The Indo-European Year
Lenka Doçkalová & Václav Blazek Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies Masaryk University, Brno Czech Republic [email protected] and [email protected]
In the present study the designations of “year” and its seasons are summarized in all Indo-European branches, analyzed from the point of view of their word-formation, internal reconstruction and etymology. For typological comparison the external parallels from language families in the neighborhood of Indo-European are surveyed. Some of these indicate which terms could be inherited from older stages of development of the Indo-European protolanguage and which represent innovation.
During more than the six or seven millennia of language evolution estimated by archaeologists and glottochronologists, the Indo-Europeans have spread over an enormous area with different climates and vegetation, as well as different lengths of day and night, depending on the season and, indeed, their geographical latitude. In order to recover their original division of the year into its seasons, it is necessary to analyze, and then reconstruct, the terminology of seasons in the individual daughter protolanguages. In this study, lexical material is ordered according to the following topics: 1. Year; 2. Part of the year, or a period of time in general; 3. Temporal adverb; 4. Winter; 5. Spring; 6. Summer; 7. Autumn; 8. Child, juvenile animal or any animal in general whose name originates from the season or by the year-length; 9. Plant, whose designation is motivated by the seasons of a year or the length of a year.
A. Anatolian languages 1. Hitt. wett-/witt- & wettant-/wittant- c. “year”, adj. wittassiya- (Tischler 2001, 201, 203); a form extended by
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 415 the suffix -s- appears in other Anatolian languages: *utsV- > CLuv. ussa/i-, HLuv. u-sa/i-, Lyc. uh(V)- (Melchert 1994, 269, 314); perhaps also Sidetic oßad “by year, yearly” (Pérez Orozco 2003, 106; Vine 2009, 216). 2. CLuv. ára/i-, HLuv. á+ra/i- “time” < Anat. *´ro- < *iéro- (Melchert 1989, 41, see Note no. 28; 1994, 75, 245:
*yéH1ro-; Morpurgo Davis 1987, 219, see Note no. 31). Lyc. abl. nuredi nuredi “with every new segment of time”, which is possible to project into proto-Lyc. *nu(i) “new” + *ere/i- “time interval”, cp. Gr. n°vnta “next year” < *neuo-uót-M, meaning exactly “in a new year” (Starke 1990, 116-17, see fn. 339a) is also related; Lyd. ora- “month” like the segment of the time, as well (Gusmani 1964, 178; 1982, 81). 4. Hitt. gem-/gim(m)- & g/kimmant- “winter” (from November till March; Puhvel 3, 73: gimmanza kisat “winter is coming”, gimmanti “for the period of winter”, dat. sg. gi-im- mi < *ghimei, dat.-loc. sg. gi-(e)-mi “in winter”= < IE. loc. sg. *gh(i)iém-i, acc. sg. giman can reflect an n-stem of neuter *gheim÷, corresponding to Gr. xe›ma “winter” or a root name * ghim-M with nom. *ghim-s or o-stem *ghimom of the type of OI. himá- “frost”; see Puhvel 4, 145). Hitt. verb giman-ye “to overwinter” (Oettinger 2001a, 307) reflects the form in -n-. According to Melchert (1994, 153), it is possible to derive the form gimmant- from the form *gheimn-ont- which is, however, what the majority of other specialists does not agree with; above all, we can mention e.g. Oettinger (2001a, 307), who reconstructs the basis of *gheim-on-t-. Oettinger (1982, 238) proposes the following reconstruction of the whole paradigm: nom. sg. *ghéió(m), acc. *ghéiom-M, gen. *ghim-és, dat. *ghim-ei, loc. *gh(i)iém-i. 5/6. Hitt. ha(m)mesha- & ha(m)meshant- c. “spring(- summer)” (from April till June; Puhvel 3, 73): hameshi kisari “(e. g. a storm) is coming in spring”, but hameshanza kisari “spring is coming”, hameshanza zinattari “spring is ending”; gen. ha-me-is-ha-as / ha-mi-es-ha-as, dat.-loc. ha-me-es-hi “in spring”; -nt-stem: acc. sg. ha-mi-es-ha-an-tin, gen. sg. ha-am- me-es-ha-an-ta-as, dat.-loc. ha-mi-is-ha-an-ti. For the Hitt. word ha(m)mesha(-nt)- a number of etymologies was proposed: (i) It was already Bedich Hrozn… who first speculated on the connection with IE. words for “summer”, such as Av.
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 416 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek ham-, Eng. summer, plus OI. samá, Arm. am “year”. Hoenigswald (1952, 183) tried to explain the difference between Hitt. h- : IE. *s- through the effect of s-mobile. Hamp (1961a, 26) admits that the Hitt. word is akin to other IE. equivalents, but he is not convinced that this is via metathesis. Starting from a proto-form *sH2em-, the root-vowel a in Armenian, as well as in Celtic, is automatically clarified, and there is no need to speculate on the laryngal following -m-. Furthermore, it is likely that the extension of the base *sham- (on the basis of Hittite) by a suffix -sha- gives rise to the simplification of an initial consonantal cluster *sh-. CLuv. hishiya- “to bind”, HLuv. hishimin compared to Hitt. ishiya- “to bind” offer an analogous translation. Luvian forms represent an intensive reduplication, characteristic for Luvian verbs (Puhvel 1-2, 398-402). The simplification of the consonantal clusters *sh .. sh > h .. sh has an exact analogy in the supposed development of the basis *sham- after affixing the suffix -sha-. (ii) Kurylowicz (1927, 101) proposed the solution hamesha- < *hwesha-, which would determine the approach to other IE. words for “spring”, such as OI. vasantá-. Indeed, Hitt. -m- can reflect an original *-w-, but only after *u/*u, e.g. Hitt. sumés “you” < *s(u)uès (Melchert 1994, 58). (iii) Starke (1979, 249-50) and Gusmani (1972, 259) elaborate on Sturtevant’s (1928, 163-64) old idea about the connection of the Hitt. word with Gr. émãv “I am reaping”. The reconstruction of the root *H2meH2-, extended by the suffix of verbal abstract nouns *-sH2o-, results from this idea. (iv) Goetze (1951, 471) saw the compound there: ha(m)esha- < *hanwasha- < *hant-wesha- “an early spring”, cp. It. primavera, Akkad. pán satti “spring” = “the beginning of the year”. Hoffner’s (1974, 15) idea derives from *hant- miyasha- where mai-/miya- “to grow” is used in connection with “spring” in a cult legend about the feast Purulli. (v) Çop (1971, 63) sought a cognate in Toch. A omäl,
B emalle “warm, hot” < *omel(i)o- < **H3m-. (vi) Guyonvarc’h (1968, 55) and de Bernardo Stempel (1999, 426, fn. 24) find promising parallels in OIr. amser &
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 417 aimser “time, period, age, season; weather” < *am(m)-es-terá, where the root *am- also creates another close word amm “time”, which corresponds to Gaul. amman “time, period” from the Calendar of Coligny (*am(s?)-m÷; see de Bernardo Stempel 1999, 241, fn. 7; 273, fn. 104). We prefer this solution. 7. Hitt. zena- & zenant- c. “summer-autumn” (from July till October; Puhvel 3, 73). As for the etymology, a number of options was again introduced: (i) Goetze (1951, 471) linked zena- (as a label of warm period of a year) with other IE. words for a “day”: Got. sinteins “daily”, Pruss. deina “day”, OCS. d"n∫ “day”. However, another research showed that the palatalization of the dental to z only concerns *t. (ii) Benveniste (1954, 35), Puhvel (3, 73) etc. suppose that there is a link to Gr. “late summer” (*op-ohará < *os®-); they remind that Gr. and Hitt. seasons used to begin at the same time: at the rise of Sirius, i.e. around 20th June. Then the Hitt. form would reflect Benveniste’s basis II in the heteroclitic r/n- paradigm:
*H1os-®: *H1s-en-. In addition, Ivanov (2003, 201-02) enquires if the initial cluster *H1s- could not give rise to the origin of Hitt. z- in contrast to the expected s-. Let us add a remark that Hitt. z does not mean the voiced correlate to s, but the palatalized t, i. e. /ts/. (iii) Oettinger (1979, 152; 1994, 323) derives zéna- from IE. *séno- which means “old” in the most of IE. branches. Furthermore, G. Neumann (1999, 50-53) added to it Lyc. kbi-sñne “two years old”, tri-sñni “three years old”. Oettinger (1994, 322-323) explains the ‘mysterious’ z- via pre-nasalization: *s ... N > *ns ... N > *z ... N, evoked by that N; cp. zamankur- “beard”, zini “to end” (see Melchert 1994, 83, 172, 315). H. Eichner (1973, 89, fn. 26) can take the credit for this etymology. He first compared Hitt. zena- “autumn” and Gr. d¤enow “two-year” < *dui-seno-. This solution seems most convincing. Note 1.: Puhvel (3, 73) compares three seasons in Hittite to the analogous pattern known from Akkadian - “winter”: ki§§u, exactly “cold” ~ Sum. EN.TE.NA; “spring”: dísu or pán satti, exactly “the beginning of a year”; “summer”: ebúru, exactly “harvest”, cp. Sum. EBUR or
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 418 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek ummátum, cp. umsu “hot” or Assyrian %arpú. 8. Neumann (1958, 221) identified the compound *sM-uétes- “yearly” in Hitt. saw(i)tis(t)- “infant”. His solution is generally accepted. 9.1 Puhvel (3, 74-75) proposed the idea that the original IE. word for “spring” is hidden in the Hitt. compound suppi-washarSAR “onion”, where suppi- means “clean” or “sacred” (it concerns the ritual text, where the peels of the onion are found in the metaphorical context; cp. Hoffner 1974, 108-09; Ivanov 2003, 191) and Sum. SAR indicating “vegetables”. Then the whole compound is interpreted by Puhvel as “clean spring vegetables” (cp. Sum. SUM.SIKIL “clean leek”). Rieken (1999, 311-14) analyzed the word washar also in texts, where it occurs separately, and she came to the conclusion that it indicated a plant. Tischler (2001, 198) proposes the translation of this word directly as a “garlic” and the compound suppi-washar “clean garlic” = “onion”. Besides the r-stem, there also exists the n-stem in Old-Hitt. suppi- washanalli- “bunch of an onion” (Puhvel 3, 74; Zinko 2001, 754-55; Ivanov 2003, 191). Witczak (manuscript 2006) draws our attention to Hitt. washar/washano “garlic” having exact parallels in naming “garlic” in other IE. languages: OI. u§na- m. “garlic” (lex.), u§ná- f. (Nighan†uprakáßa); Dard.: Khowar wenú “garlic” (Turner 1966, #2390); Iran.: ?Pashto 'u©a, dial. Kakari w'az.e, Waziri wíza, Wanetsi m'urza “garlic” (the Iranian basis *úsna- was reconstructed by Morgenstierne 1927, 13; later he changed it into *b®z/0ná-, see NEVP 7, where the parallels from other Iranian languages are pointed out as well: Yidgha w z.nu, Sogd. ’bzn-) | Lat. unio, -ónis m. “type of an onion / Allium cepa” < *usn-ión- | OIr. uinnion, uindiun “onion”, Welsh wynwyn pl. id. (Vendryes, LEIA U-20, supposed a Latin origin; for Witczak, the geminate -nn- < *-sn- is a demonstration of inherited origin of the Celtic forms against the Latin development *usno < *úno | Lit. usnìs “thistle / Cirsium”, usn…n “thicket of thistles”). Even if we excluded the Celtic forms, as well as the Baltic forms with their different semantics, the basic paradigm would still be easy to reconstruct in terms of Hittite, Old Indian, and Latin o forms *(H1)uósH-® : *(H1)usH-n “garlic/onion”, which can
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 419
essentially be a derived from the verb *H1eus- “to burn” (Pokorny 1959, 245; LIV 245), in case we accept a strong hot taste as a sufficient symptom of a motivation of the name. 9.1.1 Instead of the word “garlic”, the IE. *ues-®/-no “spring” can survive in another Hitt. r/n-heteroclitics, i. e. in GISwessar n., naming a tree (Tischler 2001, 184, 201). 9.2 Hitt. esarasila-, issarasila- c. naming a plant, probably a “reed”, CLuv. issarásila- (Tischler 2001, 33) can consist of a component *es(H)ar- < *H1es(H)-®, which could represent the analogous r-stem as MIr. eórna f. “barley” (DIL E-154), if derived from *esorniá (Pokorny 1959, 343; de Bernardo Stempel 1999, 136, fn. 35; but Pedersen I, 65 derived it from *ieuo- without explanation of the word formation; it is tempting to propose a compound *ieuo- esorniá). Then both fythonyms would be related to Gr. (from Il.) f., Laconian (Alkm.). “late summer – early autumn”, if it reflected the compound * - <
*(H1)os(H)®-. 9.3 Hitt. zinail- n. “a type of corn” (Tischler 2001, 208) may be a derivative of the word zena- c. “autumn”.
B. Indo-Aryan languages 1.1 OI. vatsará- m. “year” (RV etc.), samvatsará- m. “a single year”, without the extension by the suffix -ará- in compounds tri-vatsá- “three years old” (VS), and sa¯-vátsam “one year long” [RV IV, 33.4]. The word vatsá- m. (RV etc.) itself means “calf, juvenile animal”, from the primary meaning “yearly”. It has been interpreted as the s-stem *uét-os, o-es- “year”, cf. Gr. ¶tow, dial. W°tow “year”, Myc. we-to, we-te-i = [wetos, wetehi] (EWAI II, 495). Vine (2009, 213-14) sees in them the degenitival derivatives and interprets OI samvatsará- as *s(o)m-uet-es “during the same year” (like sadyás & sadívas “on the same day” < *sM-di-és, o-diu-és respectively), reinforced by the -er-locative. Then Hitt. sáudist- “suckling animal” < *sM-uet-es-t- “that which belongs to the same year”, is based on the same formation *s(o)m- uet-es “(born) during the same year” as the OI counterpart. In Iranian, Sogd. wtsnyy “old” (Szemerényi 1951, 204-05, who supposed that there was a vocalization of /wat[u]sané/, where s indirectly indicates u, lost by a
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 420 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek syncope, according to the rule of RUKI), represents the only direct relative (but cp. the §§3, 8.1. of the Iranian section). 1.2. OI. var§á- n. “year” (ÍB), meaning “rain” (RV) in particular, similarly f. var§à- “season of rains” (RV etc.); further, Páli vassa- “rain”, Pkt. vása- & varisa- id., Bengali baris “year” : barisá “rain”, similarly Dardic: Shumashti w᧠“rain” : Shina bârí§ “year”, Phalura b°§ “rain” : bèri§ “summer” etc. (Turner 1966, #11392). Av. aibi.varsta- “beregnet” [Vídévdát V, 14] is closest in meaning; then, in northwest Iranian dialects (Ástíyán) vasand “rain”; Tati váris, Mazendarani vor s, dial. Shahmerzad váres id.; Semnani váres (Lecoq 1989, 298, 307, 308), Kurd. dial. wäst, w°ısani “rain”; further, Hitt. warsa- “Regenguss”, CLuv. warsa- “Tropfen”, Gr. é°rsh, §°rsh, ¶rsh “dew”, OIr. frass “Regenschauer, Schwall” (EWAI II, 522-23) is also related, leading to the reconstruction of *H2uers-/*H2uors-/*Hu®s- (t-) (Schrijver 1995, 173). 1.3. OI. háyaná- m., n. “year” (AV), Páli, Pkt. háyana- “year”, Sindhi, Punjabi ház “of that age”; cp. also Dardic: Gawar-Bati hèní “goat” < *háyaniká- (Turner 1966, #14057), but Nuristani forms reflect IA.*∆haiana-: Ashkun zÕ: “winter”, Waigali zÕ:, zäˆQ, Dameli zín “winter”, as a part of a compound with *vára- “time” by Kati zewór id. (Turner 1966, #13976, 13978). Iranian parallels also have a short root vowel in Av. zaiiana- “winterlich” or “Winterzeit”; to reconstruct Indo- Iranian *∆haian- < *ghei-en- or *ghei-Mn- (EWAI II, 814; about the stretching stage in OI. see Darms 1968, 381) still remains as an open question. 3. The root *uet- “year” without a sigmatic extension, but in the zero-grade, appears in the adverb parut “last year” (Pánini), Nisa paru-var§a “last year”, Sinhali paru, Punjabi par, Kumauni por(i), Oriya paru etc.; Dardic: Kalasha pár h man “last winter”, Pashai pár kál “last year”, Khowar por, Phalura pár, Kashmiri parus id.; Nuristani: Ashkun p)w, Waigali pöw, Kati puå “last year” (Turner 1966, #7907), which represents the compound *per-ut(i), exactly “over the year”. Other relations appear in modern Iranian languages Wakhi párd, Parachi parâsuâr “last year”; Pers. pár, pár-sál “last year”, Osset. faron / faræ id. (EWAI II, 94-95; Abaev I, 422). An analogous compound is preserved in Gr.
