conservative way of life that type of bead that was made by American es, kitchen utensils, and glassware—were incorporated many of his teachings. artisans expressly for use of Native peoples completely absent at the three sites. involved in the fur trade. Other European Instead, European-made food-relat- Mark J. Wagner is Director of the Center for items used by Native peoples to express ed vessels consisted of brass kettles, tin- Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illi- their own identity included the thousands plated iron dishes, and a small number of nois University at Carbondale. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 26 ALWAYS BEEN IN PERIL: FORT MADISON, IOWA By Joe Alan Artz, John F. Doershuk, Cynthia L. Peterson, and William E. Whittaker

Fort Madison is in trouble. This is and they resented the American intrusion besieged beginning in April 1813; several nothing new; Fort Madison was in trouble and attempts to control trade. Animosity soldiers and Indians were killed in fighting. even before it was finished in 1808. It was towards the U.S. can be traced to a dis- No one knows where they are buried, but unpopular with Native American tribes in puted 1804 treaty between Sauk leader it was probably near the fort, since soldiers the region, especially the Sauk, and it en- Quashquame and William Henry Har- were reluctant to leave its safety, even to rison; the Sauk collect firewood. Sometime in the last half were enraged of 1813- the exact time is debated- the fort when they real- was abandoned in the middle of the night ized that the trea- and burned. ty forced them to give up much of LOCATION AND western Illinois, INITIAL EXCAVATIONS including their The town of Fort Madison, founded in capital, Saukenuk. the 1830s, grew up around the ruins of the Fort Madi- fort and was named for it. While there was son was under- circumstantial evidence and historical ac- manned and counts of the location of the fort, it was not poorly designed. until 1965 that its location was determined. It was built be- Marshall McKusick and Robert Alex of low a bluff that the Iowa Office of the State Archaeologist allowed Indians (OSA) excavated much of the fort prior to to shoot into the the construction of a new water system. They fort, and next to documented the central blockhouse and the a ravine and riv- remains of the officers’ quarters, as well as erbanks that al- several other fort features. The remains of 1965 interpretation of fort location based on excavation, facing north. lowed Indians to the fort are located in the parking lot just Battlefield is on block to left of fort. Sheaffer Pen factory on right. approach the fort west of the former Sheaffer Pen factory, and attack from north and south of Hwy. 61 and east of 4th dured more than four years of harassment close range. Additional outside blockhous- Street. To the west, the paved block bordered and siege before it was abandoned and es had to be built burned in 1813. The current threats to the to protect the fort. fort are more mundane -- vague plans to Several skirmish- develop the remains of the fort and its War es and attempted of 1812 battlefield -- but just as perilous. invasions of the fort occurred in FORT CONSTRUCTION the first years. AND THE WAR OF 1812 Sauk warrior After the Purchase of 1803, Black Hawk got the United State government constructed his first experi- three forts in an attempt to control what is ence fighting now the Midwest. Fort Bellefontaine near American forces St. Louis was built in 1804, was at Fort Madison: built along the Missouri River in what is he claimed to now western Missouri in 1808, and Fort have shot off the Madison was the first U.S. fort of the Up- U.S. flag during a per Mississippi, built in what is now Fort siege. Madison, Iowa. The British-allied Sauk The War of controlled trade along the Upper Missis- 1812 started and Foundation of central blockhouse excavated 1965. sippi from Prairie du Chien to St. Louis, Fort Madison was 27 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 of the ravine, and revealed the sloping bank where Indians positioned themselves as they shot at the fort. At the bottom of the ravine we found fort-era artifacts and heavy wooden timbers, perhaps placed for a stream crossing, or perhaps remnants of a demolished wall or crib. Other trenches in the battlefield area identified the buried original ground surface of the site, marked by a plowzone that