A Study of Islam in Three Heroic Plays of the Restoration Period

* Prof. Mahmoud Alshetawi, Yarmouk University, Irbid, Jordan

The paper was received on 5/1/ 2004 and Accepted for publication on 15/ 6/2005

Abstract This paper intends to investigate the treatment of Islam in Restoration drama, especially the heroic plays of the early Restoration, in comparison with the treatment of Islam in Renaissance drama. The paper contends that Renaissance drama has presented Islam as the other and the Moslem world as antithetical to the Christian West. However, the treatment of Islam in Restoration drama is rendered without the 'venom' noted in Sixteenth-Century English drama dealing with Islam. Now it is common to see Moslems heroically cast in English drama, associating them with honor, love and chivalric ideals. Islam is no more prejudicially looked at as an enemy religion to be feared and, therefore, subdued. The discussion of this topic will be limited to three heroic plays that present the theme of Islam with tolerance: William Davenant's The Siege of Rhodes (1661); Roger Boyle, the Earl of Orrery's The Tragedy of Mustapha (1665); and John Dryden's The Conquest of Granada (1670/1671). These plays will be carefully examined from this perspective to illustrate the way Moslems and Islam were presented on the London stage in the early Restoration period. Though anti-Islamic discourse is often employed in these plays, yet the treatment of Islam as religion and culture is generally rendered without the prejudice characteristic of Sixteenth-Century drama dealing with Islam. This topic will be considered with reference to the intellectual background that had

* © 2006 by Yarmouk University 2 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" induced this positive change towards Islam in English culture of the Restoration and Eighteenth Century. This paper intends to discuss the treatment of Islam (i.e., the literary representations of Moslems, the Prophet, religion, land, customs, politics, culture, etc.) in Restoration drama, especially heroic plays that flourished in England in the early Restoration Age, with reference to the treatment of Islam in Renaissance drama at large. The paper contends that the treatment of Islam in some heroic plays is considerably positive lacking the 'venom' that had characterized the treatment of Islam in Renaissance drama. It is difficult to give a complete bibliography of the plays on Islam written in the Restoration and Eighteenth Century for logistic reasons, a matter that should be urgently addressed in a separate annotated essay in the future. Therefore, the study is limited to three representative heroic plays that will be carefully analyzed from this view: William Davenant's two-part opera The Siege of Rhodes (1661); Roger Boyle, the Earl of Orrery's The Tragedy of Mustapha (1665); and John Dryden's two-part masterpiece The Conquest of Granada (1670/1671). These plays and a host of others relevant to the topic will be duly considered from the perspective that they present Islam with tolerance. In other words, Islam in these plays is not prejudicially dealt with as an enemy religion to be defeated, and Moslems are no longer delineated as barbarians. This topic will be viewed in the context of the treatment of Islam in English Renaissance drama, indicating that Restoration playwrights have considerably diverged from their Renaissance predecessors in dealing with Islam in their plays. A foray into English drama Alshetawi 3 reveals that Islam has been strongly represented in two distinctly important periods, namely the Renaissance and the Restoration (Smith, 1977). By way of prefacing the discussion of Islam in Restoration drama, it is thematically significant to look into the depiction of Islam in Renaissance plays for purposes of comparison. Islam has been widely treated in Sixteenth- Century English drama, as Louis Wann clarifies in his article "The Oriental in Elizabethan Drama" (1915), which mentions forty seven plays dealing with Islam. Wann comments on the popularity of Islam as a theme in Elizabethan drama, explaining that the Moslem Turk occupies the central place in this corpus of plays because the Ottoman Empire was at the time a great Moslem Power flanking Europe from the East and was often engaged with it in hostilities, and threatened the very shores of England. In his seminal book The Crescent and the Rose, Samuel C. Chew devotes a whole chapter, "Moslems on the London Stage", to the treatment of Islam in Renaissance drama (1974, 469-540). Chew indicates that Islam in drama is represented by four Moslem characters: the Turk, the Moor, the Saracen and the Persian. However, these types of Moslems are delineated with varying degrees of animosity, the least of which is meted out at Persians. Persia at that time was often engaged in war with its rival Moslem neighbor, Turkey, and for this reason the Persians were considered to be possible allies of Europe against the common enemy, the Ottoman Empire.