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 421 p°rusi, Doric p°ruti “last year”, Arm. herow, MHG. vert id. etc. 4.1. OI. héman- “winter” is attested only as loc. sg. héman [Ká†h.]; hence, adj. haimaná- “winter” (AV); the form héman- reflects IE. *gheimen- , cp. Gr. xe›ma n., xeim≈n m. “winter, winter storm”, Alb. Gheg dimën “winter” (EWAI II, 819). The form of loc. héman also tends to another interpretation *gheim-en “in winter” with the locative expressed postpositively. Similarly, Pinault (1993, 155-56) tried to explain other n-stems in season terms, too. OI. hímá- f. “winter” (RV etc.), in addition to m. himá- “frost”, himávant- “covered with snow” (RV X, 121.4), in Av. m. “Himalaya”; then Pkt., Páli hima- “cold; snow”, Sinhali hima “frost, dew, cold”, Gujarati him “hoarfrost, dew”, Hindi hìw “snow, hoarfrost, dew”, Nepali hiÜ “snow, ice”, Marathi hìv “coldness”, Punjabi hiÜ “snow”, Romani hiv, iv, yiv “snow”, Kashmiri himun “to snow”; Dardic: Khowar, Bashkarik, Torwali him “snow”, Gawar-Bati hJm, Shumashti, Wotapuri ím, Pashai (h)ím, yím, Ningalami im id.; Nuristani: Ashkun zím, zím, Kati, Waigali zím, Δím, Prasun zíma, Bashgali zím “snow” (Turner 1966, #14096). The closest parallels appear in Iranian: OAv. gen. sg. zimó “in winter”, etc.; the simplest form is kept in compounds approaching *ghim-o: OI. RV ßatá-hima- “[living] for a hundred winters”, Av. hazaNró.zema- “consisting of a thousand winters”, Gr. dÊs-ximow “blustering, appalling”, Lat. bímus “two-year-old” < *dui- himos (EWAI II, 815-16). OI. hemantá- m. “winter” [RV X, 161.4], Páli hemanta-, Pkt. hema¯ta-, Old Awadhi heva¯ta, Hindi hewãt, Bengali heõt, Nepali hiÜd, Romani (Hung.) yevend etc. “winter”; Dardic: Savi hemánd, Torwali himán, Bashkarik hâ3man, Gauro hewánd, Phalura hewànd, Gawar-Bati hemánd, Khowar yomún, Tirahi èman, Shumashti yéman id. (Turner 1966, #14164). Everything is, apparently, formed from héman- based on vasantá- “spring”. Outside IA., Toch. B *ßiñc- “winter” could be the closest parallel, if it was possible to extract it from *ßimäñc-, cp. adj. *ßiñcatstse (K.T. Schmidt 1980, 410, fn. 74); a direct comparison with Hitt. gemmant- “winter” (see Eichner 1980, 163; Oettinger 1982, 238; Lindemann 1986, 371; Melchert 1994, 153) is problematic.
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 422 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek
4.2. OI. ßíßira- m. “early spring, cold period of a year” (AV), Pkt., Páli sisira- “cold; winter”, Sinhali sisil, sihil, híl-a, il- “cold; coldness”, Marathi sisir “cold and damp period of a year which lasts from January till March”, Hindi sisir “cold; coldness, dew, hoarfrost”, Kashmiri ßiholu “cold, coldness”, etc. (Turner 1966, #12475) – probably *ki-kÒH-o- from *kelH- “to freeze” > OAv. sareta- “cold”; further ON. héla “hoarfrost”, Lit. sálti “to become cold” etc. (EWAI II, 641). 5. OI. m. vasantá- “spring” (RV etc.), Páli vasanta-, Pkt. vasa¯ta-, Sinhali vasat- id.; Dardic: Pashai wah7n(d), Gawar- Bati wasand, Phalura basànd, Kalasha bàsun, Khowar bosún, Bashkarik básan, Torwali basán, Savi basan, Shina basón “spring”; Nuristani: Ashkun wosúnt id., Waigali was]t, Kati wosut, Prasun usti “spring”, Gambiri wos]t “summer” (Turner 1966, #11439). With regard to the Iranian forms, the heteroclitic *vasar-/*vasan(t)- < *ues-r/n- is possible to reconstruct. Formally, Brittonic forms of the type Old Welsh guiannuin “in spring” < *ues÷t-eino- (EWAI II, 532- 33) are closest to Indo-Aryan. 6.1. OI. sámá f.- “half-year, season, year” (RV etc.), “season, weather” (AithBr), also “summer”: úttarám-uttarám sámám “every other summer” (AV III, 10.1 as well as 17.4. according to Whitney; see Wackernagel 1934, 197-98), cp. su-§áma- n. “great, happy year” (ÍB), Páli, Pkt. samá- “year”, West Pahari samá “year”, Lahnda samá “season” (Turner
1966, #13198). Mayrhofer supposes an ablaut *sem-eH2- /*sM-H2- (EWAI II, 704). Olsen (1999, 60, fn. 122; similarly also Hamp 1981, 13) reconstructs a hysterodynamic paradigm *smáH2 / *sMáH2 : *sMH2ós. 6.2. OI. grí§má- m. “summer” (RV etc.), Páli gimha- “hot summer weather”, pl. “summer”, Pkt. gimha- “summer”, Sinhali gim “hot”, gima “hot weather”, Marathi gí(h)m “hot season”, Lahnda ghim “dampness”, Sindhi ghima “moist steam flowing from the ground”; Khowar gri§p “summer” (Turner 1966, #4391), where grí- < *guriH- (~ Gr. bri-Æpuow “crying strongly”, br-yÊw “schwer, wuchtig”, see Wackernagel 1934, 197-98) and o§m-á- corresponds to Av. osem-a- in compound maidiiói-sem-a- m. “god of the second season” (EWAI I, 509-10). Then, the compound grí-§má- means “heavy summer weather”, i.e. “very hot summer”.
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 423
6.3. OI. ni-dághá- m. “hot weather, hot season” (ÍB), nái-dágha- m. “hot season, summer season” (AV), Páli nidágha- “hot (summer) weather”, Pkt. ni(d)áha- “hot season”, Oriya ni[ “fire; anger”, Romani niláy “summer”; Dard.: Kalasha nirá “summer”; hence, Ashkun nirã “early spring”, Kati nilú “spring feast”; *nidághya- > Sinhali niyaga “hot, dry season”, Punjabi niggh “hot weather”, West Pahari nìggo “hot”, Lahnda nigh “hot weather” (Turner 1966, #7193, 7195). Everything derived from the verb dah- “to burn”, cp. further OAv. dazaiti “[he] is burning (something)”, Khot. dajä- “flame”, Pers. dazídan “to burn, scorch”, Sogd. dg- “to burn”, Lit. degù “I am burning (something)” etc. < *dheguh- (Pokorny 1959, 240). 7. OI. ßarád- m. “autumn; year” < Indo-Iranian *carad- /*card- < *kel-(e)d- (the same suffix in d®§ád- “rock” etc. – Olsen 1999, 336), cp. Páli sarada-, Pkt. sara-, saraya-, sarada-, Sindhi saraü, West Pahari ßér “autumn”, Sinhali sará “autumn, year”; Dardic: Shina sarò, Bashkarik sarä´, Khowar sóro, Shumashti saráu, Pashai sarái & sordo-mó; Nuristan.: Ashkun sorò, Prasun siré, Waigali sarè etc. id. (Turner 1966, #12329). Apparently, Lat. calére “to be hot”, Lit. sìlti, Latv. siÆt “to become hot” < *kelH!- (EWAI II, 616) are related. Lit. silius “August” (Buck 1949, #14.73.8; Pokorny 1959, 551) is close in semantics. Regarding the dental suffix see Beekes (1975, 9). 8.1. OI. sa-vátárau nom. du. f. “having the same calf” is formed from the IE. root *uet- “year”; evidently by the same suffix -elo-/elá as Gr. ¶telon, ¶talon “one-year-old (concerning domestic animals)”, as well as Lat. vitulus “calf”, Umb. acc. pl. vitluf ‘vitulós’ (Pokorny 1959, 1175). Udmurt vetil “calf, young cow” (Wichmann 1987, 314) may serve as th˘ e evidence of the existence of II./IA./Iran. *vátaLo (first Lewy 1927, 87-88; accepted by Jacobsohn, IF 46, 1928, 339), which Joki (1973, 345) identified with doubts in Nuristani-Dardic *vatsala- “calf” > Gambiri we5elà m., ol´í f., Ashkun u5el7 m., ol´í f., Waigali wu5alá, Shumashti wa5olik, Pashai wá5elik, wáçula id. (Turner 1966, ##11239, 11244). 8.2. OI. paryáríní- f. “cow which was calved after a year” represents a compound *pari-yáro, i.e. “after a year” (EWAI II, 98-99).
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 424 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek
C. Iranian languages 1.1 OAv. yár- n. “year”: nom. yáre, gen. sg. yá´ (in connection with yris yá´ “dreimal des Jahrs” [Nirangastan 4]; see Bartholomae 1904, 1287) < *iáh < *iáNh < *iaH-ans (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 153, §108.2). On the basis of Avestan forms, Schindler (1975, 5) reconstructed an original paradigm nom. **(H)ióH1-® : gen. **(H)iéH1-÷-s (cp. compound duziiáiriia- “bad year”; adj. “coming a bad year” [Yast VIII, 36; 51, 54] = OPers. dusiyára- “bad harvest” (Bartholomae 1904, 759; Brandenstein & Mayrhofer 1964, 117); cp. OI. *yár- “year” in compound paryáríní- f. “cow which was calved after a year” < *pari-yáro, e. g. “after a year” (EWAI II, 98-99). 1.2./6./7. OAv. sared- f., OPers. yar(a)d-
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 425 even greater, though superable leap, as documented by some of the Daghestanian languages: Andi, Godoveri, Karata resin “year; sky” (NCED 975). Another relevant Kurdish parallel ásma “month”, mentioned by Abaev, is problematic itself. Even a substrate of Caucasian origin is not out of the question. If we take into account the development of “winter” “year”, then e.g. Abkhaz a-2in “winter” could be a source (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 282). 3. The root *uet- “year” without the sigmatic extension, but in the zero-grade, appears in modern Iranian languages Wakhi párd, Parachi parâsuâr “last year”; then there is Pers. pár, pár-sál “last year”, Osset. faron / faræ id. (EWAI II, 94-95; Abaev I, 422). Related are IA. forms: OI. adv. parut “last year” (Pánini), Nisa paru-var§a- “last year”, Sinhali paru, Punjabi par, Kumauni por(i), Oriya paru etc.; Dardic: Kalasha pár h man “last winter”, Pashai pár kál “last year”, Khowar por, Phalura pár, Kashmiri parus id.; Nuristani: Ashkun p)w, Waigali pöw, Kati puå “last year” (Turner 1966, #7907), which reflect the compound *per- ut(i), exactly “over a year”. The analogous compound is preserved in Gr. p°rusi, Dor. p°ruti “last year”, Arm. herow, MHG. vërt id. etc. 4.1. YAv. nom. sg. ziiá° m., acc. sg. ziiœm, OAv. gen. sg. zimó “in winter” [Yasna LI, 51.2], YAv. zemó, nom. pl. zimó (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 141), MPers. zam & zim, Pers. zam “coldness”, MPers. zamstán, Pers. zamistán “winter”, Kurd. zemesán, Baluchi zawistán, Mukri zistán < *zima-stána-, Khot. ysumi “winter”, ysämána- “winter [adj.]”, cp. Sarykoli zï/'mun, zaman “snow”, Wakhi zam, zem id.; then, continuants of the form *zimaka-: Av. zemaka- “winter storm” [Vídévdát IV, 49], Parth. zamag, Sogd. *zamák (zm’k) “winter”, in addition to the forms without a velar extension: ’zmy & zmyy id. (Gharib 1995, ##2320, 11329), Bactr. zimgo id. (Sims-Williams 2007, 212), Osset. Iron zymæg, Digor zumæg id., Pashto z7may “winter”, Ormuri zimak, zemak, Parachi zemá, zemá id. The non-extended basis *zima- appears in compounds in Osset. sawzym “black winter”, e.g. “without snow”. Remarkable is Prasun zíma “winter” (Benveniste 1956, 33; Abaev IV, 320-21; NEVP 102). Middle, as well as modern Persian forms with initial z- have to be taken from Iranian language of the Parthian
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 426 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek type, where Iranian z- is preserved; in the continuation of an Old Persian d-dialect, we would expect an initial d-. In fact, the initial d- appears in MPers. dmyst’n, Pahlavi dmst’n, Kumzari dimestán “winter”, Pers. dame “wind and snow” < *dimaka- (Benveniste 1956, 32; Szemerényi 1959, 70). 4.1.1. Av. zaiiana- n., nom. sg. zaiia, instr. sg. zaéna “winter (time)” [Vídévdát XVI, 12], Sarykoli zyn, Yazgulami zin “winter”, Yidgha avzíno “the first watering of the ground” < *upa-zayaná-, exactly “after winter”; Pers. dai (Bartholomae 1904, 1666; Morgenstierne 1974, 108; Benveniste 1956, 33). 4.2. Av. aibigáma- “winter” [Vídévdát V, 10, 42], also “year” [Yast IX, 10; XIX, 29], cp. with the prefix *ham-, OPers. *hangáma-, MPers. hangám, Pers. he/ingám “time”, Iran. > Arm. angam “unhappiness” (Horn 1893, 248, #1109); in fact concerning a verb “arriver à, atteindre”, which is used when particular seasons are coming: [Vídévdát IX, 6] pasca hamó aibi.gaitím ... pasca zemó isaos aibi.gaitím “then summer is coming ... then icy winter is coming” (Benveniste 1956, 34). Cf. Man. MPers. zm’n /zamán/, Man. Parth. jm’n /zamán/, MoPers. zamán “time” < Iranian *Δamán- < *guem-on- “Geher” (Schaffner 2004, 287, fn. 44). 5.1. Av. vaNhar- “spring”, cp. loc. vaNri “in spring” [Frahang i oím 8], OPers. *váhara- in the name of a spring month (April - May) yúra-váhara- (Brandenstein & Mayrhofer 1964, 147 combine the first component with Pers. súr “feast, wedding”), which also appears in the Elamite transcription as tu-ir-ma-ir (Szemerényi 1950b, 235), MPers. wahár “spring”, Pers. bahár, dial. vohór, vihór, vór id., Sangesari vihár (Christensen 1935, 179), Sogd. *wartí- (wrtyy) “spring”, Osset. wal2æg “spring” < *wártí- < *wah(a)rtí- & *-aka-, cp. also zymæg “winter”, fæzzæg “autumn”, Pashto wóray “spring” < *wáh(a)rt-aka-, Yidgha wáro, Sarikoli wug “spring”, Munjan wóro “summer” (Abaev IV, 46-47; NEVP 92). Szemerényi (1959, 69-70) explains Osset. wal2æg by means of the compound *wærd-zæg where the second component probably patterns a word fæzzæg “autumn”; in agreement with other Iranists, he identifies *w°hart- in the first component, which is analyzed as a compound *wáhara-ratu- “time of spring”, cp. Av. ratu-
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 427
“time” in rizaremaém ratúm, hamaspa maédaém paiti ratúm. 5.2. Av. zaremaiia- m. “spring” [Yast VII, 4], adj. zaramaiia- [Hadóxt Nask II, 18], probably meaning primarily “green”, though Av. zairi- means “yellow” or “golden” (Bartholomae 1904, 1683; Schrader & Nehring I, 530; see also Schneider 1940, 202, fn. 1). 5.3. Pashto p(a)sarl’ay “spring” < *(u)pa-sarada-ka-, cp. Sogd. ’ps’rdh “the holiday of the New Year’s Day/spring”, Yidgha p/fsídro, MPers. *af-sálán, Pers. áb-sálán, Taleshi avasór, Zaza wesár “spring”, by Khot. pasálä “spring season”, which can reflect *pa(ti)-sarda- (NEVP 66). 5.4. Natanzi pisím “spring; midday”; only a “midday” in other languages of the region: Farizandi pisim, Yarani pisín, Qohrudi písím, Zafrai püsüm etc. id. (Christensen 1930, 284). 6.1. YAv. ham- “summer” m. (?): gen. sg. hamó [Vídévdát IX, 6], instr. sg. hama “in summer” [Vídévdát V, 42; XV, 45; VIII, 74], nom. pl. hama “summer time” [Vídévdát V, 10], maidiiói-sem-a- m. “god of the second season” [Yasna I, 9; II, 9; Visprat I, 2; II, 2; Afrínakán III, 2] & hœmina- “summer [adj.]; summer”, cp. a connection of hœminemca zaiianemca “summer and winter [adj.]” (Bartholomae 1904, 1773, 1118), MPers. hámín, Zaza amná, Kurd. hávín “summer”, Baluchi hámén “harvest-time (July-September)”, by Sogd. *háman-, after adj. *hámanya- <’’mynyy>, Khot. hamána- “summer” (Bailey 1979, 459), Pashto m´enay “autumn” (NEVP 50), Yazgulami hamaNg “summer” (Sköld 1936, 138), Chwarezm.’mnk “summer”, Sarikoli men∆ “summer, autumn” < *haminaka- (Tomaschek 1880, 752; Morgenstierne 1974, 44). 6.2. Pers. tábán & tábistán “summer” is a derivate of the verb táften “to burn, heat, light” (Horn 1893, #372); the word appears in a number of local idioms: Gilaki t°bæstán, Natanzi tá°bestá°n, Yarani tåbess'n “summer”, Semnani tävästun, Sangesari tevästún etc. (Christensen 1930, 284; 1935, 179); it also entered Pamir languages: Shughni to·bist'n etc. (Sköld 1936, 138). 7.1. Iran. *pati-zya(m)- “autumn”, exactly “towards winter” > MPers. pátéz, Pazend pádéz, Pers. páyíz, Semnani pá°´íz (Christensen 1935, 179), Kurd., Zaza pá’iz (Tomaschek
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 428 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek
1880, 752), Sogd. *patyaz/*patéz/*patíz
D. Armenian language 1. Arm. am “year” < *sMH-eH2 or from Lindeman’s variant *sM-eH2 (cp. Olsen 1999, 60), instr. sg. amaw < *sm8- bh- ( Hamp 1981, 13). 2. Arm. elanak ~ yelanak “season, weather; method” – evidently formed from the verb elanim “I will become” (Pedersen 1906, 367). 3. Arm. herow “last year” < *peruti (Olsen 1999, 209).