con- tained fort-era and early town-era artifacts. PROSPECTS FOR FORT MADISON In 2006, the American Battlefield Protection Program of the National Park Service Program listed battlefields of sig- nificance from the War of 1812 era. Un- fortunately, Fort Madison was not even considered as a battlefield, because the National Register nomination form did Buried plowzone excavated 2009. Deep trench to bottom of buried ravine, 2009. not discuss the battlefield. This is regret- by 4th, 5th, Hwy 61 and Ave. G, is suggested PRESERVATION EFFORTS table because it could mean Fort Madison in contemporaneous accounts as the location AND RECENT EXCAVATIONS would not be eligible for Federal purchas- of the main battlefield, where most fighting When the OSA finally found out ing funds if the Battlefield Protection Act took place. This area had not been explored about these changes, we attempted to con- passes. Our office has been working with archaeologically, but accounts by U.S. officers tact and negotiate with the property own- legislators to get Fort Madison’s battlefield and by Black Hawk indicated that there was ers. Finding them listed. Barring a a ravine to the west of the fort where Indians unreceptive, we groundswell of could hide from view of the fort. launched a cam- support from the paign to let the citizens of Iowa, FORT MADISON BATTLEFIELD public know about this is the best The ravine and the area between it and the significance chance for preser- the fort constitutes Iowa’s only real battlefield of the fort and vation. The battle- of the U.S. period. There were earlier inter- battlefield; this field property was tribal Indian battles before as well as conflicts campaign made donated in 2012 between the French and Indians, but other national news. to the local Cath- than Fort Madison, the only battle fought Eventually the olic school dis- with U.S. soldiers was a small skirmish on owner of the fac- trict. The district Credit Island, near Davenport in 1814. The tory and the fort has not made any Fort Madison battlefield is in sad condition remains met with comments about today; it is a vast block of crumbling black- us and seemed their plans for the top and weeds. There is no surface evidence of sympathetic, but property. Black Hawk’s ravine. Prior to its closure, the still has yet to For further lot was used for parking by the Sheaffer Pen agree to preserve information about factory. Much of the battlefield had been cov- what is left of the the fort and recent ered with houses and businesses historically, fort. The owners excavations, the but Sanborn Fire Insurance Maps and aerial of the battle field Office of the State photos suggested that there were large areas likewise refused to Archaeologist's that had not been built upon. agree to preserva- Log structure or cribbing at bottom of buried ravine. full report on the After the Sheaffer Pen factory closed tion but did al- condition of the in 2007, the properties changed hands sev- low us to excavate Fort Madison eral times; the factory parcel with the fort several test trenches in the battlefield area in War of 1812 Battlefield is available on line: remains was split from the battlefield. While 2009 to determine if there was any chance of http://www.uiowa.edu/~osa/. Sheaffer Pen had been a good steward of preservation. the property, the new owners made plans We found the original 1813 ground sur- Joe Alan Artz is Program Director; Cynthia L. Pe- to either develop the property or to sell to face and the ravine. We excavated 13 trenches terson and William E. Whittaker are Project Archae- developers. A large sign was placed on the for a total area of 320 square meters (383 sq. ologists; and John F. Doershuk is Director, all of the battlefield listing it for sale. yds.). Three trenches cut into the remnants Office of the State Archaeologist, University of Iowa. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 28 ILLINOIS’ CONTESTED LANDS ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE WAR OF 1812 References and additional readings

