HUMPhREY JENNINGS AND BRITISh : A RE ASSESSMENT For Wendy, Amy and Ellen Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

PHILIP C. LOGAN Independent Scholar First published 2011 by Ashgate Publishing

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Logan, Philip C. Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment 1. Jennings, Humphrey. 2. Documentary films--Production and direction--Great Britain--History--20th century. 3. World War, 1939-1945--Motion pictures and the war. I. Title 070.1'8'092-dc22

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Logan, Philip C. Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment / Philip C. Logan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. Includes filmography. ISBN 978-0-7546-6726-1 (hbk) 1. Jennings, Humphrey--Criticism and interpretation. 2. Documentary films--Great Britain-- History and criticism. 3. Motion pictures--Great Britain--History--20th century. I. Title. PN 1998.3.J455L76 2011 791.4302'3092--dc22 2010047382

ISBN 9780754667261 (hbk) ISBN 9781315587653 (ebk) Contents

Foreword vii Acknowledgements xxiii

PART I: ART ANd POliTicS: 1907 38

1 An Education for Life: 1907–33 3

2 e Artist as Agent: 1929–36 27

3 e Early GPO Film Unit: 1934–5 47

4 Colour Film: 1935–8 61

5 e Artist as Agent: 1937–8 75

PART II: THE DOcUMENTARY FilM: ART, POliTicS ANd PROpAGANdA 1938 50

6 Return to the GPO Film Unit: July 1938–September 1939 99

7 e Phoney War: September 1939–September 1940 121

8 e Blitz: September 1940–January 1941 143

9 Holding On: January–May 1941 163

10 Turning of the Tide: May–October 1941 181

11 History as Myth: October 1941–July 1942 201

12 A Brilliant Idea: July 1942–May 1943 223 vi Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

13 A Change in Professional Demands: May 1943–August 1944 243

14 e Beginning of a New Era: August 1944–May 1945 261

15 e Last of Crown: May 1945–December 1946 283

16 Wessex Films: January 1947–May 1950 309

Postscript: Berlin’s Hedgehog 337

Filmography 347 Bibliography 355 Index 371 Foreword

In his introductory essay to e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, remarked:

Jennings is, in a few words, a man whose place in British culture and world cinema ought to be beyond dispute: ‘our greatest documentarist’ (Gilbert Adair), ‘the only real poet the British cinema has so far [sic] produced’ (), and a ‘true war artist, in the way that Henry Moore’s drawings in the Underground and Evelyn Waugh’s Sword of Honour trilogy transcend war and reassert the primacy of the human imagination’ (David ompson). Add to these the other accomplishments as painter, photographer, anthropologist, actor, poet, editor, scholar, critic, theorist, intellectual historian, and the sum is … a man who has been more or less forgotten.

As an assessment of his lms and their relation to his other accomplishments Jackson’s comments still have pertinence today. Jennings may, as Lindsay Anderson stated in 1954, be ‘the only real poet that the British cinema has yet produced’ but as Gilbert Adair opined ‘Why in heavens name … should the poor man be destined for the chop? Virtually everyone in the lm-critical community acknowledges his achievement. Attempts to bring his lms to a wider, non-specialised public are still fairly frequent, but to no avail’. For Adair and other lm critics Jennings’ reputation as a great documentary lm maker is established in ‘a trio of minor but authentic (wartime) masterpieces – (1942), (1943) and (1945), masterpieces of a quintessentially national character’. ese lms, along with Spare Time (1939) and to a lesser extent Heart of Britain (1941), Words for Battle (1941) and Family Portrait (1950), have received most attention in an attempt

 Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. p. xvii.  Anderson, L. (1954). Only Connect: Some Aspects of the Work of Humphrey Jennings. Sight and Sound Film uarterly (April–June): 181–6.  Ibid.; Adair, G. (1999). Too Fey for the Fast-Forward Future: Twentieth-Century Classics that Won’t Last No.4: Humphrey Jennings. Independent on Sunday. ‘Culture’, p. 2.  Adair, G. (1999). Too Fey for the Fast-Forward Future: Twentieth-Century Classics that Won’t Last No.4: Humphrey Jennings. Independent on Sunday. viii Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment to explain the distinctive character of a ‘Jennings lm’. In these lms the notion of ‘poetic realism’ comes to the fore. Higson denes this form of representation as that which ‘makes the ordinary strange, even beautiful but, above all, which has emotional depth and integrity’. Anderson’s article, ‘Only Connect: Some Aspects of the Work of Humphrey Jennings’ (1954), written four years aer Jennings’ death in 1950, has become something of a touchstone in the discussion about Jennings and his lm work. But as he readily admitted, by concentrating on those lms he felt to be his best, his aim was to ‘stimulate’ interest by ‘oering some quite personal reactions, and by trying to explain why I think these pictures are so good’. As the title makes clear it is only ‘some aspects’ of Jennings’ work upon which Anderson deliberates and he acknowledges that he lacks detailed knowledge about the man, his life and work. e only comprehensive text on Jennings was written by Anthony W. Hodgkinson and Rodney Sheratsky nearly 30 years ago. Humphrey Jennings: More an a Maker of Films provides a general discussion of the inuences which shaped his art and lm work and gives brief descriptions and evaluations of the lms. is text and e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader (compiled by Kevin Jackson), which includes a collection of Jennings’ written correspondence, poetry, lm scripts, critical articles and selected transcripts of radio presentations, and also Jackson’s biography Humphrey Jennings, were the main publications in English which attempt to rescue the reputation of this distinctive artist, poet, intellectual and lm maker from the unjust ‘obscurity’ and ‘neglect’ into which he has fallen. e lack of appreciation may in part arise from the past, supercial understanding of the connections between Jennings’ life and lm career. e standard delineation begins in 1907 with his family life in the village of Walberswick on the Suolk coast. It then continues with his education at Perse School, Cambridge and progresses through his university studies and other activities at Cambridge to London. Here, between 1934 and mid 1938, alongside his paid lm work in the documentary and colour lm sectors, he engaged in a profusion of artistic activity. As Jackson implies with the list of his achievements, Jennings became: a ‘poet’, ‘painter’, ‘surrealist’ and

 Higson, A. (1997). Waving the Flag: Constructing a National Cinema in Britain, Clarendon Press. p. 191.  Anderson, L. (1954). Only Connect: Some Aspects of the Work of Humphrey Jennings. Sight and Sound Film uarterly (April–June): 181–6.  Ibid., p. 181. e lms referred to support his argument are Heart of Britain, Words for Battle, Listen to Britain and A Diary for Timothy.  Hodgkinson, A. and Sheratsky, Rodney (1982). Humphrey Jennings: More an a Maker of Films, Hanover.  Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Foreword ix

‘mass observer’. e wide range of his pursuits are explained by reference to his artistic talents, ne intellect, strong personality and quixotic mind which would not or could not stay still; he dominated discussions, moving between ideas and enterprises which attracted him. He was, according to Adair, an intellectual with a ‘magpie sensibility’.10 Apart from his existing personal explorations in painting and poetry he now began to publish critical essays and revues, engage in a form of report writing and undertake historical research. He also became involved in a series of collaborative ventures which included support for surrealism, the instigation of mass observation, the running of an art gallery and the writing and presentation of a series of radio programmes broadcast on BBC national radio. In July 1938 he returned to the General Post Oce Film Unit to make one of the most interesting of the pre-war documentaries, his ‘mass-observation’ lm Spare Time (1939). en out of the specically intense experiences of wartime bombing his masterpieces of home front wartime propaganda were forged. However as the war became more distant from civilian life and nally drew to a close, the dramatic impetus of that time dissipated. e later wartime and post-war lms he made between 1944 and 1950 are generally seen as lacking that earlier vitality, certainty and formal precision. ese are seen as signiers of an underlying disillusionment with life and a growing uncertainty about the direction of his professional career. Although historically accurate in highlighting a series of convenient periods into which Jennings’ life falls, as a summary of his life and career it is partial; decient in important details, nuance and understanding. It lacks an appreciation of the broader historical context within which his life was lived and the immediate conditions and concerns which helped shape his intellectual and artistic activity. It reveals little for example about his attitude to life, his intellectual and artistic development, his shiing political consciousness, the interrelated nature of his artistic activities and lm output or his professional position within the documentary lm movement. Recently two new scholarly texts have appeared which specically focus on Jennings’ artistic life and lm career. Both Elena V.K. Siambani’s Humphrey Jennings: Le poete du cinema britannique and Humphrey Jennings by Keith Beattie build on previous information and discussions of his lms while exploring and extending themes oen related to the poetic or aesthetic dimensions of his work articulated by previous writers.11 An appreciation of those aspects identied by Beattie