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 429
4. Arm. jme¯rn “winter”, gen. jmer-an, acc. pl. jmerowns; Olsen (1999, 128) supposes a contamination of the r-stem in nom.-acc. sg., as well as the n- or rather nt-stem in oblique cases: * ghimer : *ghimen(t)- *ghimer : *ghimer-÷t- > *jmer : *jmeran-. On the other hand, Szemerényi (1960, 109) analyzes *jmer- as *jimer- and then, he reconstructs *jeim-ar- with an analogous extension as in *am-ar- “summer”. 5. Arm. garown “spring”, gen. garnan < *gar-own-an, where *gar- reflects an ancestral *gehar- < *ues®-, and -own- < *-ontó-. Then, OI. vasantá- (Olsen 1999, 41-42) would be closest to it. According to Szemerényi (1960, 109, see Note no. 2), *-wn- should be connected with the same ending in jiwn “snow” (~ Gr. xi≈n, -Ònow “snow”, Av. ziiå, gen. zimó < *ghiiòm, gen. *ghimós – see Olsen 1999, 135); In Szemerényi’s view, the genitive ending -an corresponds to -an in jean, which is the genitive of the word jiwn “snow”, similarly gen. jmeran “winter”, amaran “summer”, as well. 6. Arm. ama¯rn “summer” reflects the contamination of the original r- and n-stems leading to the r-stem *sM[H]®-, as well as nt-stem *sM[H]®-÷t-V-, continuing in oblique cases, such as gen. amaran (Olsen 1999, 141 finds the counterpart of the original n-stem in Iranian forms of the type Sogd. *háman-, after adj. *hámanya- <’’mynyy>). Szemerényi (1960, 109) explains the vocalisation -ar- after garo “spring”. 7. Arm. asown, gen. asnan “autumn”, probably derived from *osionto- and further towards Gmc. *ásani-/*azaní- “summer; harvest-time”, Pruss. assanis “autumn”, Slav. *osen" “autumn” etc. (the suffix as in garown “spring”; the development of IE. *-si- > Arm. -s- see Mann 1963, 2, 162). However, Hübschmann (1897, 433) rejects these parallels. An alternative reconstruction of *os-skh-on-, connecting the Armenian word with the same parallels, was proposed by Scheftelowitz (1928), which was later accepted by Solta (1960, 284), Dzaukjan (1967, 255; 1983, 64) etc. Other alternatives were introduced by Pedersen (1906, 433) who considered the connection with açem “I grow”, as well as by Lidén (1911; apud Solta 1960, 284, fn. 10) who sought the connection with Arm. hasown “ripe”. 9. Arm. gari, gen. gareoy “barley” can be a derivative of
Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 430 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek
*gar- “spring” (Witczak 2003, 42, 131: *wesH2ariyo-). On the other hand, Olsen (1999, 439) supposes the basis *gh®riom for gari (‘Lindeman´s variant’) and she compares them with Gr. k°gxrow “millet” (by dissimilation from *gherghros) and kãxruw “roasted barley”.
E. Hellenic languages 1.1. Gr. ¶tow “year” (from Il.), dial. (Cyprus) W°tow n., Myc. (Pylos) acc. sg. we-to, loc. sg. we-te-i-we-te-i = *wétehi- wétehi “year after year, yearly” (Aura Jorro II, 423-24). A remarkable Mycenaean form au-u-te, documented from Knossos, may represent a compound adverb auwetes, having an analogy in Hesychius’ gloss aÈet∞:aÈtoet∞ (Aura Jorro 1985, 146; Barton±k 2003, 347, 543). This can be found in a large number of compounds with numerals, e. g. tri-etÆw “three-year”, ofi°teaw acc. pl. “belonging to the same year, of the same age”. A derivative §phetanÒw “plentiful” probably arose by haplology from *-weti/o-tano- “lasting for the whole year” (Frisk I, 583-84; II, 313, 359, 895; 518). The closest parallel is Phryg. dat. sg. vetei < *uetesei from the inscription from Pterie (7th – 6th cent. B. C.), which is interpreted as “year” or “old” (Orel 1997, 294-95). 1.2. Gr. (from Il.) §niautÒw m. “year, anniversary, anniversary day”, hence §niaÊsiow (cp. Myc. masculine e-ni- ja-u-si-jo from Pylos, see Aura Jorro I, 220), Delph. §niaÊtiÒw “yearly, a year long, annual”. Till now none of the submitted interpretations have enjoyed a general acceptance. (i) Here, Frisk (I, 518) sees there a structure similar to koni-or-tÒw “cloud of dust”, bou-lu-tÒw “time for a removal of a yoke of oxen”, and he analyses the word into §n-i-au-tÒw. He finds a parallel to ¶now “year” (Hes.; Sch. Theok. VII, 147) in the first syllable, see above. The second component stems from the verb fiaÊv “I am sleeping, I am having a rest”; hence, the semantics of “calmness of a year” = “solstice”? perhaps results from it (Brugmann 1903, 87-93 with reference to Etymologicum Magnum 342, 33, where the Homeric verb §niaÊv “I am having a rest, I am sleeping, I am living” is noted in
The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 431 connection with §niautÒw). (ii) Otr *kiá-uetes < *kiéH2-eH1 *uét-es “here/now, during the year” (Vine 2009, 221; he designates the ending -á < *-eH2-eH1 as the perlative instrumental and mentions Hittite ká siwatt “today”, where ká “here” may be interpreted as the instr. Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 432 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek *ko-H1), similarly tÆmeron, sÆmeron, sãmeron “today” < *kiá- ámeron (formed after *kiá-uetes and not vice versa – see Vine 2009, 222). The closest cognate occurs in Alb. si-vjet “this year” < dat.-loc. *kiei-uetei, where *kiei- was remodelled in the secondary masculine-like form, instead of the expected feminine-like form *kiá- > Alb. so-, attested in the Alb. adverbs so-t “today”, so-nte “tonight” < pre-Alb. f. *kiá- ditái, *kiá-naktái respectively (Vine 2009, 221). Perhaps an analogous compound appears in Messap. atavetes of the inscription from Brindisi, described already in 1765 (MLM I, 137, MLM II, 31). Beginning with Torp, the word is interpreted as ‘aÈtÒetew’. Hamp (1957, 81) separated a component ata- there, and compared it with Alb. a-tá “that”. The same root *vet- probably appears in two inscriptions from the so-called Cave of Poetry by Melendugni: dat. sg. veteui and an odd appellative vete (MLM I, 369-70; II 143-44). 3.3. From a hypothetical adv. *ˆ(W)etew “(born) during the same year” with a ‘copulative omicron’, perhaps the Aeolic version of copulative alpha, Vine (2009, 215) explains the adj. ofi°teaw. 3.4. Hesychius’ gloss aÈet∞ : aÈtoet∞ and Myc. au-u-te (Aura Jorro I, 146; Barton±k 2003, 347) can reflect /ha- (u)ut-/; they are derivable from the coumpound *sM-uto (Vine 2009, 216). 3.5. Gr. n°vta “next year” < *neuo-u•t-M or ouet-M “in a new year” (cp. Meillet 1925, 15). Szemerényi disagrees (1969, 241-43) with this idea, reconstructing the primary phrase *n°WviW°tei, whose final ending had to be replaced by the adverbial ending -ta in process of grammatical- ization. But Vine (2009, 211) finds support in the form , derivable from the acc. *kiá-uet-M “[for duration of] this year”. 4. Gr. (from Il.) xeim≈n, -«now m., MoGr. xeim«naw, (from Od.) xe›ma n. “winter”, also in Myc. (Knossos) ke-ma- qe-me = *kheima-gweimen “to survive winter”, cp. xeimãzein “to overwinter”; extended by -r-: xeim°riow “winter [adj.], stormy”, xeimerinÒw “wintry”, x¤marow “he-goat”, x¤maira “she-goat”; without r/n-extension: dÊs-ximow “stormy”, The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 433 melãg-ximow “black on a white field”, x¤metlon “Frostbeule”, etc. (Frisk II, 1079-81). Extension by nt-suffix is represented by a form é-xe¤mantow “without storms” (cp. Oettinger 2001a, 307). 5.1. Gr. ¶ar “spring”, Hesych. g°ar < *ues® (Szemerényi 1956, 191 refuses the reconstruction of *ués®, which, on the contrary, Tremblay 2003, 233 supposes on the basis of Dor. [Alkman] ∑r). The athematic locative in *-i in ¶ari “in spring” leads by addition of an adjectival suffix *-no- to the adjective §arinÒw “spring [adj.]”; similarly perÊsi “last year” perusinÒw “last year’s”, further, yerinÒw “summer [adj.]”, ÙparinÒw “autumny”, xeimerinÒw “wintry”, and further YAv. hœmina- “summer [adj.]”, OCS. zim"n∫ “winter [adj.]” etc. (Olsen 1999, 276). 5.2. MoGr. ênoijh “spring” represents a continuation of Gr. ênoijiw “opening”, i.e. “spring” = “opening of flowers” (Buck 1949, #14.75.2). 6.1. Gr. y°row n. “summer” (Il.), literally “hot weather”, Ion.-Att. also “harvest”, yere¤a “summer” (Pindar, Herodot, etc.), yer¤zv “I am gathering”, yerismÒw “harvest, harvest- time”, from IE. *guher-os “hot”. The closest cognate is Arm. ∆er “warm, muggy weather” (Frisk I, 665-66). 6.2. MGr. kaloka¤rion, MoGr. kaloka¤ri “summer”, exactly “good season”: kalÒw “good” & kairÒw “term, season, weather” (Buck 1949, #14.76.2). 7. Gr. (from Il.) Ùp≈r f., Lac. (Alkm.). Ùp r “late summer – early autumn” < * hãr < *(H1)os®-, further, to Got. asans “harvest, summer” < *(H1)es-n-, etc. (Frisk II, 408; Schindler 1975, 3, 5). However, there exist other solutions as well. Pisani (1966a, 150) seeks for a base in *Ùpo-ivr , where Àr probably represents the second component. Deroy (1970, 371-385) supposes that the word Àr originated by contamination from *ivr and *ohãr (see also Frisk III, 162-63, 191). From hÇ ere is the later compound fyinÒpvron “autumn”, MoGr. fyinÒpvro : fyinv “I am disappearing, ceasing, perishing” + Ùp≈ra, i. e., “periods, when a harvest ends” (Frisk II, 1014). Probably, the name of the constellation 'Vr¤vn < *osar-ión is also Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 434 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek related (Forssman 1985, 81-86; Neumann 1999, 52). 8. From the IE. root *uet-, Gr. ¶telon, ¶talon “yearly (about domestic animals)” is formed. Let us also mention the syllabogram we used in the Linear B script for *wetalos “yearling” (Barton±k 2003, 123; Vine 2009, 215, fn. 31). The same l-extension appears in Lat. vitulus “calf” etc. F. Albanian & Palaeo-Balkan languages 1. Alb. vit m., vjetë f., pl. vjet “year” < *uetos; hence viç “calf” < *uet£s(o)- (Hamp 1968, 27-31; 1971, 222; cp. also Orel 1998, 509, 506). The word ETESA from Thracian (?) inscription from North Bulgarian Kjolmen (6th cent. B. C.) is being associated with Gr. Hom. nom.-acc. pl. ¶tea < *uetesf2 (Georgiev 1977, 127-29). 3.1. Alb. adv. si-vjet “this year” can reflect an ancient loc. sg. in *-éi (Hamp 1957, 81 reconstructs *(a)t(j)éi-uetes-; Orel 1998, 397: *kiei uetei). However, for nasalized variants preserved in Italian dialects of Albanian, such as simvjet, simjet, símbjit Hamp (1957, 82) offer another solution. In -m Hamp (l.c.) sees no accusative (however, cp. Lit. s¡mét “this year” < acc. sg. *kim-méto “of this year”, Fraenkel 1962-65, 990), but instr. pl. as in Slav. *t±m", Lit. tuomì. According to Hamp, the first component of the compound should correspond to Messap. atavetes ‘aÈtÒetew’. However, the demonstrative in *k- is preferable with regard to Gr. Att. t∞tew, Ion. s∞tew, Dor. sçtew “this year” < *kiá-uetes- and Lit. s¡mét “this year”. 3.2. Alb. par-vjét “the year before last year” (Mann 1984-87, 928). 4. Alb. Tosk dimër, Gheg dimën “winter” < *ghimen (Hamp 1961, 52-55). 5. Alb. prëndverë ~ prandverë, Sami printverë “spring” < Rom. *príma véra, cp. Ital. primavera, Rum. primâvarâ “spring” (Meyer 1891, 466; Orel 1998, 344). 6. Alb. verë “summer” < Rom. *véra id. (Meyer 1891, 466; Orel 1998, 499). 7. Alb. vjeshtë f., pl. vjeshta “autumn”; Meyer (1891, 475) etc., as well as Orel (1998, 512) derive through the suffix -shtë from the verb vjel, aor. vola “to pick (fruit)”, cp. Lit. val…ti “to gather”, from vélti “to throb” (Fraenkel 1962- The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 435 65, 1190, 1221). Mann (1984-87, 46) thought of the origin in the root *H2ueg-s- “to grow”, but an appropriate buttress in Lat. autumnus “autumn” against augére falls (see entry). 8. Alb. viç “calf” < *uet£s(o)- (Hamp 1968, 27-31; 1971, 222; see also Orel 1998, 506). G. Italic languages 1.1. Lat. annus m. “year”, hence annóna “annual yield; price of corn” (Walde & Hofmann I, 50-51), with continuation in Rom.: Port. anno, Sp. año, Cat. any, Prov., Fr. an, Engad., Furl. an, Ital. anno, Sard. Logud. annu, Vegl. yan “year”, Rum. an “last year”, cp. also Fr. dial. (Lothringen) ané “summer”, Ital. annata “harvest-time”, Sp. dial. (Asturia) añada “harvest” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #487). On the territory of ancient Italy, it is usually connected with Umb. acc. sg. or pl. acnu “annos” (Vb 8,12 14, 17), Osc. loc. sg. akeneí “in anno” (TA A 18, B 23), acc. or gen. pl. akun (Pompeii 44), gen. sg. aceneis, acenei (TB Pocc. 185,6; 185,9), gen. pl. acunum (TB 31) < *atno- (Untermann 2000, 74-75); further, Got. dat. pl. apnam and gen. pl. at-apnjis “year” and Skt. (lex.) atna- “sun” which formally corresponds to Italic-Germanic isogloss (EWAI I, 56). The same root is represented in Iran. *átra-, which appears in Av. compounds xváyra- “wealth” (*hu-átra-), a- pairi.áyra- “unkind” (EWAI I, 56), all evidently derived from the verb of the type OI. átati “[he] is going, [he] is wandering”. Contrary to the general agreement with this etymology, Szemerényi (1950a, 174-75) proposed a derivation of Lat. annus from *as-no-s, from the root *as-, which appears in Lat. áreó “I am dry”, aridus “dry” etc. According to Lat. cánus < *kasno-, we should expect +ánus. Szemerényi points out in favor of his reconstruction the example of Lat. penna “wing”, after OLat. pesna, and he supposes the development of penna < *péná, which is documented by the pair of forms Iuppiter ~ Iúpiter. Then, the basic form *petsná stems from this. He refuses Osco- Umbrian forms to be related with Lat. annus. Zavaroni (2003, 230; 2004, 254; already for the first time Vaniçek - see Walde & Hofmann I, 51) presents another alternative and he reconstructs Italic *anKno-, which he connects with Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 436 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek Lat. ánus “circle, ring”, OIr. áinne “a ring”, Arm. anowr “necklace, ring” (Pokorny 1959, 230), all from the IE. root *ank-/*angh-. To the semantics, cp. Egypt. rnp.t “year” : Copt. ranpi “circle” (Vycichl 1983, 175). 1.2. Venet. *yóro- “year”? appears perhaps in inscriptions from Este in the instr. pl. in connection with preposition: op iorobos (#23) and op iio[robos (#69), see Lejeune 1974, 129, 197, 210. 3. The root *ióro occurs in the Lat. adj. hórnus “produced in this year” and adv. hórnó “this year”, usually derived from *ho-iór-ino- (Untermann 2000, 75), cp. ho-dié “today”. De Vaan (2008, 289-90) finds strange the uninflected deictic component ho- and so proposes the primary loc. sg. *hoi ióroi > *hoióroi > *hórí, and further *hórino-. 4. Lat. hiems f., gen. hiemis “winter”, transferral also “year” (Ennius); in compound bímus, trímus, quadrímus “two-, three-, four-year” < *dui-, *tri-, *quadri-himo-. The form hiems reflects the variant II *ghiem-, according to Benveniste’s root theory. The closest is probably the Ligurian base *giem-, to which the meaning “snow” is presupposed, if the name of the mountain mons Berigiema (CIL V 7749) meant “carrying snow”, as usually assumed (Kretschmer 1905, 118, fn. 2). Adj. híbernus reflects the original *heimerinos with a subsequent dissimilation of m .. n > b .. n, rather than the form +heimrinos, which does not correspond to IE. syllabification (Szemerényi 1960, 107- 08). The phrase híbernum (tempus) “winter (time)” gave rise to Romance marking of “winter”: Port. inverno, Galician iverno, Sp. invierno, Cat., Prov. ivern, Fr. hiver, Engad. iviern, Furl. inviarn, Ladin. dinver, Istr. dinviern, Ital. inverno, Sard. Logud. ierru, Vegl. inviarno, Rum. iarnâ id. (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #4126.2). 