This inimical attitude toward Islam in Elizabethan drama can be explained by looking into the roots of animosity toward Islam in Renaissance England. The 4 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" Sixteenth-Century English drama dealing with Islam is characterized by anti-Islamic polemics due to several factors. First, England inherited medieval anti-Islamic concepts that were determined by the bitter memories of the crusades about Islam. In the Middle Ages Islam was looked at as a heresy and Mohammed, the Prophet of Islam, was condemned in all terms of obscenities (Daniel, 1979). Because Renaissance playwrights imbibed the anti-Islamic culture of their time, they were bigoted against Islam. Second, Islam in the Sixteenth Century and early Seventeenth Century had been a major force often threatening the heart of Europe as mentioned earlier. The enmity toward Islam in Renaissance drama was deeply rooted in the encroaching power of the Ottoman Empire as a super Moslem nation threatening Europe from the East. Coupled with the memories of the medieval crusades that intensified the hatred of Moslems, the imposing power of the Ottoman Empire and the fear of its might are depicted in Renaissance drama. The playwrights dig up the history of the Turks to disgrace them and distort Islam and Moslems by identifying them as enemies of Christianity (Matar, 1994). Therefore, the Renaissance dramatists vent their venom at the Moslem Turk. For example, when the Duke in Shakespeare's Othello refers to the Turk as "the general enemy Ottoman", he is clearly speaking for English theater-goers who are aware of the danger of the Moslem Turk and are awed by it. Third, the Moslem East, as Chew explains, has always been seen as an exotic place that appeals to the imagination of English travelers, myth-makers, and dramatists who often use the world of Islam as an arena Alshetawi 5 for their exotic tales and fantastic settings. An Elizabethan playwright would often take his audiences to far-away lands and foreign customs such as the case of William Lower's The Phoenix in Her Flames (1639 ), which is set in Arabia, associating it with perfumes, and incense and the legendary bird of Arabia, the Phoenix (Chew, 536-538). In addition, the early Seventeenth – Century English dramatist was fascinated by tales of piracies and battles between pirates from the Barbary States (North African Arab countries) and Western ships. Philip Massinger's The Renegado is a case in point. For these reasons and others, Islam has been intentionally distorted in Sixteenth-Century and early Seventeenth- Century English drama and the Moslems are delineated as aliens and foes. Marlowe's Tamburlaine and Massinger's The Renegado are extreme cases of prejudicial drama that distorts the image of Islam and denigrates the Prophet as impostor and Islam as a false religion using the anti- Islamic rhetoric of the Middle Ages. However, with the coming of the Restoration, a new way of life has dawned upon England; the country has undergone evolutionary changes that touch every aspect of life (Parry, 1989). It is an age of 'opening' the doors, so to speak, to European influences, especially in the area of literary taste; an age that is receptive to foreign influences. In other words, England after the hardships of the years of the Protectorate, was yearning for an open- door policy initiated by the restoration of the exiled king Charles II. Therefore, the whole age is fervently abandoning stereotypical notions about foreigners and the insular spirit that has been engulfing England for so long. The drama of this period speaks for this new era which is 6 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" characterized by a change of attitude toward the other, e.g., Moslems. Restoration drama truly mirrors the spirit of the age: it is exuberant, vibrant and morally lax. For instance, it is an age that has witnessed the appearance of women as actresses for the first time in the history of English drama, and also the birth of comedy of manners that is notoriously known for the inclusion of sex on the stage (Carnfield and Payne, 1995). This spirit of tolerance toward the other is shown in the 'new' treatment of Moslems in drama as will be duly discussed in the paper. A host of Restoration playwrights have dealt with Islam and brought Moslems and Christians against each other in many a play. In view of the extant corpus of Restoration and Eighteenth-Century plays on Islam, one may conclude that Islam has remained all grist to the mill of Restoration dramatists. Before we discuss the treatment of Islam in these plays individually, it is important to comment on the shift of attitude toward Islam in the Restoration drama that contravenes the anti-Islamic discourse of Renaissance drama and medieval drama. For one thing, England in the Renaissance inherited the legacy of the Middle Ages including the rhetoric of war against Islam that accompanied the crusades and was strongly embodied in medieval romances and other oral traditions. This kind of anti-Islamic polemics can be clearly seen in Chaucer's introduction to the Knight in the General Prologue of The Canterbury Tales; it can also be seen in the opening speech of Bolingbroke, King Henry IV in Shakespeare's play of the same title, part one. Now in the Restoration, the past is over, and the country, who has just come out of the traumatic experience of the interregnum, is trying to Alshetawi 7 heal the scars of the Civil War and the remorse following the beheading of King Charles I. In other words, the Restoration in spirit and mood is not the same as the Renaissance and English people are trying to forget the bitter memories of the recent years. One may conjecturally assume that English people especially after the restoration of the monarchy begin to look at the future without the hangover of the past, viewing the restoration of their king as a symbol for a new way of life. This optimism is indicated in the glamorous celebrations and lavish festivals held around the country to celebrate the arrival of the king who is hailed as Augustus and his age is optimistically called the Augustan age (Jose, 1984; Bevis, 1988). The aforementioned point relates to the second reason for this change of attitude toward Islam and