Note: additional resources are listed at the Il- Bergin, Nick Ferguson, Gillum linois War of 1812 Bicentennial Commission 2008 Effort to Preserve Fort Site Heats 2012 Illinois in the War of 1812. Univer- web site illinoiswarof1812bicentennial.org/ Up. Burlington Hawk Eye, 3 December. sity of Illinois Press, Urbana, Chicago, and sources.html. Springfield. Berkson, Alice Aberle, Gabrielle, Cally Lence, Mi- 1992 Cultural Resistance of the Prairie Fishel, Richard L. chael J. McNerney, and Margaret Fink. Kickapoo at the Grand Village, McLean 2012a Establishing the Populations and 2009 Final Report Phase III Miti- County Illinois. Illinois Archaeology Occupation Spans of Fort Johnson and gation at the War of 1812-Era Wil- 4(2):107-205. Cantonment Davis, Hancock County, Il- liams Fort (11Wh264) and the Williams linois. Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology Family Farmstead (11Wh262), White Blair, Emma 37(2). In press. County, Illinois. American Resources 1911 The Indian Tribes of the Upper Mis- Group, Ltd, Cultural Resources Man- sissippi Valley and Region of the Great Lakes. 2012b War of 1812 Buttons from Fort agement Report No. 1485/1486. Car- Arthur H. Clark Company, Cleveland, Ohio. Johnson and Cantonment Davis, Hancock bondale, Illinois. County, Illinois. Midcontinental Journal of Birkbeck, M. Archaeology 37(2). In press. Annals of Iowa 1882{1818} Notes on a Journey in Ameri- 1897 Fort Madison. Annals of Iowa, 3rd ca. Severn and Company, Picadilly. Frazer, Robert W. Series 3:97–110. 1965 Forts of the Old West. University of Boewe, C. Oklahoma Press, Norman. Artz, Joe Allan, John F. Doershuk, Cynthia 1962 Prairie Albion. Southern Illinois L. Peterson, and William E. Whittaker University Press, Carbondale. Gordon, Garland J. (editor) 2011 Investigating the Archaeologi- 1965 Fort Madison Excavations. News- cal Context of the Original Fort Madison Cave, Alfred A. letter of the Iowa Archeological Society 37:2. (13LE10) Battlefield and Black Hawk’s Ra- 1999 The Delaware Prophet Neolin: A vine, Lee County, Iowa. Research Papers Reappraisal. Ethnohistory 46:2:265-290. Hansman, John 35:1. Office of the State Archaeologist, 1984 Old Fort Madison: Iowa’s First University of Iowa, Iowa City. Delany, Robin Fort. Iowa Conservationist 43(5):20–23. 2008 Preservationists Fear Future De- Beitz, Ruth S. velopment Will Rob Fort Madison of 1987 An Archaeological Problem at 1962 Old Fort Madison: Where We Original Fort Site." Fort Madison Daily Old Fort Madison. Plains Anthropologist Fled from Indians. Iowan Magazine Democrat, 3 December. 32(117):217–231. 10:32–35; 53. Doershuk, John F. 1990a Old Fort Madison on the Mississippi Benn, Carl 2009 Fort Madison Redux: IAS Mem- 1808–1813. John Hansman, Fort Madison, 2003 The War of 1812. Osprey Publish- bers Team with OSA to Explore the Old Iowa. ing, Oxford. Fort. Newsletter of the Iowa Archeological So- ciety 59(2):1–2. 1990b Everyday Life at Old Fort Madison. Bennett, David C. John Hansman, Fort Madison, Iowa. 2006 A Gallant Defense: the Battles of Dowd, Gregory Evans Fort Madison. The War of 1812 Magazine 1992 A Spirited Resistance. The John 1993 The Archaeology and Reconstruction (4), electronic document, http://www.napo- Hopkins University Press, . of Old Fort Madison. John Hansman, Fort leon-series.org/military/Warof1812/2006/ Madison, Iowa. Issue4/c_fortmadison.html. Accessed Jan. Edmunds, R. David 15, 2009. 1983 The Shawnee Prophet. University of 1996 Black Hawk at Old Fort Madison Nebraska Press, Lincoln. and Indians in Prehistoric Lee County. John 2009 A New Perspective on the Last Hansman, Fort Madison, Iowa. Days of Fort Madison. Journal of the War of 1985 Main Poc: Potawatomi Wabeno. 1812:12. American Indian Quarterly 9:3:259-272. 1999 Physicians, Medicine and Surgery 29 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 at Old Fort Madison. John Hansman, Fort 2009 Fort Madison, 1808–1813. In 161. Hancock County Board of Supervi- Madison, Iowa. Frontier Forts of Iowa: Indians, Traders, and sors, Carthage, Illinois. Soldiers 1682–1862. Edited by William E. 2009 Garrison Graves at Old Fort Whittaker, pp. 55–74. University of Iowa Tanner, Helen H. Madison. Newsletter of the Iowa Archeologi- Press, Iowa City. 1987 Atlas of Great Lakes Indian cal Society 59 (3):8–9. History. Newberry Library, University of Nolan, David J. Oklahoma Press, Norman and London. Hedman, Kristin 2009 Fort Johnson, Cantonment Davis, 1993 Skeletal Remains from A His- and Fort Edwards. In Frontier Forts of Iowa: Van der Zee, Jacob toric Sauk Village (11Ri81), Rock Is- Indians, Traders, and Soldiers, 1682–1862, 1913 Old Fort Madison: Some Source land County, Illinois. Illinois Archaeology edited by William E. Whittaker, pp. 85–94. Materials. Iowa Journal of History and Poli- 5(1&2):537-557. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City. tics 11:517–545.