5.1. Lat. vér n., gen. véris “spring” < *uesr- (Szemerényi 1956, 191 rejects the reconstruction *uésr-, as supposed by e.g. Benveniste 1935, 191 or also Schrijver 1991, 128; but he does not come back to his older hypothesis any more when he had derived the form *uesr- from IE. *ues- “to be” – see 1950, 174). As for the Romance languages, only some of them preserved the word, however, more or less with a move towards the meaning “summer”: Cat. The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 437 (Valencia), Prov. ver, OItal. (Naples) vera, Rum. varâ id.; but OItal (Naples) vertiempo “spring” preserves still an original meaning of the component ver-. From the phrase *véránum (tempus) “spring summer (time)” arises Port. v(e)rão, Sp. verano, Cors. veranu, Sard. Logud. b(e)ranu “summer”. Even Port., Sp., Cat. primavera, Prov. primver, OFr. primevoire, Engadin. prümavaira, Ital. primavera, Roman. primâvarâ “spring”, exactly “the first summer” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #9213, 9216, 6754) stems from the shift of meaning. 5.2. Fr. printemps “spring”, formed from compound prímum tempus “the first (yearly) season”, replaced older primevoire in the 16th century (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #6753a). 6.1. Lat. aestás f., gen. aestátis “summer” < *aidh-tát-, cp. aestus “hot, heat” < *aidh-tu- and aedés, aedis “fireplace, temple”, pl. “house” (old root name; see Schrijver 1991, 374-75); the closest cognate is OIr. áed “fire”, OEng. ád, h h OHG. eit “pyre”, Gr. a‡yv “I burn” < *aid - < **H2eid - (ibid. 38). Even some Romance languages preserved the word: Prov. estat, Fr. été, Engad. sted, Furl. instat, Ital. istate, Sard. Campid. istadi, Istro-Rum. distá & listá “summer” (Meyer- Lübke 1935, #245); in other languages, continuants of Lat. vér or their derivatives replaced them. 6.2. Prov. and Fr. beautemps “summer” exist in parallel with Prov. estat, Fr. été; their meaning is “lovely time” (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #1027), cp. MGr. kaloka¤ri (Buck 1949, #14.75.2.). 7. Lat. autumnus m. “autumn” continues in Romance languages: OPort. atuno, Port. outono, Sp. otoño (> Sard. Logudor. attunzu), High-Vald. atun, Engad. utuon, Rum. toamnâ id., cp. also Furl. mes di tom “October”, mes di tomuts “November”. Prov. autom, Fr. automne, It. autunno “autumn” represent later Latin adaptations (Meyer-Lübke 1935, #812). The word does not have an unambiguous etymology, so let us compare more solutions: (i) Considerations about the connection with OIr. úacht, ócht “coldness”, Lit. áusti “to become cool”, Latv. aÜksts “cold”, Arm. oyc “cold” refer to the fact that Latin should preserve an expected velar (+aucto). (ii) Ribezzo thought of an adaptaion of Etruscan avil Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 438 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek “year”, but his construction *av(i)-to-m(e)nos “Jahresumkehr” is entirely artificial (see Walde & Hofmann I, 88). (iii) Otr *temH1- “to slice, to cut”, more precisely from its present stem, which originates by the insertion of the nasal infix *tM-né/n-H1- (LIV 625). To the semantics “autumn” = “cutting-off-time”, i.e. “harvest”, cp. Alb. vjeshtë “autumn” : vjel “to pick (fruit)” or from Gmc. *harbista- “autumn” : Lat. carpó “I am picking”, MIr. cirrim “I am reflecting, shrinking”, Lit. kerpù, kiTpti “to cut with scissors” etc. (Walde & Hofmann I, 172). See Rix (1997, 871-889) who reconstructed the protoform *au-tomH1-ino-. 8.1. IE. root *uet- “year” is in Italic languages represented by several derivates: (i) Lat. vetus, -eris “old”; cp. probably Osc. ND dat. sg. Vezkeí (TB A 2, B 3) < *uetes-iko- (Untermann 2000, 853- 54). Rix (Studi Etruschi 61, 1996, 355) and Heidermanns in his unpublished Habilitationsschrift from 1999, §227, include there Umb. ND dat. sg. Vesune (IV 3, 6, 10, 12, 25), Mars. dat. sg. Uesune (Cività d’Antino; Ortona dei Marsi), from nom. sg. f. *uet-s-óná (see Untermann 2000, 852-53). (ii) Lat. veterínae & veterína “beasts of burden” < *uet-es- íno (cf. Vine 2009, 216). (iii) Lat. vitulus “calf”, dim. vitellus, Lat. > Etruscan vitli, OUmb. acc. sg. m. vitlu, acc. pl. m. vitluf = Late Umb. uitlu, acc. pl. f. vitlaf = Late Umb. uitla, apparently from *uetlo-/-á (Walde & Hoffmann II, 807; Untermann 2000, 859-60). The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 439 8.2. Lat. annus “year” is a base for derivatives designating various “yearly animals”: (i) Lat. anniculus “yearly” > Italian from Naples annikyë “yearly cattle”, Abruzzian nnekkyë “yearly goat”, Logudor anniyu “yearly horse”, etc. (ML #481.1.). (ii) Lat. annuculus “yearly” > Rumantch of Bergell nuil’a “goat with no kids”, Upper Waldish anul’ “yearly sheep”, Gascogne anulh “bullock”, Cat. anoll(a) “yearly lamb” (ML #481.2.). (iii) Lat. *annoticus “yearly” > French idiom of Morvand (Burgundy) ano© “yearly sheep”, Old Provençal anotge id., Poitevinish noz “young goat” (ML #484). (iv) Lat. annótinus “of last year” > Romanian noatin “yearly animal”, Logudor annodinu “yearly cow”, Normanish ãtné “two-year-old foal”, etc. (ML #485). 9. Lat. annus “year” is also the base for designation of various kinds of “corn”: Latin annóna “corn”, Old Provençal anona “rye”, Occitan of Dauphiné nuno “wheat”, French of Swiss noneta “Speld” (ML #483a). H. Lusitanian language 1. IE. root *uet- in its zero-stage is perhaps hidden in the acc. sg. adj. f. usseam “yearly” < *ut-seios, -á, -om (Witczak 2005, 385-86). I. Celtic languages 1. OIr. blíadain f., gen. sg. blíadnae “year” < Celt. *bleidaní, gen. *bleidaniiás (or *bleidono; see Schrijver 1995, 245). Schrijver (1995, 244-46) supposes the same basis for OWelsh bloidin, MWelsh blwydyn, pl. blwydyned & blwynyded, Welsh blwyddyn f. “year”, pl. blynyddoedd, OCorn. blipen, MCorn. blythen, blethen, OBret. blidan, bliden, blid, MBret. bliz(i)en, Bret. dial. blizenn “year”, while MWelsh pl. blyned, Welsh blynedd, OBret. blened reflect *bleidaniiás (or *bleidono). MWelsh blwyd, Welsh blwydd f. “year of life”, MCorn. bloth m. id., MBret. bloez, bloaz, Bret. bloaz m. “year” < Celt. *bleid-ó(n) (Schrijver 1995, 243). See also Hamp 1980, 166. Matasovic (2009, 69) reconstructs pCelt. *blédá / *blédom, *blédaní; he expresses his doubts concerning the comparison with OCS *bl±d∫, OEng. blát “pale” for semantic Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 440 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek reasons. Schaffner (2004, 289-91) derives it from the root *bhleid- “to pass (on time)”, but his reconstruction is based on Greek flidãv “to overflow with moisture” and OEng. bloat “to swell” which are also rather distant in semantics. 2. Welsh adeg f. “appropriate time, a (year) season; crescent moon”, derivable from Celt. *atiká, has been compared with OIr. athach f., dat. athaig & athaid (also as nom.) “time, time period” (LEIA A-99), and further with the Italic-Germanic isogloss *atno- (Hamp 1977, 240). 3.1. OIr. ónn uraid gl. ‘ab anno priore’, MIr. innuraid “from last year” < *per-uti (via metathesized *irud? – see Griepentrog 1995, 445, fn. 5) with the word for “year” in the zero-grade and loc. sg., or < *per-utem in the fossilized accusative, as it is possible to understand from the form of the definite article (Schrijver 1995, 244, 257; Matasovic 2009, 128). 3.2. MWelsh yr llyned, Welsh y llyned, Bret. arlene, arlene “last year” < acc. *per-bleidniiâm with the same prefix *per- as in corresponding OIr. uraid (Schrijver 1995, 244, 256-57). 3.3. MWelsh eleni, yleni, Bret. hevlene “this year” < dat. *se-bleidniiai, cp. the same deictic element in expressions, such as Welsh heddiw, Bret. hiziv “today”, MWelsh henoeth “tonight” (Schrijver 1995, 256-57). 4. OIr. knows three variants of the word “winter”: gaim (oldest nom. sg.; also in compound gaimred in the phrase a n-gaimred “this winter”; the second component has its origin in ráithe “season”), gem (in compounds of the type of gem-adaig “winter night”) and gam (with vocalism evidently affected by the word sam “summer”). The lattest stem probably appears in the Ogam personal name Gami-cunas (Ziegler 1994, 105; Matasovic 2009, 170). Schrijver (1995, 108-10) supposes forms gaim & gem reflecting an original i- stem with a root vowel *-e- of the type of OIr. daig, gen. dego “flame”, tailm, gen. telmo “loop”, so perhaps nom. gaim, gen. *gemo. Schrijver reconstructs the basic image of the form *gem-i- < *giem-i-. On the other hand, de Bernardo Stempel (1999, 36) supposes that gem reflects an old gen. sg. *ghim-os (also in compound gem-red). OWelsh gaem, MWelsh gaeaf m. represent the closest parallels and in compound gaeaw-rawd the corresponding OIr. gaim-red; then, OCorn. goyf gl. ‘hyemps’, Corn. gwaf, OBret. gouiam, The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 441 MBret. gouaff, Bret. gouañv, dial. (Vanetais) gouiañ “autumn” (Deshayes 2003, 280) < Brit. *giiamV- < *ghiem- (Schrijver 1995, 101, 108-10). Cp. further Ir. gamain “November”; the name of the month *giamonios in the Gaulish calendar from Coligny formally corresponds to it (in fact, it is preserved at the different stages of shortening: giamoni, giamon, giamo, giam, gia), all from Celt. *gi(i)amo < *ghiem- (Schrijver 1995, 101, 109; Pinault 1993, 152 still follows the traditional reconstruction *ghiom-). The r-extension appears in some Romance forms as Fr. givre, Prov. gibre, giure, Cat. gebre “hoarfrost”, derivable from *gewro- < Gaulish *gem(e)ro- (Matasovic 2009, 170 after Gamillscheg). 5.1. OIr. errach “spring” < *uesr-áko- (Pedersen I, 82, 435) with *u- > Ø caused by lenition, cf. OIr. espartain “twilight” < Lat. vespertina (Schrijver 1995, 445), and -rr- < *-sr- as in OIr. err “tail, end” vs. ON. ars “arse” (Pokorny 1959, 340); OWelsh guiannuin “in spring”, Welsh gwanwyn “spring”, OCorn. guantoin, OBret. guiannuin (Pedersen I, 74) < *ues÷t-eino-, analyzable as the loc. in *-ei from a thematic stem of the type OI. vasantá-, hemantá-, plus the adj. suffix *-no- (Olsen 1999, 277). A Gaulish equivalent is reconstructed in the form *visonna (< *uesontá) on the basis of the compound simiuisonna, representing the eight month in the Gaulish calendar from Coligny (*sémi-uesontá “half of spring or of a year”? - see Delamarre 2001, 232). 5.2./2. Bret. newez-amser “spring” = “new time”. Bret., as well as MBret., Corn., Welsh amser, MCorn. anser “time” have an accurate counterpart in OIr. aimser f., gen. aimsire/i “time, a moment, epoch”, and Gael. aimsir. Deshayes (2003, 62) reconstructs the Celtic starting point *amb[i]- menserá (with [i] added by an anonymous referee to explain the palatal -ms-). Vendryes (LEIA A-35) supposes connection with OIr. amm n./m. “time, a moment”, which should be extended by the suffix -stero/á-. The origin of amm remains unknown for him. Guyonvarc’h (1968, 55) already proposed a comparison of Celt. *am-s-ter- with Hitt. ha(m)mesha(nt)- “spring-summer”. Duval & Pinault (1986, 422) derived amm from *am-m÷ < H2em-m÷, which is also connected with Hitt. ham(m)esha(nt)- “spring-summer”. Accepting the Celtic-Anatolian comparison, Matasovic Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 442 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek (2009, 33-34) proposes the segmentation *H1emos-tero- and syncope, where the first component was the s-stem. 5.3. Bret. newez-hañv “spring” = “new summer” (Favereau 1993, 551). 6. OIr. sam & samrad “summer”, OWelsh ham, Welsh haf, Corn. hâf, OBret. ham, MBret. (1499) haff, Bret. hañv “summer” (Deshayes 2003, 321) < Celt. *samo- < *sMH-o-, cp. dam m. “bull” < *dMH2-o- “tamed” (Pinault 1993, 152; Schrijver 1995, 460). The same stem may be identified in Gaulish anthroponyms, e.g. Samo-gnatius, if it meant “born in summer”. The name of one of the months of Gaulish calendar of Coligny may be placed here, too, and is reconstructed in the form *Samonios, and an OIr. feast Samain (*samoni-), taking place on the 1st November, i.e. the end of “great summer”, the nice part of the year (but the forms samuin, samfuin indicate the compound of sam “summer” & fuin “sunset, end” - see LEIA S-22; Lambert 1994, 110 prefers the etymology from the root *sem- “together”, thus, the feast implies a “gathering”). Its presence in Brittonic has been sought in Welsh Mehefyn, Bret. Mezeven “June”, if they represent the compound *medio-samono- “mid-summer” (Matasovic 2009, 262, 321; Schrijver 1995, 265 proposes the old n-stem *-samú : *-samáno < *-ó(n) : *-óno), similarly MWelsh kintevin “beginning of summer, May” and OIr. cétamain “May” < *kentu-samonio- (Matasovic 2009, 201), but traditionally *kentu-samíno- (LEIA C-58). The name of the Gaulish summer month with its hypothetical insular cognates, confirm the existence of the Celtic form *samon- < *sMmon- or *sMHon-. Then, this form would represent the n-stem in a heteroclitic paradigm, where the r-stem is represented by Gaulish form *samaro-, reconstructed on the basis of the substratal heritage in Fr. dial. samará, sombre “July” (Delamarre 2001, 225) and the place name Samaro-briva Ambianorum (see Matasovic 2009, 321). Further, cp. e.g. Gmc. *sumara- < *sMmor-o- or *sMH2e/or-o- (Pinault 1993, 152). 7.1. OIr. fog(a)mar “autumn” < *u(p)o-gem-rado “below (= before) winter” (MacBain 1911, 177), cp. Czech podzim “autumn”. 7.2. Welsh hyddref “autumn; October”, cp. Corn. hedra, The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 443 OBret. hedre, MBret. hezreff, Bret. hereñv, héré “October”, earlier also “autumn”. An etymology can be sought in Welsh hydr, MBret. hezr, OBret. hitr, OIr. sethar “violent” (Henry 1900, 161), but semantic motivation on the basis of an assumed connection between Lat. augére : autumnus is not motivated (see the etymological analysis of the Lat. word). Deshayes (2003, 328) offers another solution - it could be a compound consisting of the component “deer”, attested in OBret. hed “deer, fallow-deer”, MBret. heiz “deer”, Corn. hêth, Welsh hydd “deer” (MIr. sed/seg “stag”, sideng “elk” = sid + eng “wild” confirm at least the Insular Celtic level – see Matasovic 2009, 33; problematic remains the idea of Henry 1900, 159 on adaptation of OEng. hind “doe” here) & bref “mooing, howling”. The month name would indicate a period of rutting (cp. Slav. *rjuj"n∫ > ChS. rjuin∫, SCr. rujan “September”, OCz. újen, Cz. íjen “October”; further, Lit. rujõs m˙´enuo “September” - see Machek 1968, 532). 7.3. Welsh cynhaef “autumn”, OCorn. kyniaf gl. ‘autumpnus’ < *kintu-gijamo- “the first winter” (Campanile 1974, 34-35). 7.4. Bret. kozh-amser “autumn” = “old time” in opposition on newez-amser “spring” = “new time” (Favereau 1993, 439). 7.5. Bret. diskar-amser “autumn” = diskar “abattage, déclin, réduction” & amser “time” (Favereau 1993, 172). 7.6. Bret. dilost-hañv “autumn” = “the end of summer”; dilost means “without a tail” (lost = “tail”), however, in the figurative sense also “termination, end” (Favereau 1993, 161). 8.1. In Celtic, the IE. root *uet- “year” is proved indirectly also in the zoonym *uet-s-í- “sow, pig” > MIr. feis, gen. sg. feise, nom. pl. feisi; OCorn. guis gl. ‘sroffa’, OBret. guis, Bret. gwiz, gwez (Campanile 1974, 58; Pokorny 1959, 1175; Stüber 2002, 188; Matasovic 2009, 417 proposed another reconstruction *uet-ti-). 8.2. Celtic continuant of IE. *ió/ér- has been traced in OWelsh iar, Welsh iâr, pl. ieir “hens”, OCorn., Corn. yar, MBret., Bret. f. yar, Bret. pl. iér “hens” < *iar-á, cp. further MIr. eirín(e) “pullet”; ?Gaulish NV Iaros, Iarilla (Pokorny 1959, 297; Deshayes 2003, 760). Schrijver (1995, 104-05) Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 444 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek rejects Pokorny’s hypothetical OIr. *airín and reconstructs pCelt. *iiar- or *isar-. In the first case, Celt *a in *(i)iar- would reflect a vocalized laryngal *if1r- in reduced (zero) stage. However, Schrijver admits alternative etymologies: (i) *píp-ero-, cp. Lat. pípió “I am cheeping” and a suffix, such as in passer “sparrow”, hanser “gander”; (ii) cf. Latvian iTbe “grouse”, Middle Bulgarian jer The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 445 Stempel 1999, 136, fn. 35; cf. p. 450: bóchna “sea, ocean” < *boukaniá). Pedersen (I, 65) saw here a continuant of IE *ieuo- “barley” (Pokorny 1959, 512), without explanation of the word formation. It is tempting to connect both protoforms in the compound *ieuo-esorniá. If the reconstruction *esorniá is correct, it is compatible with Gr. (from Il.) Ùp≈r f., Lac. (Alkman). Ùpr “late summer – early autumn” < *Ùp-ohãr < *(H1)os®-. 