the foreign; now the country is receptive to foreign influences, especially Continental (i.e., French), and English elites begin to take their models from Europe. The king who was raised in the French court and was so much influenced by French life style and literary taste and culture tries to transfer French court life into his court. Being a lover of drama, the king patronizes the theater, and his court begins to teem with playwrights who enthusiastically work hard to please their monarch. They emulate Moliere in English comedy of manners and adapt Racine and Corneille in the heroic play (Hume, 1976). Consequently a spirit of tolerance toward the foreign permeates English life which has traditionally been insular, suspicious of foreign influences. This new spirit can be easily detected in the philanthropic treatment of Moslems and Jews in English drama of the Restoration 8 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" and Eighteenth Century, figures that are historically distorted in Renaissance plays. For instance, Richard Cumberland's The Jew (1794) stands as a case in point, indicating the spirit of tolerance and the acceptance of the other in England of the Eighteenth Century. The human treatment of Moslems in Restoration heroic plays is another example that will be fully considered in the paper. In Restoration drama this polemics against Islam especially the Moslem Turk is substantially toned down. As suggested earlier, English playwrights have never been oblivious of the public affairs and political concerns of their times. They dramatize the worries and concerns of the people. When the Turk presents a serious impending threat to their societies, the dramatists share the campaign against this source of danger. However, with the advent of the Seventeenth Century, the Ottoman Empire which was the invincible fortress of Islam weakened and the country faced a mountain of internal troubles that diverted its energies from foreign expansions, especially toward the West. Chew sums up the situation as follows: "1603-1617. Sultan Ahmed I (Achmet). A boy in the hands of his ministers. The period of Turkish conquests closes. Austria no longer pays tribute. Treaties are no longer imposed upon the conquered but negotiated between equal states. These are manifest signs of Turkish decadence. The first official Turkish representative visits England (1607)" (Chew, 554-5). However, interest in Islam never abates. Indeed the corpus of English plays on Islam and other related issues Alshetawi 9 is large enough to indicate that Restoration dramatists as well as audiences were still enthusiastically drawn to the world of Islam though this time not for propagandist reasons (Bevis, 1988). It is true that the Moslem Turk is not treated inimically; however, Turkish history and conflict with the Christian West remains a rich source for playwrights to dig up and use as subjects for their plays. Restoration playwrights follow their Renaissance fellow dramatists in using Turkish and other Islamic materials, but the treatment of such materials and the products are completely different from one period to another. Whereas in Renaissance drama the Moslem is stereotypically associated with negative epithets, the Restoration playwrights still present the Turk as an enemy, but he is associated with nobility, honor, and virtues that are traditionally ascribed to the Christians. This new treatment of Islam is represented in William Davenant's two-part opera The Siege of Rhodes. Davenant draws his materials of the play from Richard Knolles's Historie of the Turkes (Vinson, 1979), but he innovatively adapts the details of the historical siege of Rhodes to the purpose of his play that highlights the heroic theme of love and honor. A scrutiny of the play in context reveals that Davenant cleanses his materials from the 'venom' that often accompanies plays on Islam and Turkish subjects. This time the Moslem is presented on a par with his Christian adversaries making all of them equal in honor and virtue. Indeed as Davenant states in his dedication of the play addressed to the Earl of Clarendon, the theme of the play is virtue per se. "The heart of the play lies (as Davenant suggests in the 1656 preface) in 'Heroical' representation of 'the Characters of Vertue in the shapes 10 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" of Valor and conjugal Love'" (Hume, 195). But virtue is not only a quality of the Christians; the Turks as well are potentially virtuous and their manners arouse admiration in the audiences. Briefly summed up' The Siege of Rhodes comprises ten acts or 'entries', five in each part. The first part begins with the Turkish fleet moving toward Rhodes to capture it, probably in reminiscence of the Turkish fleet heading toward Cyprus in Shakespeare's Othello. (In both plays Rhodes and Cyprus represent a buffer zone between two different worlds: the Christian West and the Moslem world.) The knights of Rhodes represent almost all European nations, and they act as proxies for Europe defending their island from the Turkish assault. They are fully aware that the Turks outnumber them, yet they put up a heroic fight, exposing their physical and moral courage, and embodying the values of valor and honor. The Turks arrive and the first part ends with the siege of Rhodes. As the case of all heroic plays, there is always a love story, and honor is put to test. Among the visitors to Rhodes, there is Alphonso who has joined the knights. Though he has been recently married, he refuses to return to Sicily, preferring to die in honor with his fellow knights rather than save his life. Likewise, his bride Ianthe risks her life to join her husband. In fact, she represents Christian virtue par excellence and noble manners. She sells her jewelry to buy supplies and food for the besieged knights and she hires a ship to go to Rhodes. However, her ship has been intercepted by Alshetawi 11 Turkish boats and the good woman is taken captive and handed over to Solyman. It is well to compare this incident with something similar in Massinger's play The Renegado, though the Turk is denigrated in the latter play. As a matter of fact, the siege of Rhodes is alluded to in Grimaldi's rebuff to Asambeg's threat: Asambeg: Adde one syllable more Thou