10 Adair, G. (1999). Too Fey for the Fast-Forward Future: Twentieth-Century Classics that Won’t Last No.4: Humphrey Jennings. Independent on Sunday. ‘Culture’, p. 2. 11 Siambani, E.V.K. (2008). Humphrey Jennings: Le poete du cinema britannique, L’Harmattan. Beattie, K. (2010). Humphrey Jennings, Manchester University Press. With reference to ideological issues and the conditions of production, for Beattie, the primary  Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment and Siambani are central to any understanding of Jennings’ documentary output. However, as Jackson’s list of Jennings’ accomplishments implies, little consideration has yet been given to the idea that his involvement with lm constitutes one facet of a much wider and more coherent body of artistic investigation; an investigation that encompasses more than those intellectual, ideological, social and political notions referred to by Beattie and oen with a lineage which stems into the nineteenth century and earlier. An objective of this study is to rescue Jennings’ reputation from the condition he referred to as the ‘sleep of selectivity’; in other words the failure of the imagination to make connections. is condition has resulted in his reputation being handicapped by the application of singular designations such as ‘painter’, ‘writer’, ‘surrealist’ or ‘documentary lm maker’. Rather, what is required is the recognition that his poetic imagination links all these activities together. Similarly, in relation to Jennings’ wartime and post-war output, there has been reference to but comparatively little systematic and detailed analysis of those institutional, bureaucratic and practical factors surrounding both the wider and more immediate context of production which oen shaped the nature of propaganda messages found within his lms. Such factors oen inuenced the quality of the nished lm and sometimes, particularly in relation to Fires Were Started and e Dim Little Island, impinged directly on the subsequent form of the narrative and the associated readings that become available. In particular stress is laid upon how Jennings used his artistic ideas and techniques for political and propaganda purposes and how his ideas and techniques manifest and articulate themselves within the formal structure and content of his lms. rough the application of a historical-biographical approach the overall aim of this book therefore is to revise the existing understanding of Jennings’ life, intellectual and artistic interests and lms by locating then tracing his life and professional lm career in a wider and more immediate historical context.

Part I: Art and Politics 1907–38

e years of Jennings’ life, 1907 to 1950, were some of the most troubled times in modern European history. e international and domestic concerns of Britain in the nineteenth century were overlain by distinctly twentieth-century focus of his discussion is the formal and aesthetic aspects of Jennings’ lms and their narrative structure. Reference is made to a selected number of lms that includes Spare Time, Words for Battle, Listen to Britain, Heart of Britain, Fires Were Started, Diary for Timothy and Family Portrait as well as less appreciated productions such as Post Haste, Locomotives, English Harvest, e Silent Village and e Dim Little Island. Foreword xi problems. From his birth until his premature death Jennings’ life was framed by a series of long-term national changes and more immediate political and economic crises and cultural debates which became manifest up to the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939. With reference to a variety of sources (such as letters and articles written by him, the reminiscences of friends as well as historical information relating to the shiing intellectual and cultural milieu over the period), the rst part of the book reects on the changing nature of that intellectual, social and cultural environment within which Jennings was active. It highlights a series of ideas, events and experiences which helped shape his intellectual preoccupations and artistic interests between his birth and his return to the General Post Oce (GPO) Film Unit in July 1938. Chapter 1 considers how, initially ltered through the ideas and activities of his parents and teachers, he gained a particular understanding of modern urban-industrial life, poetry and art. Later at university this understanding was inuenced by a combination of distinct but reciprocal theoretical English and continental ideas about artistic and poetic practice. Specically what became central to his worldview was the need for the artist/poet to ‘live the moment’ in order to catch the spirit of the times and then, through the application of artistic technique, communicate their ndings to the people in an accessible form. ese aims were intimately linked to forms of artistic and poetic technique which were then applied to articulate a particular critique about the impact, on past and contemporary society and culture, of an increasingly corporate, bureaucratic, industrially commercial market economy. Except for his work in the theatre and articles contributed to the university magazines Experiment and e Cambridge Review, his intellectual and artistic pursuits were at this time primarily for himself and he came to the conclusion that the appropriate medium for his own poetic expression was painting. Chapter 2 traces the shi in Jennings’ political disposition from his time as a student at Cambridge until his involvement with the International Surrealist Exhibition held in London in June 1936. During this time, between leaving the university for London in late 1933, gaining employment at the GPO Film Unit (1934–5), then in the expanding colour lm industry at Gaspacolor (1935–6), he found contemporary events increasingly melding with his concern over the direction of modern life and the role of the poet in society. He became involved in an array of personal and collective activities, which were increasingly infused with a growing political awareness. Arriving in London he made contact with past Cambridge associates and became part of a growing and vibrant artistic community swelled by artists eeing fascist persecution in Europe. So in this artistic milieu, interrelated with and running parallel to his lm work, he became involved in a series of collaborative artistic and poetic ventures which saw him xii Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment create ‘report style’ poems or statements built from a collage of contemporary and/or historical sources. Because of international events these would take on a signicant political dimension. Meanwhile Jennings found that his early involvement with lm at the GPO and then Gaspacolour drew on and incorporated those enduring concerns he had about artistic technique and the broader condition and direction of the modern world. Chapter 3 considers his initial induction and relatively brief involvement with the GPO Film Unit. Mention British documentary and the name most likely to come to mind is .12 Not only was Jennings to benet from the standard induction and approach to making documentary lms favoured by Grierson but initially, under the tutelage of the recently arrived , he was implicated in the rst experimental productions using the new GPO sound system. Chapter 3 considers Jennings’ involvement in these experiments and the ensuing debate between Grierson and Cavalcanti about documentary lm practice. is debate signied a fundamental dierence in approach which would later emerge and nd expression in criticisms of Jennings’ own lms by members of the documentary lm movement aer his return to the unit in 1938. Chapter 4 attempts to provide a better understanding of Jennings’ involvement with the advances in colour lm production during the second half of the 1930s. is allowed him to contribute to the technical and aesthetic debates surrounding the use of reliable and cost eective colour lm stock and the implications of its application in the wider feature lm industry. On a practical level his experiences enabled him when he eventually rejoined the GPO Film Unit in July 1938 to quickly assume the role of unit director. During this time he made a number of advertising and information lms which were at the forefront of colour lm development. In comparison to the striking colour animation of e Birth of the Robot (1936), the subject matter of the other lms appears ordinary. However, like those early lms made with Cavalcanti, beneath the surface of Birth of the Robot, English Harvest, Farewell Topsails and Making Fashion, can be detected references to an implied socio-economic critique that