9.2. Witczak (2003, 42, 131) derives Welsh gwenith, Corn. gwaneth, Bret. gwiniz “wheat” from a hypothetical Celt. compound *wesant-itu- “spring grain” < *ues÷t-pitu-, cp. Welsh ith, Corn. yd, MBret. it > id, Bret. éd, OIr. ith “grain” (Henry 1900, 110). Although the first component has no traces of *-nt- > -nn- as in OWelsh guiannuin “in spring”, Welsh gwanwyn “spring”, OCorn. guantoin, OBret. guiannuin (Pedersen I, 74) < *ues÷t-eino-, the simplification *-nn- > -n- in pretonic position is possible (LEIA C-255). Vendryes (ibid.) admited an alternative solution, deriving the word “wheat” from Brittonic *windá “white” > Welsh f. gwenn etc., cf. Gmc. *hwaitjaz “wheat” vs. *hwíta- “white” (Hoad 1986, 538). Other etymologies are discussed in LEIA C-255 and by Henry (1900, 154). J. Germanic languages 1.1. Gmc. *jéran > Got. jer “year”; ON. ár, Icel., Faer. ár, Norw., Dan., Swed. år; OEng. géar/gér, Eng. year, OFris. jér, Fris. jier, MDutch jaer, Dutch jaar, OSax., MLG., OHG. jár id., further cp. OHG. hiuru, -o, MHG. hiure, Germ. heuer “this year” < *hiu járu “in this year”, cp. Germ. heute, OHG. hiutu, OSax. hiudu, OFris. hiúde(ga) “today”, i. e. “of this day” (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 1101-02; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 373, 408-09). 1.2. Gmc. *apnaz & *apnjan > Got. dat. pl. apnam and gen. pl. at-apnjis “year”, cp. Lat. annus “year”, Umb. acnu “annos”, Osc. akeneí “in anno” < *atno-, everything apparently from a verb of the type of Ved. sám atasi [RV I, 30.4] “du rennst darauf los”, átamána- [RV II, 38.3] “wandering” (see Schaffner 2004, 286). Perhaps, even Skt. (lex.) atna- “sun” is of the same origin and formally corresponds to the Italic-Germanic isogloss (EWAI I, 56). The same root is to be represented in Iran. *átra- which Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 446 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek appears in Av. compounds xváyra- “wealth” (*hu-átra-), a- pairi.áyra- “unkind” (EWAI I, 56). 3. Gmc. *ferudi adv. “last year” > ON. i fj∞rd “in last year”, Faer. i fjør, Norw., Dan., Swed. ifjor id., cf. ON. fjordgamall, ODan. fjorgammel “one-year-old” (Bammesberger 1990, 199; Griepentrog 1995, 445; Orel 2003, 101). The different vocalism of MHG. vërt “in last year”, reflecting Gmc. *férad (i), resembles the vacillation of the type OHG. anut : OSax. anad “duck” (Schaffner 2004, 294-95). 4.1. Gmc. *wentur-/oru- “winter” > Got. wintrus (u-stem) “winter; a year”; Run. (Rök) acc. pl. wintura “winter”, ON. vetr, pl. vetr (also “year”), Icel., Faer. vetur, Norw. (Nynorsk) vetter, (Bokmål) vinter, ODan. wintær, Dan. vinter, OSwed. vinter/vitter/vætter, Swed. vinter; *wintraz > OEng., Eng., OFris., Fris. winter, OSax. wintar, MLG., MDutch., Dutch. winter, OHG. wintar, Germ. Winter “winter”. An unambiguous etymology is lacking; there are several possible solutions (for summary see Mathiassen 1968, 91- 98; Bammesberger 1990, 161; Kluge & Seebold 1999, 893; Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 1058): (i) A relation with Celt. *vindo- “white” (Uhlenbeck 1905, 326; lately also Krause 1968, 161 and Bammesberger 1990, 161). (ii) A connection with nasalized forms of IE. *ued- “water” as Lit. vanduõ, Pruss. wundan; it should concern “humid, rainy season” (Lidén 1891, 522; see Mathiassen 1968, 92-93). Humidity, however, is not the main feature of winter in the North of Europe. An opposite phenomenon appears more often: the main attribute of “winter”, is snow, which may be converted to ‘melts’ in warmer climatic zones: OI. sníhyati “[it] is getting wet” : Av. snaéza- “to snow”, OCS. sn±g∫ “snow” or OIr. snigid “[it] is dripping, raining”, snige “a drop” : Welsh nyf “snow” (Pokorny 1959, 974). (iii) A connection with Gmc. *wenistraz “left” > ON. vinstri, OEng. winester, OFris. winister, OSax., OHG. winistar “left” on the basis of metaphor “left” = “north”, i.e. a direction from where winter comes, cp. ON. nordr “North” vs. Osc. nertrak “a sinistra”, Umb. nertru “sinistro” (Pokorny 1959, 766). Though semantically attractive possibility, it does not explain the word-formation factors. The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 447 (iv) A connection with Slav. *v Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 448 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek Alb. prúsh “live coal, glow”, eventually also OI. pru§và “hoarfrost, freezing water, drops” vs. pló§ati “[it] bites”, plu§†a- “burned” (Walde & Hofmann II, 378-79; Pokorny 1959, 846; Mayrhofer is against the affinity of the OI. examples, EWAI II, 193: *plo§- < *pra-u§-). 4.2./2. ON. gói f. & gómánadr “a month lasting from the middle of February to the middle of March” (> North Lappish kuova-manno “February”), Icel. góa, Faer. gø, Norw. gjø, goa, goi, Swed. göjemånad “February”, ODan. gue, gøj (de Vries 1962, 182; Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 301-02) < Gmc. *gió(n) < *ghióm, cp. Arm. jiwn “snow”, Gr. xi≈n id. < *ghiióm. Note: Gmc. *gamala- “old” > ON., Icel. gamall, Faer. gamal, Norw. gammel & gammal, ODan. gamæl, Dan. gammel, OSwed. gamal, Swed. gammal, OEng. gamol, Fris. gammel, MDutch g°mol, Dutch gammel. Apparently, the basis is the apophonic stage *ghiom- of “winter”, with simplification of the intial cluster *ghi- similar to Gmc. *gézí > ON. í gær, OSwed. í gár “yesterday” : OI. hyá- (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 282, 330-31). 5.1. ON. vár “spring”, ODan. wár, OSwed. vár, Icel. vor, Faer. vár, Norw., Dan., Swed. vår; OFris. wers/wars, North Fris. uurs id. (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 1077-79 emerge from pre-Norse *wárru < *wérru < *werzò (see OFris.) < *wezrò). 5.2. OGutn. lapigs “in spring”, Swed. dial. låding, låing, låig “spring”, i lådigs “during the last early spring” < Gmc. *lép- < *lét-; Slav. *l±to “summer” < *létom is formally the closest. OIr. laithe, dat. lathiu n. “day” (Celt. *lation < IE. <*lf2tiom) may also be related, and perhaps also the Gaulish abbreviation LAT from the Calendar from Coligny, which also apparently indicates “days” (Mikkola 1908, 360; Pedersen I, 133, 177, 538-39; Schrader & Nehring II, 419; Pokorny 1959, 680). The semantic distinction between a “day” and “summer” has a parallel in Gmc. *dagaz “day” vs. Pruss. dagis “summer”. 5.3. OEng. lencten, MEng. lente(n) “spring”, Eng. lent ‘Easter’, MDutch lenten, lentijn, Dutch lente “spring”, OSax. lentín only in compound lentínmánód “summer month”, MLG. lenten “spring”, OHG. lentzinmánóth “March”, further abbreviated forms as OHG. (about 1000) lenzo, MHG. lenze, The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 449 Germ. archaic Lenz “spring”, by OHG. (11. c.) langez id. adj. (8. st.) lenzin, (11. c.) lengizi(n); all reflect a compound *langa-tína- “long day “, cp. Got. sin-teins “daily” < Gmc. *tJna- “day” ~ OCS. d"n", OI. dínam “day” etc. (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 515; Pfeifer 2000, 791-92). 5.4. Eng. spring “spring” (from 13. c.) – from the verb spring, OEng., OSax., OHG. springan “to grow, to originate form”, thus “spring” = “rise of a year”, similarly spring-day = “daybreak” (Hoad 1986, 456; Buck 1949, #14.75.5). 5.5. MLG. vorjâr(e), Dutch voorjaar “spring”; MLG. > Dan. foraar id. (Falk & Torp I, 252). 5.6. Germ. Frühling “spring”, early Germ. früelinc (15. c.), from früh, OHG. fruoi “early”. In premodern German, it was also used for a suckling born at the beginning of a year. 6. ON. sumar(r), ODan. sumar/sumær, OSwed. sumar, Icel. sumar, Faer. summar, Norw., Dan. sommer, Swed. sommar; OEng. sumor, OFris. sumur, -er, MDutch sómer, MHG. sómer/sommer, OSax., OHG. sumar “summer”, Eng. summer, Fris. simmer, Dutch zomer, Germ. Sommer < Gmc. *sumara- ~ *sumera- (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 834-35 reconstruct the IE. heteroclitic paradigm nom.-acc. *sMH-® /-ór : obl. *sMH-(e/o)n-). 7.1. Got. asans “summer; a harvest” < *ásani-; ONorse ∞nn “autumn”, Icel. önn, OSwed. an(n) / and, Swed. dial. and; OEng. -ern, OFris. arn(e) / ern(e), MDutch arn(e), MLG. árn(e) / érn(e), OHG. arn f., dat. arni, m. aren “harvest”, by aran- in compound aranmam “harvesting”; the Western and Northern Germanic forms reflect Gmc. *az(a)ní-. Other derivatives of the same root are Got. asneis, OHG. asni, OEng. esne “labourer” (*ásnija-), also f. in OSax. asna, OFris. esna “wage”, and the verb *aznèn- & *aznòn- > OEng. earnian, Eng. earn, OHG. arnén, MLG. árnen, by OSax. arnen. Bjorvand & Lindeman (2000, 686-87) suppose that this concerns a part of a heteroclitic paradigm **H1ós-® : **H1(o)s-(e/o)n-, where they even include Hitt. zena- “autumn”, deriving it from *H1sen-o-. 7.2. ON. haust & haustr, Icel. haust, Faer. heyst, Norw. høst, OSwed. hø´ster, Swed. höst, ODan. hø´st, Dan. høst “autumn” reflect Gmc. *harbustá-, while OEng. hærfest “autumn”, Eng. harvest “harvest”, OFris. herfst, Fris. hjerst, Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 450 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek MDutch. herfst/hervest, Dutch. herfst, OSax. herb-ist, MLG. hervest, OHG. herbist, Germ. Herbst “autumn” go back to the protoform *harbistá- < *korp-istó-. It concerns the derivate of IE. *kerp- > Hitt. karp-, karpiya- “to lift, to carry away”, Gr. karpÒw “fruit”, Lat. carpó “I am picking”, Lit. kerpù : kiTpti “to cut” (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 419-20). Pfeifer (2000, 533) formulates an interesting idea: an original *karpistos can reflect the superlative expressing “the most suitable time for picking fruit”. 7.3. Dan. efteraar “autumn” = Swed. efterår id., exactly “after a year” (Falk & Torp I, 181; Buck 1949, #14.77.4). Germ. dial. spätling “autumn” means a “late” season of year, symmetric with an “early” season, Frühling “spring” (Buck 1949, #14.75.5). 7.4. Eng. (USA) fall “autumn” has its origin in a phrase “fall of the leaf” “falling of leaves” (Buck 1949, #14.77.4). 8.1. Besides §3, the IE. root *uet- also continues in *wepru- > Got. wiprus “lamb”, ON. vedr “ram”, Icel. vedur, Faer. vedrur, Norw. veder, ver, Swed. vädur, Dan. væder, Norse > North Lappic viercca; OEng. weder, Eng. wether, OSax. wethar, withar, MLG., MDutch weder, Dutch weer, OHG. widar, Germ. Widder id. (de Vries 1962, 649; Rau 2007, 281- 292). 8.2. The base *ghim- “winter” continues in ON. gymbr, ODan., Dan., Swed. gimmer, Norw. gimber & gimmer, Icel. gimbur/gymbur, Faer. gimbur “lamb” = *”yearly”. All from Gmc. *gimrí-/ *gimríjó-. Unexpected y in ON. and Icel., plus Faer. can be explained only from the protoform *gumrí-, whose u originated as a result of a secondary ablaut (Bjorvand & Lindeman 2000, 293-94). The same basis occurs in ingimus “porcus anniculus” in the Old Low Franconian code of laws Lex Salica 23.3, 24.2; cp. 23.6: ingimus suaini, which reflects a compound *oino-ghimo- “one- winter [adj.]” (Pokorny 1959, 426). 9. OSax. amer, OHG. amar(o), amari, MHG. amer, emer, Germ. Emmer m. “summer wheat of spelt / Triticum dicoccum”, evidently also in the name of the bird “bunting”, which likes to consume it: OSax. amer, OHG. amaro, MHG. amer, Germ. Ammer, OEng. amore, Eng. yellow- hammer (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 219, 34) may reflect Gmc. The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 451 *amaro or *amaz´o. The second alternative is compatible with Hitt. ham(m)esha- “spring-summer” (Çop 1971, 62-63, 82-83). K. Baltic languages 1.1./2. Lit. mtai “year” = pl. from mtas “time”, Latv. m *meH1- “to measure”; cp. Alb. mot m., pl. mote “time, weather, storm” < *méti- and Sogd. myd, Jaghnobi mét, Jazgulami míy “day” (Orel 1998, 274; Trubaçev 1967, 14). 1.2. Latv. gads “year” < Russ. god “year”. 3. Lit. s¡mét “this year” < acc. sg. *kim-méto “in this year”, also in nom. pl. si mt(ai); analogously Latv. sùogad “this year” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 990). 4. Lit. ziemà, acc. zimœ “winter”, ziemìnis “wintry”, ziem¥s “north wind”, ziemiaì “North”, Latv. zìema “winter”, ziemalis “north wind”, ziemelis “North”, Pruss. (EV 15) semo “winter”, cp. (EV 257) seamis “winter grain” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1306). J. Schmidt (1895, 119-20) reconstructed the Baltic protoform as *zeimnà. 5. Lit. pavãsaris “spring”, Zemaitic pavãseris, Latv. pavasaris “spring” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1206) is formed from *vaseris “summer” by the same prefix *pa- as Lit. pãmot, Latv. pamãte, Pruss. pomatre “a stepmother” (Fraenkel 1962- 65, 465). 6.1. Lit. vãsara, var. vasarà (Kurschat), archaic vasera (Chylinski; see Specht 1947, 14, Note no. 6), Latv. vasara “summer”; Lit. vasãris, Zemaitic vasris “summer [adj.], of this year; southern wind” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 1206). J. Schmidt (1889, 196) proposed a primary form *veserá. Hofmann (1938, 71) analysed Lit. vasãris, now “February”, but earlier “January”, and came to a conclusion that a similarity with the word for “summer” is only accidental; he seeks its origin in the adj. vsùs “kühl”. On the other hand, the old record (Kurmin) of East Latv. wossoras menesis for “June” (Hofmann 1938, 72, fn. 1) is entirely in accordance with the meaning “summer” in both Lit. and Latv. 6.2. Pruss. (EV 13) dagis “summer”, cp. Lit. dãgas, dagà “summer hot; a harvest-time”, degèsis “August”, atúodogiai Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 452 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek “summer wheat” – everything from the word in Lit. dègti “to burn” (intr.), “to fire” (intr.), Latv. degt “to burn” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 85-86); further cp. Gmc. *dagaz “day”. The same etymon appears in Pruss. compounds as (EV 260) dagagaydis ‘Som weyse’, i. e. “summer wheat”, and (EV 638) dagoaugis ‘Somirlate’ = MHG. somerlate “spray growing up in summer”. We can find analogous compounds in Lit. vasaraugis, Latv. vasaraudzis id., where the word “spring” is the first component and derivatives of the verb of the type Lit. áugti, Latv. aûgt “to grow” constitute the second component. Semantically identical components constitute OCS. l±torasl" “spring” (Toporov I, 286-89). The second component in OI. ni-dághá- m. “hot weather, hot season” (S11B), nái-dágha- m. “hot season, summer season” (AV) originated in the identical IE. root *dheguh-. 7.1. Pruss. (EV 14) assanis “autumn” is isolated in the Baltic context. For example, H. Hirt (1898, 344n) was led by this to consider a Gothic origin for the word. Against this idea there were e.g. Búga (1959, 91-92) or Toporov (1, 130). 