doest pronounce upon thy selfe a sentence That earthquake-like will swallow thee. Grimaldi:Let it open, Ile stand the hazard; those contemned theeues Your fellow Pirats Sir, the bold Malteze Whom with your lookes you thinke to quell, at Rhodes Laugh'd at great Solymans anger; and if treason Had not deliuerde them into his power, Hee had growne olde in glory as in yeeres At that so fatall siege, or risne with shame, His hopes, and threates deluded (Massinger, 1976; 42). Massinger treats Islam contemptuously, and delineates the Turk as cruel, lustful and mean. For instance, Asambeg, the viceroy of Tunis, holds in captivity Paulina, a Christian maid who has been kidnapped by the pirate Grimaldi and sold to him. Asambeg tries to seduce her, and puts her in prison, but she resists his assaults, and at the end of her ordeal her 12 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" virtue triumphs over Asambeg's lust. In The Siege of Rhodes Ianthe is another picture of Christian virtue in a woman. She is pious and loyal and she has faith in God. However, Solyman is depicted differently; he is an example of honor and nobility and he venerates beauty and womanhood. He is not driven by lust. He is truly magnificent' as he is widely famed. Having realized Ianthe's true story and that she loves her husband, and for being a pious woman (for example, she refuses to unveil her face, saying that she could not do this except for her husband), Solyman greatly admires her virtue' and he frees her and safeguards her return to Rhodes. He says: Thou great example of a Christian Wife, Enjoy thy Lord, and give him happy Life. Thy Gallies with their fraight, For which the hungry wait, Shall strait to Rhodes conduct'd be, And as thy passage to him shall be free, So both may safe return to Sicilie (Davenant, 1968; 9). In this speech Solyman shows his worthiness as a Moslem ruler, bowing to virtue as shown in his humble attitude to Ianthe: And though our Flags ne're use to bow, They shall do Vertue Homage now. Give Fire still as she passes by, Alshetawi 13 And let our Streamers lower fly (9). Solyman's magnanimity is fully appreciated by Davenant and the Restoration audiences, who do not see the Moslem as evil any more. Solyman is at war with the Rhodians and Ianthe brings succor to them, and yet the Moslem Sultan extends his hospitality to his enemies. Ianthe commends Solyman's magnanimity and she acknowledges his honor and virtue. The attack on Rhodes begins and both sides sustain heavy losses. The Rhodian knights fiercely defend their city, and the Turks use their military might to conquer the island. But both sides express no prejudice against each other; on the contrary, they often praise one another as valiant fighters. Solyman praises the knights for their fortitude and valor; the knights never denigrate the Turks. Actually both sides determinedly fight each other. But what is clearly absent in the play is the anti-Islamic discourse of Renaissance drama. In the course of the play the Cross is set against the Crescent and the world is divided into two halves: the Christian West and Moslem East. The Crescent is gaining power over the Cross because Christian monarchs betray the knights and fail to come to their help. The play on the whole is not critical of the Turks as it is a condemnation of Christian countries. Davenant jibes at Western powers for their failure to stand equal with the Turks. The Admiral in The Siege says: Look here ye Western Monarchs, look with shame. Who fear not a remote, though common Foe; The Cabinet of one illustrious Dame 14 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" Does more than your Exchequers joyn'd did do (11). Obviously Solyman outshines Christian rulers because of his courage, and magnificence. He gives Rhodes one day respite for Ianthe to safely join her husband and leave for Sicily before he begins the attack on Rhodes. Davenant treats the Moslems and the knights of Rhodes equally. For instance, he creates parallels on both sides. On the one hand, Alphonso is jealous, suspecting that Ianthe must have lost her virtue for Solyman as a price for her freedom, especially for the fact that Ianthe often praises Solyman's magnanimity. On the other hand, Roxolana, Solyman's wife, is also jealous of Ianthe, suspecting that Solyman favors her. However, the suspicion of both parties is groundless prompted by jealousy. Ianthe remains a paragon of beauty and virtue, loving her husband even in times of distress. And Solyman admires beauty and honor and he honors both— he makes no advances to Ianthe, nor does he sully her virtue. In fact, Ianthe stands as an example of the Christian wife admired by the Moslem Sultan; Solyman proves his magnanimity showing how much he loves virtue even in a Christian foe. Roxolana finally realizes her foolish jealousy and feels ashamed of herself; Alphonso discovers Ianthe's worthiness and realizes his jealousy. Part one of The Siege of Rhodes ends with a fierce battle between the knights and the Turks. The Turkish assault on the city is repelled and Solyman is amazed by the courage and fortitude of the Christians. To conquer the city he imposes a tight siege allowing no food or supplies to go through. This is going to be the subject of the second part of Davenant's opera. The second part Alshetawi 15 shows the city under siege; the islanders are suffering because of the shortage of food; famine spreads and people are rioting. The rulers of the island decide to send Ianthe as an emissary of peace to negotiate an honorable surrender with Solyman. She accepts this mission despite her husband's suspicions and she sacrifices for the sake of the people. Without going into small details, the second part repeats almost the same themes of part one: Roxolana's augmented jealousy; Alphonso's dejected mood being madly driven by jealousy; Solyman's generosity, etc. The defenders of Rhodes desperately launch an attack on Solyman's forces, but they are severely repelled, and they retreat inside the city, but Alphonso is taken prisoner. Here Solyman shows his magnanimity in full; he forgives Alphonso for the sake of his wife Roxolana who graciously intervenes to save his life after discovering Ianthe's goodness and virtue. Solyman pardons both Alphonso and Ianthe and gives them free passage to return to Sicily. But they turn down this generous offer and prefer to return to Rhodes to suffer the same fate of the besieged. Solyman magnanimously allows them to do so and asks them to choose the terms of the surrender of Rhodes because he admires them for their honesty, virtue and honor. Therefore, Davenant ends his play with a very positive picture of Solyman, the Moslem Turk, who has been commonly distorted in English drama of the Renaissance. In addition, The Siege of Rhodes which features bloody fighting scenes between Christians and Moslems is devoid of prejudice on both sides (Edward, 1992). 