Herold, Elaine Bluhm Nolan, David J., Mark C. Branstner, Rich- 1914a Forts in the Iowa County. Iowa 1962 An Indian Site Near Rock Island, ard L. Fishel, and Steve Kuehn. Journal of History and Politics 12:163–204. Illinois: An Example of Historic Archaeology. 2012 The Archaeology of Fort Johnson 1918 Old Fort Madison: Early Wars on Paper presented at the 27th Annual Meet- and Cantonment Davis, Illinois Forts of the the Eastern Border of the Iowa Country. ing of the Society for American Archaeol- War of 1812. Paper presented at the Annual Iowa and War 7:1–40, State Historical So- ogy, Tucson, Arizona. Meeting of the Illinois State Historical So- ciety of Iowa, Iowa City. ciety, Peoria, Illinois, April 27, 2012. Inter-State Publishing Company Wagner, Mark J. 1883 History of White County, Illinois. Nolan, Daivd J., Robert N. Hickson, Ste- 2001 The Windrose Site (11Ka326): Inter-State Publishing Company, Chicago. ven R. Kuehn, and Mark C. Branstner An Early Nineteenth-Century Potawatomi 2012 Preliminary Examination of Ar- Settlement in the Kankakee River Valley of Lomas, Monica Shah chaeological Remains from Fort John- Northeastern Illinois. Illinois State Museum 2012 Excavations at the War of 1812-era son and Cantonment Davis: Two War Report of Investigations, No. 56, Illinois Williams Fort, White County, Illinois. Paper of 1812-era Military Posts at the Des State Museum, Springfield. presented at the Annual Meeting of the Il- Moines Rapids of the Mississippi River. linois State Historical Society, Peoria, Illi- Midcontinental Journal of Archaeology 2011 The Rhoads Site: A Historic nois, April 27, 2012. 37(2). In press. Kickapoo Village on the Illinois Prairie. Studies in Archaeology No. 5, Illinois Jackson, Donald Shah, M., C. Lence, G. Aberle, D. Mather, State Archaeological Survey, University 1958 Old Fort Madison 1808–1813. K. Parker of Illinois, Urbana. Palimpsest 39(1). 2006 Phase II Archaeological Inves- tigations at Sites 11WH256, 11WH259, Wagner, Mark J. and Mary R. McCorvie 1960 A Critic’s View of Old Fort Mad- 11WH262, and 11WH264 at Pattiki Mine 1992 The Archaeology of the Old Land- ison. Iowa Journal of History and Politics for White County Coal Corporation, White mark. Center for American Archaeology, 58(1):31–36. County, Illinois. Cultural Resources Man- Kampsville. agement Report No. 1450, American Re- 1966 Old Fort Madison 1808–1813. sources Group, Ltd., Carbondale, Illinois. 2012 The Lively Massacre: Civilian Palimpsest 47(1). Submitted to White County Coal Corpo- Casualties on the Illinois Frontier. Paper ration, Carmi, Illinois. presented at the Annual Meeting of the McKusick, Marshall B. Illinois State Historical Society, Peoria, Il- 1966 Exploring Old Fort Madison Smith, Charles R. linois, April 26, 2012. and Old Fort Atkinson. Iowan Magazine 1978 The Grand Village of the Kickapoo: 15:12–13,50–51. An Historic Site. Unpublished M.S. Thesis, Watkins, Eugene Illinois State University, Normal, Illinois. 2008 Fort Madison: America’s Fron- ca. 1974 Fort Madison (1808–1813) Ar- tier Outpost: 1808–1813. Unpublished chaeological Evaluation of Architectural Stephens, Lynn D. manuscript. Old Fort Madison Museum, Evidence. Unpublished manuscript, Lee n.d. Investigations of Fort Lamotte. Fort Madison, Iowa. Copy on file, Office County File, Office of the State Archaeolo- Privately printed, place of publication un- of the State Archaeologist, University of gist, University of Iowa. known. Iowa, Iowa City.

1980 Fort Madison, Iowa: 1808–1813. Talbot, William L. White, Richard M. Research Papers 5(2):72–188. Compiled and 1968 Fort Edwards: Military Post and 1991 The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, edited by B. B. Williams. Office of the State Fur Trade Center. In A History of Hancock and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, Archaeologist, University of Iowa, Iowa County, Illinois: Illinois Sesquicentennial 1650-1815. Cambridge University Press, City. Edition, by R. M. Cochran et al., pp. 133– Cambridge, England. Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 30 31 Illinois Antiquity (47) 3 Vol. 47, No.2 September 2012

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