7.2. Lit. ruduõ, Latv. rudens “autumn”, cp. Lit. rudens m˙´enuo “September” = Latv. rudens ménesis id. – all from the adjective in Lit. rùdas “(reddish) brown, deep yellow”, Latv. ruds “reddish, reddish brown” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 745; about names of months – see Hofmann 1938, 65). Fraenkel (1958, 349) proposed an original r/n-heteroclitic: Latv. ruduõ < *rudhó(r), as well as Lit. vanduõ as corresponding to Gr. Ïdvr, OHG. wazzar etc. 8. The root *iér- “year” can be indirectly identified in Lit. j˙´eras, éras, Latv. jêrs “lamb” (Fraenkel 1962-65, 121), which was also adopted to Balto-Fennic languages: Fin. jäärä, jaara, Est. jä¯r, jár “tup” (Thomsen 1890, 169). Further cp. Slav. *jarina & *jar"c" etc. 9.1. Such words as jõr “spring green; verdigris”, jorióti, -úoti, -áuti “to become green” also exist in Lit. Zemaitic 1. sg. pres. joriou & jorstù, adj. jorùs “green”, also theonym Jõris, - ‘green god or goddess of spring’. Generally they are treated as an adaptation of an East Slavic origin of type Rus. jaQ “spring crop; productive force” (so Brückner, Búga, Otr The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 453 9.2. The word for “summer”, originally “spring”, became the attribute, then also a separate appellative for determining various kinds of grain: Lit. vasarìnai kvieçiaÌ “spring wheat”, vasarìniai rugiaÌ “spring rye”, vasarójus “spring or summer grain”, vasarùçiai “spring wheat or rye”; Latv. vasarâja f., vasarâjs m. “spring grain” (Fraenkel 1962- 65, 1206; Piesarskas & Sveceviçius 1979, 821-22; Witczak 2003, 42-43). L. Slavic languages 1.1. OCS. l±to “year, summer” – see below, §6. 1.2./2. Slav. *god∫ m. / *goda f. > OCS. god∫ “occasion, fixed time”, sporadically “year, Easter Sunday, feast”, Bulg. dial. god “year”, Mac. dial. god “annual feast, anniversary”, SCr. gôd “great feast; year; occasion”, Sln. gôd “an occasion, a moment; maturity, adulthood”, Slk. hod “Sunday table, a repast”, Cz. hod “church feast”, pl. hody “repast”, ULus. pl. hody “Christmas”, LLus. archaic gód “time, instance, a cause, a reason”, pl. gódy “Yuletide”, PomSlc. pl. g`uodä “Christmas”, Pol. god, mostly pl. gody “a wedding reception”, dial. guody “time after Christmas”, ORus. god∫ “time, period; term; year; age”, Rus. god “year”, dial. “good time”, pl. gódy “repast”, OUkr. hod “year”, Ukr. hod & hid, gen. hodu, Brus. hod “a year” (ESSJ 6, 191-92; Tenorová, ESJS 3, 91-92). Even the meaning of derivates of the type of *godina is “year”, but only in some of the Slavic languages: OCS. godina “time, occasion, hour”, Bulg. godína “year”, Mac. godina “year”, dial. “warm rainy time”, SCr. g`òdina “year”, dial. (Dubrovnik) “weather, bad weather”, Cr. “rain”, Sln. gódina “rain”, Slk. hodina “an hour”, OCz. hodina “succes, luck, term”, Cz. hodina “an hour”, ULus. hod0ina id., LLus. gó0ina id., Pol. godzina “an hour, a term, a moment”, ORus. godina “time, an hour; year”, pl. godiny “fates”, Rus. godína “known, special time”, dial. “(good) weather”, OUkr. hodyna “a year”, Ukr. hod…na “time, term”, dial. “good weather”, Brus. dial. godzína “bad weather” (ESSJ 6, 187- 88). The base *god- is obviously related to the verb *goditi (s<) “to correspond, to fit to” (ESSJ 6, 189-90). For example, Slav. *doba “time, term” (& Lit. dabaT “now”) : Slav. *dobr∫ “good” constitute a semantic parallel. Other connections appear in Latv. gadît “to intervene, to extract”, Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 454 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek gadîties “to appear”, OFris. gadia “to connect”, MLG. gaden “to correspond, to like”, OHG. gigat “advantageous, suitable”, Got. gadiliggs “relation, nephew”, etc. Even forms with lengthened root vowel fall there: Lit. guõda “honor”, Latv. gùoda “id., repast”, Gmc. *góda- “good” (Kluge & Seebold 1999, 343). Also related are: Alb. nge f., pl. nge “time, chance, opportunity” < *en-ghodh-á (Orel 1998, 294), Gr. Myc. ke-ke-tu-wo-e /khekh(e)thwohes/ “integrated”, OI. gádhya- “hold tight”, maybe Toch. AB kátk- “to have pleasure of”; everything from IE. *ghedh-/*ghodh- (Pokorny 1959, 421-22; LIV 195). 1.3./2. Slav. *rok∫ m. “year” > OCS. rok∫ “term, deadline”, Mac. rok, SCr. rôk, gen. roka, Sln. rok, gen. róka id., also “fate” in Slovenian, Slovakian, Cz. rok “year”, but in archaic Cz. also “term”, PomSlc., Kash. rok (Lorentz; Sychta), Pol. rok “year”, Ukr. rik, gen. róku, Brus. dial. rok id., Brus., Rus. poetic rok “fate” (ZVSZ 309). Alb. rok “deadline” (Orel 1998, 373) is a loan from South Slavic. Everything from the verbal root *rek- > OCS. rek∞ : resti “to say”, cp. Lit. rãkas “deadline, limit” (< Slav.?), Got. ragin “advice”, Toch. A rake, B reki “word”, OI. epic racaná- “order”, etc. (Pokorny 1959, 863; LIV 506). 4. Slav. *zima f. “winter” > OCS. zima, Bulg. zíma, Mac. zima, SCr., Sln. zíma, Slk. Cz. zima, ULus., LLus. zyma, Plb. zaimâ, Kash. zëma, Pol. zima, ORus. zima, Rus., Ukr. zimá, Brus. zymá “winter” (VZSZ 426), in Ukr. dial. also “snow” (Ivasina & Rudenka 2005, 289; for sound’s reasons, it is definitely necessary to reject the old comparison of the Slav. and IE. word “winter” with Hitt. heyu- “rain”, to which the authors suprisingly returned). 5.1. Slav. *vesna f. “spring” > ChS. vesna “spring”, Sln. vésna, Slk. vesna, Cz. poetic vesna, dial. also ntr. vesno, Pol. wiosna (> PomSlc. v’osna; Lorentz III, 979), ORus. vesna, Rus., Ukr. vesná, Brus. vjasná (ZVSZ 400). The word vesna “spring” came into Serbo-Croatian from Czech (Skok III, 579). 5.2. Slav. *jaro/*jara/*jar∫ > Bulg. jará f. “air, haze, fata morgana; glare”, dial. jârÀ “warm weather, (summer) glow”, jára “vapour”, Mac. dial. jara f. “glow, heat, swelter, sultry hot”, SCr. j`àra f. “great glow”, jâr m. “spring”, Sln. adj. jâr m., jára f. “spring [adj.]”, Slk. jaro ntr. & jar m. “spring”, Cz. The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 455 jaro ntr., OCz. also j±, LLus. archaic jaro ntr. id., PomSlc. adj. jari “spring [adj.], of this year”, Pol. archaic jar m. & jaro ntr. “spring”, ORus., Rus.-ChS. jara “spring”, Rus. dial. jar m. “glow, warm, fire, flame”, Ukr. jar “spring” (ESSJ 8, 175). The Slavic forms are possibly to be derived from *iéro- /*ióro-. Forms of feminines in -a represent a reinterpretation of the nom. pl. ntr. 5.3. Other Slavic qualifications of “spring” mean that “spring” follows winter: Plb. püzaimâ, Pomeranian- Slovincian (s)puozïmk, zïmk (Lorentz II, 78; III, 1094), Kash. (s)pozimk “the end of spring” (Sychta IV, 156) or before summer: Bulg. prolet, Mac. prolet, SCr. (Vuk) pròljece, Ekavish pròlece, Ikavish prol`ìce, Plb. prül’otü, ORus. prol±tije; it possibly comes before summer: OCz. podletie in symmetry with podzim; the prefix na- plays an analogous role in Lusatian languages: ULus. nal±to, LLus. nal±co “spring” and also in PomSlc. nzïmk “the first part of spring” (Lorentz I, 572). 6. Slav. *l±to > OCS. l±to “summer”, more often “year, term, time”, Bulg. ljáto “summer”, dial. also “year”, Mac. leto “summer”, archaic and dial. also “year”, SCr. (Vuk) lj`èto “summer”, archaic “year”, Ekavish, partly Çakavish l`èto, Ikavish l`ìto, Sln. léto “year”, archaic “summer”, Slk. leto “summer”, OCz. léto “summer; year”, Cz. léto, pl. léta “years”, ULus. l±to “year”, l±co “summer”, LLus. l±to “a year”, also “spring” (16. c.: Jakubica) : l±co “summer”, Plb. l’otü “summer; year”, Kash., Pol. lato “summer”, pl. lata “years, ages”, dial. (Silesia from 14. c.) na lato “in spring”, Brus. léta “summer”, dial. “a year”, Ukr. líto “summer”, pl. litá “years”, Rus. léto “summer”, pl. letá “years”, in Rus. dial. also “South” (Trubaçev, ESSJ 15, 8-12). A number of etymologies was introduced (for their discussion, see Trubaçev, l.c.; Slawski 1989, 69; Blazek & Erhart, ESJS 7, 1997, 415-16): (i) Already Miklosich, and then a century later Skok (II, 336-37) connected Slav. *l±to with Lit. lietùs, Latv. liêtus “rain”. Mikkola (1908, 360) introduced unassailable objections. “Summer”, as a season of rains, is typical for the Indic subcontinent, but, however, not for Central Evrope. Though, above all a primary Slavic verb *l±j∞ : *liti would imply a substantive *lito, similarly as from the verb *s±j∞ : *siti is generated *sito. It is obvious that Slav. *± does not reflect an old diphthong, but a long *é. Hence, Machek’s Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 456 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek etymology (1968, 328), connecting *l±to with Lat. laetus “nice, delectable” can be also excluded. (ii) From the point of view of historical phonetics, as well as semantic typology, Mikkola’s comparison of Slav. *l±to < *létom with OGutn. lapigs “in spring”, Swed. dial. låding, låing, låig “spring”, i lådigs “during last early spring” < Gmc. *lép-ing- < *lét- (Mikkola 1908, 360) still appears as the most promising solution. OIr. laithe, dat. lathiu n. “day” (Celt. *lation < IE. <*l8tiom) can be also related, and perhaps the Gaulish abbreviation LAT from the Calendar of Coligny, which apparently also indicated “days” (Pedersen I, 133, 177, 538-39; Schrader & Nehring II, 419; Pokorny 1959, 680). Semantic distinction between “day” and “summer” keeps the parallel in Gmc. *dagaz “day” vs. Pruss. dagis “summer”. (iii) Slav. *l±to represents without doubts an inovation between the IE. naming of seasons. However, in such cases it often happens that a new term functionally approximates the original term. If the Slavic word replaced the most widespread IE. term for summer, which is reconstructed in the form *sem-eH- ~ *sM-H- and whose meaning could be “a half-year” (see OI. sámá), it is possible to expect an analogous semantic connotation also in case of Slav. *l±to. The key to this idea can be OIr. leth ntr. “a half”, gen. leith < *letom, gen. *letí, vs. leth “side”, gen. le(i)the < *let-os, gen. *let-es-os (~ Lat. latus, gen. latoris id.). Pre- Slavic *létom would then be the v®ddhi-lengthening. An identical explanation is also possible to apply to Gmc. *lép- ing- “spring”. Then derivation of Celt. *lation “day” from the identical etymologic nest would be more difficult but not impossible. The semantic aspect is easier: “day” as a term, when the light is (it is a primary meaning of IE. *dieu- “a day”), represents a half of time unit “day-night”. Root *a most probably reflects a zero-stage of laryngeal. Then, it would be necessary to convert individual reconstructions fundamentally: OIr. leth < *lH1etom, Slav. z *l±to < *leH1tom, Celt. *lation < lÓ1tiom = *lf1tiom (Bla ek 2000, 358). The situation will still change, if Hitt. elzi “scales” is related. Puhvel (1-2, 269-71) who was the first author who compared it with OIr. leth “a half”, supposed the basic semantics “one of the two”. In connection with The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 457 Hitt. elzi < *H1elt-iH, Hamp (1988, 79-80) recasts other proto-forms as well: OIr. leth “a half” < *litom < *H1Òtom, leth “side”, Lat. latus id. < *H1Òt-es-. Slav. *l±to could then reflect v®ddhi-lengthening *H1létom. 7.1. Slav. *osen" f. “autumn” > OCS. jesen", esen", but also osen" “autumn”, adj. jesen"sk∫, by osen"n∫, osen"sk∫ “autumny”, Bulg. ésen, dial. jásen, Mac. esen, SCr. j`èsên, Sln. jesên, Slk. jese™ “autumn”, OCz. only podjesen f. “spring” while Cz. arch. jese™ represents a revivalist assumption perhaps from Pol., Plb. only jisin-mond “September” = the calque of German Herbstmonat, PomSlc. vjìes˘ e “autumn”, Kash. jese , jesi , wiesie , Pol. jesie , ORus. osen" (a contract of Igor to the year 945; Novgorod’s First chronicle to the year 1069) by jesen", similarly also Russ. óse , dial. jése , Ukrainian osi , gen. óseni, also víse , Brus. vose (ESSJ 6, 28; ESJS 5, 283). Iljinskij (1923-24, 252-53) saw traces of paradigm of the type nom. *osó(n), gen. *esenes > Slav. *osy : *esene in variation e-/o-. However, it can be a result of regressive asimilation *o .. e > *e .. e (cp. Rozwadowski 1914-15, 19; Andersen 1996, 87-88; Blazek 2003, 244, 251-52). 7.2. Other qualifications of “autumn” mean that it comes on winter: Cz. podzim (thus already in the 14th cent.), or it represents some anterior winter: Plb. pre a zaimâ, or more pecisely “winter” succeed to it: ULus., LLus. nazyma (Ivasina & Rudenka 2005, 294). 8./9. Slav. *jaro continues also in a number of derivatives, which mean sucklings or spring growths:*jar<, gen. - Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 458 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek “spring rye” (ESSJ 8, 172-73). *jarina f. > OCS. jarina “wool”, Bulg. járina “lamb fur”, dial. járina “fur of a one-year-old sheep”, jérina “fur of a lamb at the age under a half of year”, SCr. j`àrina “fur of lamb”, jarìna “a spring and summer harvest; a glow” (> Alb. jarinë “ripe fruit” - see Orel 1998, 157), Sln. jarína “spring sowing, summer harvest”, Slk. jarina “spring grain”, Cz. jaina “spring grain”, dial. also “young men at the age of 18- 19”, PomSlc. iáena, Pol. jarzyna “vegetable; spring grain”, ORus., Rus.-ChS. jarina “sheep fur, wool”, OUkr. jaryna “harvest from spring sowing”, Ukr. jaryná “spring grain, spring field”, dial. jaryná “vegetable, spring sowings of grain”, Brus. jaryná (ESSJ 8, 173-74; ESJS 5, 270). M. Tocharian languages 1. A pukul / pukäl, pl. puklá, B pikul, pl. pikwala “year”. In accordance with Van Windekens (1976, 395-96) Adams (1999, 384) reconstructs Common Toch. *päkwäl which should be derivable from the verbal name *peku-Ò, formed from the verb *peku- “to bake” “to ripe”. Katz (1994, 151- 68) introduced a more semantically promising etymology when he analyzed the word as a compound of the preposition *(e)pi- and the verbal root *kuel- “to turn over” (in IE. projection *pi-kuÒ), referring to a suggestive parallel from Homeric Gr. §piplÒmenon ¶tow “a revolving year” [h261 = z287], as well as an epic formulation of §piplom°nvn§niaut«n “as years revolve”. 3.1. One of IE. designations of “year” or “time” is hidden in Toch. B ñerwe “today” that can be analyzed as a demonstrative *ne- (cp. ñake “now” < *ne gho) + root *iér- + suffix *-uo- (Adams 1999, 271; Baldi, EIEC 654). Adams l.c. quotes the idea of Hamp who derived the first syllable from *ni- < *H1eni; then the compound would mean “at this time” = “today”. 3.2. The indeclinable adj./adv. A ne§, B nau§ “prior, former, earlier” (Adams 1999, 350 with other derivatives) can be explained as a compound of the pronoun and noun, both in the loc. sg.: *(e/o)no-i + *uet “in that year” (Pinault 2006, 276: Common Tocharian *næywyäC > A *nay§, B *naw§). 4. A ßärme “winter” < *ßämre, B *ßimpriye ~ *ßimpro id. The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 459 (obl. sg. f. ßimpráyai) reflect proto-Toch. *ßäm(ä)rái- < h *g im(e)rá-H1en- (Adams 1999, 630; Schmidt 1994, 281). Pinault (1993, 153-54) proposes a completely different etymology, assuming A ßärme < *kerdmén-, compatible with Indo-Iranian designation of “autumn” or “year”. B adj. *ßiñcatstse “snowy” according to Schmidt (1980, 410) implies the existence of the basis *ßiñc- “winter” which is possible to derive from *ßimäñc-; thus, a form that exactly corresponds to Hitt. gimmant-. Adams (1999, 629- 30) supposes the basic substantive *ßiñce that he derived from the protoform *sniguh-en- providing an assimilation of the regular continuant +§ñäße. 5. A yusár “spring” (Schmidt 1994, 280) <*yän w'äsár < *en uesór (Hilmarsson 1991, 190). An interesting idea is that of Schneider’s (1940, 202), about a possible connection of the IE. designation of “spring” and “grass” which has a continuant also in Toch. A *wäsri, pl. wsäryás(yo), cp. Av. zaremaiia- “spring”, primarily “green” (Schrader & Nehring I, 530). 6. A §me “summer”, B §máye “summer [adj.]”, cp. §má[y]i meñi “summer months” (Schmidt 1994, 280; Adams 1999, 668) < *semá-H1en- (Baldi & Mallory, EIEC 504). Pinault (1993, 145-51) specified the translation as a “nice part of the year” which corresponds to three of six Indic terms, particularly “spring”, “summer” and “a raining season”, and to two Uyghur’s “spring” and “summer”. The word is derived from the protoform *sem-én, which is directly compared with Indo-Iranian *samán- (Ved. f. sámá should be a transposition of an á-stem to n-stems on the basis of identification with nom. sg. *-á < *-án). 