16 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" Davenant's play initiates a new trend in the treatment of Islam in English theater; this time the Moslem is treated on a par with Christians and he is made worthy of admiration. For example, Roger Boyle, the Earl of Orrery, treats Islam in his heroic play The Tragedy of Mustapha (1665) in the same manner that Davenant has done in his The Siege of Rhodes. He brings forth in his play the conflict between the West and the Islamic world very much like Davenant. Orrery's Mustapha features some of the characters of The Siege: Solyman the Magnificent, Mustapha and Zanger, his sons, Roxolana, his wife, the Bassas and some others. However, the play develops an exotic theme that has been treated in English drama of the Renaissance, namely the historical murder of Mustapha, Solyman's eldest son, at the behest of his father out of jealousy. Orrery, however, treats this subject from a new perspective. His play deals with three topics simultaneously: the Turkish siege of Hungary including the surrender of the Hungarian Queen and her son to Solyman; the Christian virtue of faithfulness as represented in the Hungarian Queen who remains loyal to the memory of her dead husband, thus paralleling Ianthe of The Siege who wins Solyman's admiration and respect because she remains loyal to her husband and she manifests true Christian virtue. This is equally counterpoised by the true friendship between Solyman's two sons, Zanger and Mustapha who vow to love each other and be friends defying the old Turkish custom that when the eldest brother ascends the throne, he often kills his younger brother for fear of rivaling him. Mustapha vows to cancel this old custom and Zanger swears that he Alshetawi 17 will remain loyal to his brother no matter what happens, and not to outlive him by one day if he dies before him. At the same time, Orrery exposes palace intrigue of the Sultan's viziers and the jealousy of Roxolana and her fear that she will lose her son if Mustapha succeeds his father. She and the two viziers Pyrrhus and Rustan conspire to remove Mustapha from Zanger's way by working on the Sultan's jealousy of his son Mustapha. The Sultan is made jealous and he decides to murder his son at the hands of the mutes; but Mustapha refuses to die so meanly and he asks his officers to kill him. One of the soldiers takes pity on Mustapha, so he kills him and also nobly stabs himself to death. Zanger discovers the death of his brother, and he acts upon his promise; he stabs himself and dies. The Sultan discovers the tragedy of his sons and realizes that he has been cheated by his wife, Roxolana, and his viziers. He sentences the viziers to death, and he divorces Roxolana and banishes her from his sight. The play ends with the honorable return of the Hungarian Queen and her infant king to Budapest, being forgiven by Solyman for the sake of his sons who have fallen in love with her. Having summed up the plot of the play hurriedly, we may now give some details pertaining to the announced theme of the paper, which is the representation of Islam in the heroic play. Being clearly influenced by his predecessor Davenant in delineating the Moslem Turk quite positively, Orrery deals with the theme of Islam cavalierly. His play lacks the anti-Islamic prejudice that has often characterized English drama. Orrery chooses a critical moment in history when Moslem Turks have 18 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" captured Hungary and besieged its capital. It is a moment of conflict and war very much like the Turkish siege of Rhodes in Davenant's play. But the Moslems are not depicted as savages or barbarians the way they are stereotypically treated in Renaissance drama. True to the spirit of heroic drama created by Davenant that spotlights virtue and honor, Orrery shows also the triumph of virtue, and the Moslems are not excluded from it. For instance, the Hungarians are debating the best means to save their capital from the Turks. The Cardinal advises the Queen to send the infant king and the crown jewels to Roxolana for refuge, being confident that she will respond to the appeal of the virtuous Hungarian Queen. After much hesitation, the Queen agrees to surrender her son and send her jewels to Roxolana, putting her faith in a Moslem foe. The latter honorably accepts to protect the child, but she returns the Queen's jewelry. Therefore, the Moslems are positively treated; they respond to virtue shown in the vanquished Christians. The references to Islam and the Prophet in this play are highly positive. There is a complete absence of obscenities that are often hurled upon the Prophet and the Holy Koran in Elizabethan plays. In a jibe at Christian rulers, Rustan, the Turkish vizier, says: In lazy Peace let Christian Monarchs rust, Who think no war, but what's defensive, just. Our valiant Prophet did by Slaughter rise: Conquest a Part of our Religion is (Orrery, 1960; 3-4). More often Mustapha swears by the great Prophet and he solemnly honors his oath. In the course of the play, the Alshetawi 19 two religions, Christianity and Islam, are compared and shown to be quite similar in their veneration of virtue. The conflict between the two religions, however, is obvious. Commenting on Roxolana's vow to protect her protégé, the infant king, Solyman says: Is this the Thing that you wou'd keep alive? For whom the Cross does with the Crescent strive (16). Despite this open conflict, the two warring sides appreciate virtue in a foe. Solyman praises virtue for its own sake; he tells Roxolana: You, Roxolana, are the Conquerer. What Storm is not allay'd by such a show'r? I only try'd whether your Virtue were Above my Anger, and your sex's Fear: Since over both it does so nobly rise (17). The Hungarian Queen is equally virtuous. Like Ianthe of The Siege of Rhodes, the Queen remains loyal to her dead husband, and she exemplifies Christian virtue when the Cardinal asks her to play politics with the Turks and to manipulate the Sultan's sons who love her. The Queen rebuffs the Cardinal as follows: My Lord, take Heav'n a little in your Care. How can I aught of love from Princes hear, Who scorn those Altars, where I kneel with Fear? (49). 