7. A yä[p]sant “autumn” (Schmidt 1994, 280). It obviously concerns a connection of a prefix *epi- and a word corresponding to Gmc. *ásani-/*azaní- “summer, harvest-time”, Pruss. assanis “autumn”, Slav. *esen"/*osen" “autumn” or Hitt. zena- & zenant- “autumn”. The prefix functionally, as well as etymologically corresponds to Gr. Ùp- in Ùp≈r f., Lac. (Alkman) Ùpr “late summer – early autumn”, if derived from *Ùp-ohãr < *(H1)os®-. 8. Toch. A nom. pl. wátwañ indicated an animal. Supposed nom. sg. is reconstructed in the form *wátu, the IE. base *uót-u[o-?] can be a derivative of IE. *uet- “year” Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 460 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek (Van Windekens 1976, 553). 9. Schneider (1940, 202), Huld (1990, 420), as well as lastly Witczak (2003, 42, 131) and Ivanov (2003, 190-94) tried to identify the IE. word for “spring” also in Toch. A wsár “heap of kernel”, B ysáre “wheat” < *uesóro-. Summary The material introduced above can be summarized in the following table (the forms without an asterisk reflect late Table 1: Indo-European languages - summary *meaning year young season season temporal winter spring summer autumn / branch one plant adverb (yearly) Indo- uetso- ué/ótelá per-ut gheim-en ues-ontó- sem-eH- kel-ed- Aryan ghéiMno- uetso- gheim- ki- kÒHo- gurí-smi- peri- ontó- (e)ni- -ié/ór-in- ghimo-/-á -dhóguho- í Iranian *ié/ór? uetso- per-uti ghimo- ues- se/omH- poti- kel-ed- gheiMno- or(t)/-r- (-Jno-) -ghiom- h Anatolian uet-/ utso- sM-uétes- ue/osH2- Ôéro- d. g im-ei *H2Mmes-Ho-(nt-) (e)n- -® / -Vn- l. séno- ?es[H]®- gh(i)iem-i gheim-ont- Armenian sMHo- per-uti ghimer-÷t- ues®-ontó- sM[H]®- osio- -÷t-V -ntó- Greek uet-os, uetel/Òo- ióro-/-á per-uti gheim(ó)n ues® guher-os opi-os®- h h g. -esos g im®if2 kiá-uetes g eim- onto- ghimo- Albanian uet- uet£s(o)- kiei-ueto ghim-en- uel-st- Italic iór(o)- uet(e)lo- gho-iór- gh(i)iem- uesr- aidh-tát- *au- h a[t]no- -ino- g imo - -tMnH1o- Gaulish ?gho- ghiem- uesont-á *sMHero- uti- am-m÷ Brittonic gu/bhleidó(n) uetsio-/ - am-es- ghiem- ues÷t- *sMHo- kentu- gu/bhleid÷-í á -tero-/- eino- -ghiem- á Goidelic gu/bhleid÷-í uetsi- ?(ieuo-) am-m÷ per-uti ghiem- [u]es®- *sMHo- upo- (-)esorn- am-es- áko- -ghiem- -iá -ter-á -rót- Germanic iér- uetru- amos´- ghió(m) per-uti uend-r- uesr-á *sMHero- osoni- atno- ghimrí- lét- korpisto- oino- (d)longho- -ghimo- -deino- Baltic méto- iéro- ?iór-iiá gheim(n)á po-uoseri- uoser-á osoni- dhoguho- rudh- -ór/-en- Slavic ghodho- ié/ór- ié/ór-íná gheim(n)á uesn-á léto- e/oseni- roko- ent- ié/óro- Tocharian (e)pi-kuÒ- uót- uesóro- (e)ni- ghim(e)rá en-uesór semén epi- u[o?] -iér-uo- -(V)s[n]- today -onto- The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 461 Indo-European, the so-called ‘Brugmannian’ stage; the asterisk indicates an early stage, which the reconstruction of laryngals corresponds to). Discussion of reconstructions and etymologies It is obvious from the table above, which of the terms are the most widespread. Let us consider their internal etymologies now, where they exist, so that we can compare hypothetical parallels in other language families. *uet- “year”, also in the meaning “old”: Sogd. wtsnyy /wat[u]sané/; Lat. vetus, gen. veteris id., cp. vetustus id. < *uetostos; OLit. vetusas id.; OCS. vetx id. (Pokorny 1959, 1175). Vine (2009, 219-20) has convincingly demonstrated that the traditionally reconstructed *s-stem *uetos, gen. *-es-os, can represent a secondary formation developed from the genitive *uet-es “during the year” as a locative, parallelly to the derivational model based on -er and -en locatives. He adds a possible candidate for an etymology based on the verbal root *uet-, attested e.g. in OIr. fethid “goes, makes one’s way; watches, observes” (DIL F-105-06); Vedic api ... vat- “vertraut sein”, YAv. aip-uuatahe “du bist vertraut” (LIV 694; Schaffner 2004, 285-86). A parallel semantic motivation is ascribed to Semitic *wari%- “month” vs. ’-r-% “to travel, arrive; date, determine” (DRS 32, 625). There are also promising external parallels. Illiç-Svityç (1965, 337) found them in (1) Afroasiatic: Berber *á-watáy, pl. *í-wutyán “year” (reconstructed after Prasse 1974, 226- 27) > Ghat a-watay, Ahaggar a-w±tay, Awlemidden a-wâtây, Ayr wâtay id.; cp. also Mzabi t-út “age”. Takács (1999, 227) added Egypt. (Texts of Pyramids) wtj “to be old”, wt.w(.tj) “older son” (Erman & Grapow I, 377), and (2) Altaic: pAlt. *òt‘è “(to be) old” > Tk. *)tü- | Mong. *öte- | Tg. *ut- id. | OJap. otono “adult” (Starostin, Dybo & Mudrak 2003, 1067- 68). *seno- “year”, more often “old”: OI. sána-; Av. hana- “old”; Arm. hin id.; Lat. senex, gen. senis, comp. senior “old”, senectús “old age”, senátus “senate” = Osc. gen. senateís; Lusitanian superl. sintamom (Witczak 2005, 167-68); OIr. sen “old”, OWelsh, Corn., Bret. hen id., comp. OIr. siniu, Welsh hyn; Got. sineigis ‘presbÊthw’, i.e. “old”, superl. sinista, O.N. sini “last year´s grass”, Alamannic seni-scalcus ‘famulorum senior’ Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 462 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek (Leges Alamanorum), Gmc. > Prov. sene-scal, Fr. séné-chal, It. sini-scalco (Lehmann 1986, 304-05); Lit. s nas “old”, s nis “old man”, sen st “age, old age”, Latv. sens “old” (Pokorny 1959, 907-08). If it is true that the word **H1ós(H)-®/ o o *H1és(H)-n “autumn” is the derivative of *H1esH2-®/-n “blood” via the meaning “ bloody”, i.e. “red period”, after a “red color of leaves”, so it is impossible to apply the same etymology to Hitt. zena- “autumn” for reason of an incompatibility with Hitt. eshar “blood”. Hence, there remains the only acceptable etymology of the word zena- and, that is, one which results from IE. *sen(o)-, whose primary meaning most likely was “year”. Oettinger’s explanation of an initial z- from pre-nasalization can be modified in the sense that the hypothetical proto-form *nsena- reflects the complex *(e)n sen(o)- corresponding to Toch. A yusár “spring” < *en uesór. An external comparison leads us to Semit. *san-(at-) “year” > Akkad. sattu, pl. sanáti, Ugar. snt, Hebr. sáná, Aram. sená, Arab. sanat, Sabaic sn, Mehri senét / senáyn (Møller 1909, 123-24: IE. + Semit.). Dolgopol’skij (1974, 167) added Egyptian (Middle Kingdom) snf “last year”, Copt. snúf id. which he interprets as sn-f “on that year”, and (New Empire) sn%j.t “an old age, an age” (Erman & Grapow IV, 162; 169). Later, Dolgopolsky (1990, 215) added the Chadic designation of “year”: (Western) Ngamo sání; Northern Bauchi *wasin > Warji wásènná, Kariya wás`en, Siri wàs`enúwá, Mburku wás`en, Jimbin wásùn, Diri ásìn | (Central) Tera soní, Pidlimdi sòna id. Other relatives are possible to be sought for in Finno-Ugric *soN(k)2 “(to be) old” > Mari soNgo & soNgo “old; an old age, an age”, Hung. agg “old age; very old”, avul “to become old”, ?ó “old” (UEW 448), and Dravidian *cén- “old” > Gondi sénál “old man”, sénó “old woman”, Kui sen∂a “first-born, the oldest” (DEDR #2808). *iér(o)-/*iór(o)- “a year / a month / spring” < **HióH1- o ®/*HiéH1-n (Schindler 1975, 5). Av. gen. sg. yá° represents the only proof in favor of an n-stem in a heteroclitic r/n- paradigm whose other projections into the chain of proto- forms *iáh < *iáNh < *iaH-ans (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 153, §108.2) have no analogy. The reconstruction of the IE. proto-form results from the popular etymology The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 463 supposing its origin in the verb *ei- : *ie- (Pokorny 1959, 296) = **H1ei- (LIV 232-33). However, its safe typological parallels, as well as arguments based on word-formation for it are missing. Szemerényi (1950a, 174) is totally outside trying, in conflict with well-known sound’s laws, to derive it from the assumed protoform *iesro- from the root *ies- “to boil”. Nor does the etymology appearing from *ai-/ *ái- (i.e. *H2ei-) “to warm” (Skok I, 755-56) deliver a solution. The o laryngeal base *H2iór would mean expectation of a form *aóra in Greek. If we start from the protoform H1iér(o)- /*H1iór(o)-, a remarkable equivalence would be present in Semitic languages: *’ayyar- “a month ±May” > Akkad. ayyarum “the second month of the Babylonian calendar” = “May”, cp. ayyaru(m), iyarum “flower, rosette” (von Soden I, 24-25); post-Biblic Hebr., Jewish-Palestinian Aram. ’iyyar “the second month of the Judaic year” (Klein 1987, 25), Nabataic ’yr, Mandaic ayar, Arab. ’ayyár “May” (DRS, 18). Afroasiatic age is acknowledged in Berber *Hay(y)úr “month” > Sus ayyur, Senhaja ayur (Renisio) “Moon”, Shilha ayur (Stumme) “moon/month”, Kabyl (Dallet) aggur “moon/ month”, Nefusi (Beguinot) uyér “new moon”; Ghadames uyar “moon determining a period of one month” (Motylinski); Awlemidden âyyor (Alojaly) “moon”, Taitoq (Masqueray) eior, Ahaggar ±yôr id. (Prasse 1974, 212- 13); perhaps also Egyptian 3.t (Middle Kingdom), j3.t (New Kingdom) “time” < *y/’a3.at < *y/’ar.at (Erman & Grapow I, 1-2). **H2em-(es-) “spring-summer / time” – the Anatolian-Celtic isogloss with possible extension for German qualification of summer species of spelt. The semantic distinction is between Gr. Àr and Slav. *jaro. Further cp. Semit. “year”: Arab. Cám, pl. aCwám, Sabaic Cwm, Jibbali Cónút, Soqotri Cénoh, Geez Cám, Amhara amat (Leslau 1938, 303) ||| Ural. *oma > North Lapp. oames “old” | Md. umok “some time ago” | Mari ümaste “last year” || Mator ig-omo “morning” (UEW 337). *gheim-/*ghiem- “winter”, also with derivatives in the meaning of “snow”, has no satisfactory IE. etymology (Mann 1984-87, 419 speculated about *”empty period”, a h derivative of *g eH1i- “to gape” - LIV 173-74). It is already uncertain whether the word can be considered as a so- Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 464 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek called m-stem (Beekes 1995, 178 reconstructs the minimal paradigm of nom. *ghéi-óm, gen. *ghi-m-ós, acc. *ghi-ém-i). Even outside comparisons are not very convincing. From the Semitic languages, Geez gime, gum “cloud, fog, moisture”, Tigre gim “fog, cloud”, Tigrinya gime, gemä id., Amhara gum “fog” (Leslau 1987, 193) which imply Semitic *gaym-. However, parallels in other Semitic languages differ in the initial: Arab. aym “cloud”, Syr. Caymá “fog, cloud” (Leslau, l.c.). Ethio-Semitic *g-, as well as Arabic - together with Aramaic C- are not regularly compatible. As for the sounds, the hypothetical parallel from the Tungusic languages is without problems: Oroch giama “north- westerly wind” (TMS 147). However, its isolation in the context of other Tungusic or widely Altaic languages already constitutes a problem. Semantically closest would be Ural. *kum2 > Udm. kim “fallen snow” | Hung. hó, acc. ˘ havat “snow” || Samoyed.: Nenets xaw’ “thin hard snow laying on soft snow”, Kamasin kamo “snow coating” (UEW 204); however, the correspondence of Ural. *-u- ~ IE. i- diphthong is uncertain. Separating IE -m- in agreement with Benveniste’s root theory, Samoyed. *ke “winter” (H 283) > Kamasin khä, k‘e id., Koibalsan koa (Jo˘ki 1952, 175), Mator kúo ‘hiems’, Tai˘gi kúgu, Karagas gòhu /ku-hu/ < *ke “winter” + *pua “year” (H, l.c.) would present itself as ˘a promising cognate. The comparison is semantically implicit, it is acceptable phonetically, uncertain is only for isolation of the Samoyedic counterpart. *ues-® / *ues-no “spring” implies more etymologies. The following roots offer solution: (i) **H2ues- “to dawn”, thus **H2ués-® “spring” = “the dawn of the year” (Kurylowicz 1927, 101; Pokorny 1959, 86, 1174; Peters 1980, 61). However, the initial sequence o **H2ue- would be preserved in the form of h(u)w(e/i) in Hittite (hwes-/huis- “to live” < *H2ues-; huwant- “wind” < o **H2ueH1÷t-) and *a(u)e in Greek (ê(W)hsi “[it] gusts” < **H2uéH1-ti), as Bjorvand & Lindeman (2000, 1079) dispute. Though Gr. ¶ar “spring”, Hes. g°ar id., do not correspond. (ii) *ues- “grass”, thus “spring” = the “time of coming of vegetation”. The word for “grass” or another kind of The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 465 vegetation is preserved in Hitt. wesi- “pasture”; MIr. fér, Ir. féar “grass, fresh pasture”, Welsh gwair, pl. gweiriau “hay”, OCorn. guer id.; OHG. wisa, Germ. Wiese “meadow”; Toch. A *wäsri, pl. wsäryás(yo) “grass” (Schneider 1940, 202; Mann 1984-87, 1526); cp. also Av. zaremaiia- “spring”, primarily perhaps “green” (Schrader & Nehring I, 530). Typological parallels exist on behalf of this very possibility. The most persuasive example is Semitic *dati- “spring; grass”, see Table 8. **sem-eH2 / **sM-H2-(o-) “summer” may be etymologized either as “halfyear” (see Fraenkel 1958, 348 who reminds of possible connection with OI. sàmi-, Gr. ≤mi-, Lat. sémi-, OSax., OHG. sámi “half”) or as a word inherited from a deeper past, as external parallels indicate: Egypt. smw (OK) /sammáyat/ “summer”, from the Middle Kingdom also “harvest” > Copt. sóm “summer, harvest” (Erman & Grapow IV, 480; Vycichl 1983, 263-64). Another relation is perhaps found in Semitic *ámas- “sun” > Akkad. samsu, Ebl. sí-pis, Ugar. sps, Ph. sms, Hebrew sms, Aram. sims-, Arab. sams, Sab. sms etc. (del Olmo Lete & San Martín 2003, 836-37). o **H1ós(H)-® / *H1és(H)-n “autumn” (Schindler 1975, 3, 5: o **H1ós-® / *H1és-n ) has no satisfactory IE etymology. Regarding the East Baltic innovation of *rudhó(r), -eno > Lit. ruduõ, Latv. rudens “autumn”, cp. Lit. rudens menuo “September” = Latv. rudens ménesis id. - all from the adjective in Lit. rùdas “russet, deep yellow”, Latv. ruds “reddish, russet” (Fraenkel 1958, 349; 1962-65, 745), it is legitimate to think of similar semantic motivation, even in the case of an original term. Thus, it is advisable to rehabilitate the neglected consideration of Mikuckij (1855, 48, 413; see also Valçáková, ESJS 5, 283) about the etymological connection of the words “autumn” and “blood” as a symbol of the color of leaves of the late o autumn. The IE. heteroclitic *H1£sH2-®: *H1(e)sH2-n is attested in most of IE branches: Hitt. eshar, later also ishar and essar “blood”, gen. eshanas, Palaic eshur id. (Tischler 2001, 33), CLuv. ashanuwant- “bloody”, HLuv. asharmi- id.; OI. ás®k, Gen. asnás “blood”; ?MPers. *ár < *ahro (Gershevitz; EWAI I, 149); Arm. ariwn id. (< *eharo < *H1ésH-®- with the ending in *-iion- or under influence of Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 466 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek the synonym *kreuH÷t-, see Olsen 1999, 490-91); Gr. poetic. ¶ar, Hes. ∑ar id., OLat. aser, assyr, beside Lat. sanguis, Latv. asins, pl. asinis; Toch. A ysár, B yasar id. (Pokorny 1959, 343). “Blood”, as the most natural example of “red” color, also served as a marking of “ferrum” in Celtic languages: OIr. íarnn, Gaul. isarno- < Celt. *ísarno- < *és®-no- (W. Cowgill 1986, 68, fn 10; de Bernardo Stempel 1999, 136, 238-39). Only the addition of the root laryngeal *H2 is enough for reconstruction of the IE. protoform **H1ósH2-® o / *H1ésH2-n “autumn” in order to make complete agreement with the etymon “blood”. It is obvious that the “bloody” etymology of IE. term for “autumn” excludes Hitt. zena- “autumn” from the sphere of its prospective continuants. From the etymological analysis we may conclude that the Indo-European proto-language used at least two words indicating a “year”, *uet-(es-) and *sen(o)-. Both words could have the same meaning “old” in some IE. branches, but evidently only the first of them became the source for naming animals and plants as well. Neither of them has any inner IE. etymology, but, on the other hand,, external parallels safely document