20 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" The Queen is truly confused. She can not be false to her religion; and she is sensitive about the Sultan's sons who love her and she does not want to injure them. Though she says that Islam is 'false', she finds the Moslems virtuous: Them for their false Religion I eschew, Tho' I have found their Virtue ever true (50). She resists the Cardinal's temptations and refuses to be saved by committing a moral sin. She is virtue incarnate. In fact, Roxolana learns from the Queen and admires her virtue and nobility. The Hungarian Queen's virtue is counterpoised by the virtue of Roxolana who strongly defends her protégé, the infant king' from harm. Her only mistake is that she is used by her secret enemies, the court ministers, who convince her to conspire against the life of Mustapha for fear that when he assumes power he will murder her son Zanger following the ancient Turkish custom. The Moslem Turks are also shown to be virtuous. For example, Solyman restores the Hungarian Queen and her son to Budapest, after she has received the blessings of Roxolana. The greatest example of virtue is shown in the ideal friendship between Mustapha and Zanger. They vow to love each other for ever. Though both fall in love with the Hungarian Queen and vow to be honorable rivals, they do not hate each other or fight; on the contrary, they love each other in honor. More importantly, when Mustapha is murdered, Zanger mourns him and acts instantly as he has promised, not to outlive his brother by one day; he kills Alshetawi 21 himself honoring his vow. The two young men are nobly portrayed and they exemplify true friendship, nobility and love. They represent the ideals of heroic tragedy: chivalric duty, nobility and honor. Even Solyman is not completely damned; he is a mixture of all things. He loves his wife, Roxolana, and appreciates her virtue by forgiving the Hungarian Queen and her son; he also acts nobly towards his enemies and he shows fortitude and power. But he is portrayed as human when it comes to jealousy. His false viziers realize Solyman's weakness, his jealousy of his son, Mustapha, and like Iago, they work on his jealousy until he is made blind by it to suspect that Mustapha is eclipsing him and that he is planning to oust him. They make Solyman think that Mustapha is winning the military and that he has become too dangerous. Being also spurred by Roxolana, the Sultan gives command and poor Mustapha falls. This incident is the crux of the play—hence, the tragedy of Mustapha, a noble chivalric prince who loves his brother and dutifully obeys his father, never arguing with him though he knows that he intends to kill him. The play ends tragically with the murder of Mustapha and the tragic death of Zanger, who, like a noble Roman soldier, honorably dies mourning his brother. Solyman is mortified to see his sons dead. Solyman's doom of his wife Roxolana is in the spirit of heroic drama too. He does not kill her for her evil role in murdering Mustapha and inadvertently causing the death of her own son Zanger. Solyman is torn between love and revenge. He does not find the heart to kill her because he loves her. Therefore, he banishes her, vowing never to fall in love: 22 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" Farewel for ever! and to Love farewel! I'll lock my Bosom up, where Love did dwell; I will to Beauty ever shut my Eyes, And be no more a Captive by Surprise; But, Oh! how little I esteem a Throne, When Love, the Ornament of Pow'r, is gone! (95-96). True to the conventions of heroic tragedy, Mustapha ends with a note exemplifying the ideals of heroic drama: love, honor and duty that are specifically embodied in Solyman's final speech. Though Islam is widely treated in English drama of the Middle Ages (medieval drama) and the Renaissance and strongly represented in Restoration drama, the Arabic theme per se, however, has been sparsely treated in English drama at large. Chew mentions only one Renaissance play, The Arabian Phoenix in Her Flames, that is completely set in Arabia proper and deals with Arabs. However, the Moor as such is common in Renaissance plays; and he is usually recognized as an Arab (Alshetawi, 1999). In Restoration and Eighteenth- Century drama, especially the heroic play, the Moor is not a common stage figure. Aside from Richard Cumberland's The Arab (1785), and a few other plays that sporadically appeared over a relatively long period, the only Restoration play that deals with Arabic themes is Dryden's The Conquest of Granada. Dryden's play, especially part one, has been considered in various studies that mainly focus on the heroic aspects of the play (Hughes, 1981; Law, 1983). Alshetawi 23 However, the Islamic dimension of the play has been marginally considered. Hence, this paper will discuss this particular issue in comparison with Davenant's representation of Islam in The Siege of Rhodes. Dryden has probably been influenced by Davenant in considering the theme of Islam in his heroic plays, The Conquest of Granada and Aureng-Zebe (1675). In The Conquest Dryden focuses on the confrontation between the Christian West and Moslem Arabs represented in the conquest of Granada, the last Arab/Moslem presence in Europe, or rather in Spain. In both The Siege and The Conquest, there is a siege and there is conquest. However, Dryden reverses the situation; this time the Moslems are besieged and the Christians (Spaniards) are the besiegers. The Moslems are conquered and expelled out of Spain; the Christian knights likewise are forced out of Rhodes. But the delineation of Moslems in the two plays is not exactly the same. In Davenant's play the Christian knights fight heroically a superpower, the Ottoman Empire, and withstand a siege for a period of time, having been let down by Christian Western nations. They fight honorably, and Solyman rightly acknowledges their valor and deeply appreciates it. However, in The Conquest, the Arabs are divided and fall against each other. They do not fight their common enemy, the Spaniards, or show valor and a fighting spirit like the Rhodian knights. But again, Davenant and Dryden rely heavily on history—it is known that the knights of Rhodes stood fast to their positions until they were almost starved to death by the Turkish siege; the Arabs of Spain were torn up and they took sides with their enemies until they were beaten down and driven out of Spain. 