the Nostratic heritage. The third etymon relating to the same semantic domain, *H1iér(o)- /*H1iór(o)-, is also rather of Nostratic age than the derivative of the IE. verb *H1ei- “to go”. Its primary semantics probably meant a shorter interval of time than a “year”, perhaps a “season” or a “month”, as the Anatolian languages prove. The same thing is possible to assume about the etymon *H2em-(es-) including external parallels. The basic opposition *gheim-/*ghiem- “winter” : *sem-eH-/*sM- H- “summer” is shown among the indications of seasons proper. The interior IE. etymology for “winter” is entirely missing; in the case of “summer”, the connection of IE. *sémi- “half”, implying “summer” = “a [warm] half of the year” comes on force. However, external parallels rather indicate that both “summer”, and apparently also “winter” represent an old Nostratic heritage. Internal IE. etymologies for the two remaining seasons, *ues-®/-no o “spring” and *H1osH2-® / *H1esH2-n “autumn”, are both associated with the growing cycle: “spring” = a “time when a new grass sprouts”, “autumn” = a “time when the leaves The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 467 become red”. Hypothetical parallels in Hitt. GISu/wessar,-no “capoc” and issarasila-, esarasila- “a plant (a reed?)” just support this conclusion (concerning the absence of expected -h- in the latter case cp. the Hitt. variant essar- “blood”). Abbreviations: abl. ablative, ac. accusative, adj. adjective, adv. adverb, Akkad. Akkadian, Alb. Albanian, Alt. Altaic, Anat. Anatolian, aor. aorist, Arab. Arabic, Aram. Aramaic, arch. archaic, Arm. Armenian, Att. Attic, Av. Avestan, AV Atharvaveda, Bactr. Bactrian, Balt. Baltic, Beng. Bengal, Berb. Berber, Bret. Breton, Brus. Belorussian, Bulg. Bulgarian, c. genus communis, Campid. Campidan (Sardinia), Cat. Catalan, Celt. Celtic, Centr. Central, Ch. Chadic, ChS. Church Slavonic, CLuv. Cuneiform Luvian, Com- Common, Copt. Coptic, Corn. Cornish, Cors. Corsian, Cr. Croatian, Cushit. Cushitic, Cz. Czech, Dan. Danish, Dard. Dardic, dat. dative, dimin. diminutive, dial. dialect, Dor. Doric, Dr. Dravidian, Ebl. Eblaite, Eg(ypt). Egyptian, Eng. English, Engad. Engadin, Est. Estonian, Etr. Etruscan, EV Elbing’s Vocabulary, f. feminine, Far. Feroese, Fin. Finnish, Fr. French, Fris. Frisian, Furl. Furlanic, Gaul. Gaulish, Galic. Galician, gen. genitive, Germ. German, Gmc. Germanic, Got. Gothic, Gr. Greek, Gutn. Gutnic, H High, Hebr. Hebrew, Hitt. Hittite, HLuv. Hieroglyphic Luvian, Hung. Hungarian, Chwarezm. Chwarezmian, IA. Indo-Aryan, IE. Indo- European, II. Indo-Iranian, Ion. Ionian, Ir. Irish, Iran. Iranian, Icel. Icelandic, Ital. Italian, Jap. Japanese, Jb. Jibbali, Hung. Hungarian, It. Italian, K kingdom, Karel. Karelian, Kartv. Kartvelian, Kash. Kashubian, Khot. Khotanese, Kurd. Kurdish, L Low, Lower, Lac. Laconian, Lap. Lappic, Lat. Latin, Latv. Latvian, lex. lexicographers, Lit. Lithuanian, Livon. Livonian, loc. locative, Logud. Logudorish (Sardinia), Lur. Luristání, Lus. Lusatian, Luv. Luvian, Lyd. Lydian, Lyc. Lycian, m. masculine, M Middle, Mac. Macedonian, Man. Manichean, Mars. Marsian, Md. Mordvinian, Messap. Messapic, Mo Modern, Mong. Mongolian, ms. manuscript, Myc. Mycenaean, n. neuter, N New, N. Northern, ND nomen dei, NL nomen loci, Nor. Norwegian, ntr. neuter, NV nomen viri, O Old, OCS. Old Church Slavonic, OHG. Old High Germanic, OI. Old Indic, ON. Old Norse, Osset. Ossetic, Osc. Oscan, Pal. Palaic, Parth. Parthian, partic. participle, Pers. Persian, Ph. Phoenician, Phryg. Phrygian, Pkt. Prakrit, pl. plural, Plb. Polabian, Pol. Polish, PomSlc. Pomerian Slovincian, Port. Portuguese, Prov. Provençal, Prus. Prussian, R. Russian, Rom. Romance, Rum. Rumanian, RV Rigveda, Gr. Greek, Sab. Sabaic, Samoyed. Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 468 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek Samoyedic, Sard. Sardinian, Sax. Saxon, sg. singular, SCr. Serbo-Croatian, Sem. Semitic, Skt. Sanskrit, Sl(av). Slavic, Slk. Slovakian, Sln. Slovenian, Sm. Samoyedic, Sogd. Sogdian, Sumer. Sumerian, Syr. Syriac, NW. Northwest, ÍB Íatapatha- Bráhmana, Sp. Spanish, Sq. Soqotri, Swed. Swedish, Tg. Tungusic, Tk. Turkic, Toch. Tocharian, U Upper, Udm. Udmurt, Ugar. Ugaritic, Ukr. Ukrainian, Umb. Umbrian, Ural. Uralic, Vald. Valdin, var. variant, Ved. Vedic, Vegl. Vegliotic, Venet. Venetic, Veps. Vepsian, VS Vájaseneyi-Samhita, W. Western. Y Young. References Abaev, Vasilij I. 1958-95 Istoriko-timologiçeskij slovaQ osetinskogo jazyka, I-V. (Moskva-)Leningrad: Nauka. 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Summary The Indo-European terminology designating “year” and its seasons can be summarized in the following table: Indo-European term Internal etymology Hypothetical external parallels *uet-(es-) year > old; Berb. *á-watáy year | Eg. wtj be old yearling || Alt. *òt‘è old *sen(o)- year > old Sem. *san-(at-) year | WCh. *wasin id. || Dr. *cén- old *H1iér(o)- / *H1iór(o)- Sem. *’ayyar- May | Berb. season of a year *Hay(y)úr moon/month C *H2em-(es-) part of a year > Sem. * ám- year / time | Ural. time *oma old *gheim- / *ghiem- winter ?Ethio-Sem. *gaym- fog || ?Sm. *ke winter || ?Tg. *giam- northwest ˘ wind *ues-® /*ues-no spring *ues- grass *sem-eH2- / *sM-H2- summer *sémi- half Eg. smw summer | Sem. * ámas- < half-year? sun < * ama [am]- o *H1es(H2)-® / *H1os(H2)-n *H1èsH2-® / Kartv. *zisx-Ò- blood o autumn H1(e)sH2-n blood Acknowledgements This study originated in cooperation with the Centre for the Interdisciplinary Research of Ancient Languages and Older Stages of Modern Languages (MSM 0021622435) at Masaryk University, Brno, and thanks to the grant No. IAA901640805. The idea to describe the Indo-European year and its seasons was primarily stimulated by extraordinary interesting studies of Georges-Jean Pinault and later of Stefan Schaffner and Brent Vine. The decisive part of our paper was written during the fellowship of one of us in the Indo-European seminar at the University of Freiburg in The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 487 September 2005 and September 2008. Deepest thanks belong to Eva Tichy, the head of this seminar, whose kind invitation vindicated a grant of the federal land Baden- Württenberg, to Béla Brogyányi for his many-sided help here, as well as to Norbert Oettinger (Erlangen) and Stefan Zimmer (Bonn) in their nobly formulated recommendations. We are grateful for numerous remarks and comments of many colleagues, as Ilona Janysková, Pavla Valçáková, Vladimír Saur, as well as references to for us unknown literature by Brent Vine, Krzysztof Witczak, and others. Appendix In order to make a typological comparison, it is useful to review the corresponding terms in other language families of the temperate zone of North Eurasia. First of all, so called Sino-Caucasian languages, often representing the substrata of Nostratic languages: Table 2: Basque language (Löpelmann 1968) year urt(h)a (1345-46) winter negu < Romance; cp. Lat. ninguere to snow (906-07) spring udaberri = new berri new, fresh (191-92) summer summer uda cp. Sumer. ud sun, day, light, time, weather (1320) autumn udazken = ending azken ast; the end, azkendu to end (111) summer Table 4: Burushaski language (Berger 1998) year den (118) year Yasin wel, ? < IA.: OI. vélá- terminus, time; Ashkun, Kati (entire) Hunza, wél < ?Dr.: Gadba véle time of day Nagir yoól (477) winter bái (30) spring garú (148) summer ßiní (395) ? < IA.: Skt. ßrávaniká- July-August, Lahnda sávaní autumn harvest autumn datú (116) ? < Iran.: MPers. dadu name of 10th month of the Zoroastrian calendar Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 488 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek Table 5: Sumerian language (Hübner & Reizammer 1984) year mu winter en-te-(en-)na cp. en-te-na coolness, cold; derived from ten to be cold spring ú.bar8 cp. ú grass, plant summer buru14 also harvest, harvest-time H. Pedersen called the language families genetically related to the Indo-European family Nostratic. In the following survey their terminology pertaining to the year is partially summarized: The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 489 6 D . 7 5 7 8 7 5 1 8 - E p 7 3 5 2 3 9 6 5 C p 9 5 4 3 2 5 9 7 N 9 . d / r A r e - r r g a n a Ω z e e e e n e V t t w a i y m ~ ’ y w r n n h u p e i i = e p A k t c w w s w w c b ´ u z ´ s A a * . n r n r a r z . e z i - a - e a n m n x a t g l i m e a i i u y w z u n a n h t i i m m ˙ r q s u e . K k u c w u ü L s a . g z e r r r r ] / n n a . L a - s e a l l e g s e , g i V e o m m z y y m [ I y g n w - - e m u u i q I o t n t t o u a m r L c q s l a s ä u x u * u p w s a s a i l s a s a s s j n i h K . . r ) g g i n b s r e r i n s t n a a i a j ( u h r i n e a i d y D H p g K s w * , n a i g r n r a r g a t t e - - m k i n e D t i w u a n y u r . i n s . k t i L @ s p n g i u s w r s a a D , n ) a s n i g z V e e r r e e m n i a i s ( g m u g = r e e e t T y a y b @ p i * u s d s u a s A g . n d i a A / d r r r L , a V r r n e a g g - V V n a u u n e n e e r r e b A n n a i t t y x n i d m n i - i i y a ’ m a i l a b i @ r x r r n n s i i ˙ - a t s = q n o s u i i m a i c i i p ’ p s a s ˙ q t r - v s a c H w w s s u s a = i u l s A r h a a * k c b u A t / a s r . r i a e - u a g d @ h r h n C V l r b e k n a k m o a i y / s x m a - x r b - h e / t V u m a r á y N t p s o b † i t A @ s s u * s s a r a : u l s † s s a o n N o i t : a 3 i û v V p e V V e n l m o ! ˇ n r V î l l V h w V i b n j ó j ’ b r m i w ± â ä a ó = j b H * w ó w w w x H G ß ß T * s ! @ c A Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 490 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek Table 6: Kartvelian languages (Klimov & Xalilov 2003, 280-85) languages Georgian Mingrelian Laz Svan Kartvelian year c.el-i c.ana .cana *.cel- year zäj, zaj *za- winter zamtar-i zoton¸-i ( isi < *za-mtar- Tur.) winter lintw spring gazapxul-i (gazarxul-i lupxw *px(w)- < Georg.) warm spring pukrinora spring zawlade Sv. lade day summer zapxul-i ((b)zarxul-i (jazi < *px(w)- < Georg.) Tur.) warm summer zäj summer zälade Sv. lade day autumn semodgoma autumn damorçil-i autumn stveli autumn muzgwer, o gor Abbreviations: Georg. Georgian, Sv. Svan, Tur. Turkish. Table 7: Egyptian (Erman & Grapow 1971; Vycichl 1983) Old Egyptian Coptic notes /vocalization/ year rnp.t (Texts of rompi rnp.t round, Copt. Pyramids) /ranpi.t/ ranpi circle rnp.t cow = yearly last year snf (late) snúf last year season jtrw (Texts of Pyramids) te time in Egyptian pl. to tr time winter pr.t (Old) /paryáwa.t/ pró pry to go, Copt. peire id. summer smw (Old Kingdom) sóm summer, from Middle /sammáyat/ harvest Kingdom also harvest The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 491 y )- - ) C go -’ -b- t t dlo ht s m m a wati lo - i ma ( ( ( r t n r -na ia w c a û - r uo . § e C d my r eb a fc k * s f * * t k * e m z á e m rk e á C e G m ) i n fo / h e túnó ’ t C r t b ’ yán w e t é í he t e é dn ro ß b i t q ó e J n é r d e ß i e C n s M M s S w ( c iaba wt ’ n m td s s w s C S r y r t ’ ’ e , .b é s t g eht t t m toh a toh yi á tid C f ti evrah aw í ana ’ nirp a bar bar a s á n .l á r t t a C e a a ew s i A . A s s Y d p a r s s ’ á á s s ma ’ wt s arg t a n i rg e d s r s d A . ss ’ rb á w s n a á eH .ragU .ragU eH t r á e d s s s g ;g s t s t n td a i n r r s g ps mid-as segaugnal citimeS :8 elbaT :8 citimeS segaugnal .lbE .dakkA .lbE ? )fo dniw( )fo u ;gnirps mu’ htuos u ,utt s ut u tna s §§ sí arg s ús uk s a d a s / d ß retniw r r gn gnirps etniw et r r i rp aey aey n i s w Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 492 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek ,)68 e te L o L 9 1 1 u m al lO s l eL( yl t . r e o i tce toh r aelc t ab d z - r .ba u eh ih t ( ( m a rf ae eb ot eb ae p . - y - - l ra -f- e ta loc r kculp p c s - - a m- e i a eb o eb r § r- ra u r ti eb % q g o g G G h a C < C * A ra % ’ § o , o t e t t g t tialb U . , , ra r ra r t r nmu aey aey s w y e E E f a e i r ev g a á . r y e b lb m ga ∂ ’ a U U r si t a á t % a mu ,) sal h E u m m h m , h t a s 8 ci 3 91 91 a ma t ual frax r e . - r ya A s y . eL á q § mar ( i r toqoS .qS , .qS toqoS A , A ,n )8 dy § b r / / f 891 ssagnietS( ciba ssagnietS( 891 mu ae r r . - % § y t y q u a ) 289 tsevrah , b n f nm rae t á 1 t . - fya í ro a m ya r u § ll a ut t § q y % e e ua ua iB( Y rA .barA ,)18-5691 nedoS nov( nai nov( nedoS ,)18-5691 .barA rA ciaba † i § ya y S k k ,)7891 enotsnhoJ( irheM ,il irheM enotsnhoJ( ,)7891 q = tsevrah = , n r § p et i mutu yá r n o iw q h a )deunit tnpr t . - q % . stc no da a bb k e c( segaugnal citimeS :8 elbaT :8 citimeS segaugnal c( laid n laid kA . kA i J J .b mut d iJ ,)7891 iJ akk e me A : Y s nmutu e ecruos Y ylrae ú ,)30 ni pra á e lK( mmu % 02 a & snoitai & nítra w erbeH erbeH remmus remmus rem remmus remmus n M n gnirps v na . erbbA mutu m rbeH utua S m us a & The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 493 )89 WEU( )89 )932 H / 721 WS( 721 / H )932 i ) )966 WEU( )966 ) )533 WEU( )533 )615 WEU( )615 )235 WEU( )235 * ’ ( ( aw 6 äwlät d )89 W )89 )46 WS( )46 56 56 )382 H( )382 i/ek i äkij kwot ’ d d ó dMF ok W w UF UF UF UF EU( VF S( aop / j / aop ˘ .mS* .gUbO* .gnuH .mreP* i .mreP* .gnuH .gUbO* .mS* årån e pmäk pmäk ˘ ˘ k e op op / la / ) lu)w( g e g .hK (l: ú t ¢ ¨ t raey tsal raey ega zsavat -elet ,lét l ,lét -elet ylav-at ylav-at vé vé s ˘ il-u ˙ t w t ˘ raey r o t ji e a let ok M* M* e .dM dn e e ’dik ’l e o e - g e ä i t ivlat ivlat t vut * . * tnemom dees ega i oku iF av segaugnal cilarU :9 elbaT :9 cilarU segaugnal d to ó B* B* o ä v t t k ki ki do lavretni .pL é é e é ˘ v ˘ te v h d t l ó te ik ó á ˘ jek v t * k m r r gnirps gn g g e e raey ra r n n tn tn ra ir ir i a rp i i e ey e p p w s y y s s w Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011 494 Lenka Doçkalová and Václav Blazek , c i ) p 6 ) p 9 1 a 1 5 ) L # 4 6 , . 2 0 m p W r 3 ) ) ) ) L E a 1 W 0 9 4 3 , w 6 5 1 4 E U ä i y X s ( 6 6 1 4 ß t ä U e ( ç i k ( k N n . a N ü e a W W W W k s a r c k k d u r i E E E E s a h l T ä V M U U U U U U a K ( F ( F U ( < F F ( = U r . U h . = K ) ˘ n ˘ ) 2 U ) , j ˘ e 0 e 2 m , c ö ( j ˘ 3 i r e c u N e i r 3 t a e ˘ W e t u ˘ d g S l H a e ( ( o y o V - o m a n s S m n e g e r . 2 g e o m u i F . m t . S M V , F n a , i c i ) m r r z r á g s y e U n P - ( . o n m r n e e r P F a m , e . e r - y c z i a U , o . r ˘ F g d g i , U n - i b v r ˘ ˘ d e O z r e e . m z o N i g e s m k M U - u s b o n O n , e n ˘ ) i F e e v ß d . z k í d e d u k r s u o M n i F M t , . n h d o s i c g M - i i n ( s ä ä n , v i s k n v s e r n u i e ü k s s e p k a F i s - g r o a a t l g u a g n B e u n ˘ c . é a i k s H l e e F ¯ ˘ . c k c B g i l : n s a u r n H o U i , t i : a s i 9 r r r r r n v / n n e e e e e a e e g l r m m m m m m m n M b u u b i t t . m r m m m m a b u u u p u u u u s M a s A s T s s s a The Journal of Indo-European Studies The Indo-European Year 495 Table 10: Altaic languages (Starostin, Dybo, Mudrak 2003; TMS; Lee 1977) languages Turkic Mongolian Tunguz Korean Japanese year *jil *¸il ~ *dilaça sun ~ tors tosi anniversary year * on ~ *pune- ~ póm spring time year ~ *á ~ *oj *a Na month anniversary year nah winter *ki-l’ ~ *gil- cold ~ kisaragi 2nd month of the lunar calendar winter *ebül winter *tögä winter kyezer winter ~ *bud- to ~ *budaN fog puyu freeze spring *jáQ ~ nj`erím ~ natu summer summer spring *kabur spring ~ *nilka *nälki newborn spring póm spring paru summer *jáj *na¸ir ~ náç day summer *¸un *¸uga summer nj`erím natu autumn *g*Q ~ *kura rain ~ *kure- storm autumn *namur autumn *bola autumn kâzâr autumn aki Volume 39, Number 3 & 4, Fall/Winter 2011