24 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" Dryden attempts to achieve two goals in writing this play. The first pertains to his theory of heroic drama which he expounds in his essays (Dryden, 1971). In other words, Dryden's play strikes admiration for his martial hero, Almanzor, and virtuous heroine, Almahide, as well as for other heroic values such as love, honor, duty, etc, the very heroic ideals of Davenant's play The Siege of Rhodes. Second, Dryden brings the Moslems in conflict with the Christians. The play shows the defeat of Islam in Europe, historically counterpoising the defeat of Christianity in Rhodes, the frontline outpost of the West in the Moslem East. Perhaps Dryden has chosen this period in the long historical enmity between the Moslem world and the Christian West as epitomized in the Moorish occupation of Spain for eight centuries to address a political problem close at home: "Of special interest to audiences was the timely political theme of Part I, which commented on the institution of kingship (King Charles and Parliament were currently engaged in a struggle for power) and the dangers of internal political disorder" (Nettleton, et al, 1982; 7-8). It is to be noted that Dryden was politically engaged in the controversy and that he sided with the monarchy as suggested in his allegorical satire Absalom and Achitophel and other writings. In his play, Dryden wants his audiences to learn a lesson from the conquest of Granada by the Spaniards. Dryden is familiar with the history of the Moors in Spain, suggesting that they were expelled from Spain because of their internal divisions and hatred for each other, thus jeopardizing their destiny to their historical Alshetawi 25 enemies, the Spaniards. In the play, the Moors are divided into factions that are fighting one another though they are fully aware of the Spanish danger that is engulfing them. When the play opens King Boabdelin is celebrating his minor victory against the Spaniards, for which occasion he has arranged sports and declared his engagement to Almahide, foolishly ignoring the fact that his staunch enemies are at his gates. We learn that he was once captured by them and he agreed to hand over Granada to them, but now he rescinds his vow. The Duke of Arcos, who is Ferdinand's messenger, reminds the Arab King of the promise he made to his master who had restored him to the throne: And, when Granada for your uncle held, You were by us restored, and he expelled (Dryden, 1982; 14). Boabdelin is shortsighted and ineffectual as king. Almanzor advises him to attack the retreating Spanish forces once and for all, but Boabdelin replies: Then with the day let war and tumult cease; The night be sacred to our love and peace: 'Tis just some joys on weary kings should wait; 'Tis all we gain by being slaves of state (15). While the Spaniards are besieging Granada the Moorish factions are fighting each other; the two main factions, the Zegrys and Abencerrages, are engaged in in- fighting over an old feud, and they remain so despite an occasional lull in hostility in the course of the play. For 26 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" example' Almanzor momentarily forces them to get united, but this does not continue, and in-fighting erupts, thus weakening them and making it easy for Ferdinand to conquer Granada. For example, Abdalla, the King's brother, falls in love with Lyndaraxa, a playful Zegry lady who toys with him and with her other lover Abdelmelech, chief of the Abencerrages (Armistead, 1990). She takes advantage of Abdalla's love for her, asking for a crown if he wants her to be his wife; that is, she suggests to him that he topple his brother, the king. Abdalla foolishly fights his own brother, using Almanzor's grudge against the king who has recently slighted him by refusing his wish to free the Duke of Arcos. Almanzor is infuriated by the king's ingratitude and he fights on the side of Abdalla, not realizing that the latter is using him. There are many fights between the king and Abdalla, and these happen while the city is under the Spanish siege. Almanzor changes allegiances between the king and Abdalla, until he openly defies the king demanding that he divorce Almahide with whom he suddenly falls in love. The first part of the play ends with the defeat of Abdalla who escapes to the Spanish camp and betrays Granada to the Spaniards. Dryden delivers a political message that touches home. By analogy, Dryden says that England has suffered greatly from political factions that weaken the country. The lesson earned from the last days of the Arabs in Spain must have been directly absorbed by Dryden's audiences. Nonetheless Dryden does not attack Islam or condemn Moslems at large in his play. He only diagnoses a political malady that has a special bearing on the situation Alshetawi 27 in England. However, he does not sympathize with Arabs; they are delineated in a manner that does not make the audiences respect them or feel sorry for their tragic end. What happens to them is of their own making. By reading the play politically, we realize that the Arabs deserve defeat and humiliation; any nation that does not stand united or is turned against itself is doomed to vanish. The Arabs expose no valor as such; the only person who epitomizes the heroic ideals of fortitude, valor and nobility is Almanzor, but he turns out to be of Spanish genealogy. In fact, from the outset of the play Almanzor's true identity is not revealed and he remains anonymous until the end of the second part of the play when he discovers that he is Spanish by blood. Therefore, Dryden denies Arabs the virtue of heroism—they are mean, politically narrow-minded and credulous, traits that are stereotypically ascribed to the Moors in English Renaissance drama (Hawamdeh, 1987). The Conquest of Granada is written in the context of the restoration of King Charles II to his rightful throne. In Asraea Redux written to welcome the return of Charles II, Dryden hails the King as follows: Oh happy Prince, whom Heav'n hath taught the way, By paying vows, to have more vows to pay! Oh happy age! Oh times like those alone By fate reserved for great Augustus' throne! When the joint growth of arms and hearts foreshew The world a monarch, and that monarch you (Dryden, 1978; 27). 28 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" The Conquest is about the restoration, for as Charles II has been deprived of his lawful rights as king for many years, the Spaniards have also been displaced for eight hundred years, but they finally restore their country from the Moors. The analogy between the two cases of Ferdinand and Charles II is very clear. Dryden subtly suggests that the Protectorate (e.g. Cromwell) has usurped the rights of the king the same way Arabs usurped Spain from its people and monarchy. This is suggested in the following exchange between the Duke of Arcos and King Boabdelin: Boab. Tell Ferdinand, my right to it appears By long possession of eight hundred years. When first my ancestors from Afric sailed, In Roderique's death your Gothic title failed. D. Arcos. The successors of Roderique still remain, And ever since have held some part of Spain. Ev'n in the midst of your victorious pow'rs, Th' Asturias, and all Portugal, were ours. You have no right, except your force allow; And if yours then was right, so ours is now (14). Dryden suggests that no matter how long it takes, the rightful king, i.e., Charles II, will return to his throne, especially when he is supported by force. The allusion to the restoration of Charles II is clear enough. Dryden's sympathies go to the Spanish king, Ferdinand, that is, to Charles II. Alshetawi 29 It should be noted at the conclusion of this portion of the essay that Dryden uses the case of Spain to illustrate the political situation of England relating to the restoration of the monarchy. However, Dryden's treatment of the Arabs is somewhat different in perspective from the way Davenant and Orrery have treated the Moslem Turks, especially Solyman. As mentioned earlier, the Arabs lack dignity, thus forfeiting the sympathy of audiences for feuding against each other while their historical enemies, the Spaniards, are waiting at their gates to attack them. But Dryden is careful not to attack Islam as religion or culture. The Conquest of Granada is cleansed of anti-Islamic polemics characteristic of medieval romances on the crusades, though the play is set in the Middle Ages around 1492, at the peak of the crusades—historically' while Ferdinand and Isabella were besieging Granada, the last Arab/Moslem symbol in Europe, the crusading onslaught on the Arab East was in progress capturing most East Mediterranean region including Palestine. Dryden's treatment of the last days of the Arabs in Spain is historically valid. He adapts this traumatic historical segment pertaining to the Arab/Moslem confrontation with the Christian West. However, he tones down his rhetoric, subscribing to the spirit of tolerance of the Restoration period in which the other is accepted. Hence the Arab or Moslem no longer becomes an anathema in English theater. Restoration audiences undoubtedly applaud the restoration of Ferdinand to Granada and feel jubilant at the demise of the Arab epoch in Spain; but there is no bitterness or hangover toward the Moors. This heavy theme is carefully couched in the 30 A Abhath Al-Yarmouk "Lit. & Ling" rhetoric of heroic drama. The vices traditionally attributed to Arabs such as meanness, feud and intrigue are overshadowed by the ideals of heroic drama epitomized in Almanzor and Almahide whose love story dazzles all and glosses over the vices of Arabs. In addition, the play spotlights political themes more than the Moslem/Christian conflict which becomes rather subsidiary compared to the central themes relating to the restoration of the king and the dangers of internal divisions and factions to the nation. In conclusion, the study has analyzed some aspects of the reception of Islam in Restoration drama, especially heroic plays. Three major plays of this heroic mode have been scrutinized from this perspective, namely Davenant's The Siege of Rhodes, Orrery's The Tragedy of Mustapha and Dryden's The Conquest of Granada. These plays and others have been dealt with to illustrate the point that Islam has been positively treated in Restoration drama in contravention of the treatment of Islam in Renaissance drama that characteristically condemns Islam and Moslems for reasons that have been duly explained in the paper. The plays are chosen specifically for their relevance to the theme of the paper, which is the positive attitude of Restoration playwrights and audiences to Islam. These plays have common features. One, they are heroic plays embodying almost the ideals of heroic drama propounded by the three dramatists respectively. Two, these plays deal with Islam rather positively. Dryden is slightly different in his delineation of Arabs, but his play does not induce grudge against Islam as religion. Three, the three plays are significantly about ideas of restoration, representing political concepts of Alshetawi 31 restoration that pertain to the Restoration Age, especially the restoration of Charles II and monarchy. Finally, these plays thematically comment on the perennial conflict between the West and Islam. However, none of them deals with this topic prejudicially. Both sides are engaged in deadly battles, but this is presented in the chivalric discourse of the heroic play that strikes admiration rather than fear and bitterness. In sum, these plays speak for a different age in which the Moslem is accepted as the other. The paper highlights the conditions that have led to the birth of this new cultural environment receptive of foreign influences and the other.

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