12 In 1990 Ian Aitken provided a particularly revealing analysis of the philosophical, aesthetic and ideological inuences which shaped Grierson and his vision for the function of the documentary lm expressed through appropriate techniques of practice. In 1998 he acknowledged that a focus upon Grierson detracted from other important gures within the movement; identifying both Jennings and Alberto Cavalcanti as worthy of further assessment. Aitken, I. (1990). Film and Reform: John Grierson and the Documentary Film Moement, Routledge. Aitken, I., ed. (1998). e Documentary Film Moement: An Anthology, Edinburgh University Press. Foreword xiii seems to reect his other experiences outside the lm industry between 1936 and 1938. Aer the International Surrealist Exhibition in July 1936, the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War accentuated an already ominous international situation. e defence of the Spanish Republic against fascism mobilised many le-wing artists including Jennings. For Jennings and his friends the Government’s refusal to send aid to the beleaguered Spanish Government, while showing no apparent desire to constrain the actions of the British Union of Fascists, appeared disturbing. It became clear that art and politics had become so intertwined that choices had to be made and opposition to fascism at home and abroad demanded action as much as words. Chapter 5 considers Jennings’ activities aer the outbreak of the civil war until his return to the GPO Unit in July 1938. In 1936, inspired by Charles Madge’s experiences working in Fleet Street, he and Madge began to create a collective form of poetry based on individual ‘day reports’. is experiment was quickly subsumed in early 1937 within a more ambitious national project known as Mass Observation. Today the Mass Observation is best remembered as a form of popular social anthropology promoted by the other founding member of the movement, Tom Harrison. For Madge and Jennings the project included a political aim: to reunite the socially detached intellectual (poet/artist) with ordinary people and through a pooling of skills and knowledge learn from each other and transform society for the better. Aer the publication May 12 1937 Jennings’ vision lost impetus and he withdrew from direct participation. However it was through Mass Observation that in the summer of 1937 Jennings visited Bolton and the surrounding area of Lancashire. It was the rst time he had travelled to a centre of traditional northern industry and come into direct contact with the industrial working class. It was an experience which began his re-education and transformed his understanding of the social and political life of Britain. His previous interests were now not only infused by his new international and domestic political awareness, but also by an appreciation of a wider popular culture which had grown and adapted to a fundamental shi in human experience forged at the time of the rst industrial revolution. He began to read widely about the social and economic history of England and started to collect information from many sources for a book, Pandaemonium which, unpublished in his lifetime, was to illuminate the impact of this immense transition on the human imagination.13 Although Jennings’ participation in Mass Observation ceased in early 1938, he soon found other avenues through which to engage in a dialogue with the

13 Jennings, M.-L. and Madge, Charles, eds (1985). Humphrey Jennings Pandaemonium: e Coming of the Machine as Seen by Contemporary Observers, Picador. xiv Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment general public. Around the turn of the year he was contracted by the BBC to present a series of radio talks and discussions about poetry and its relevance in contemporary society broadcast between December 1937 and the end of June 1938. At the same time he began to collaborate with E.L.T. Mesens, the Belgian art dealer and surrealist, on the promotion and organisation of modern art exhibitions at the London Gallery. His involvement culminated in the organisation of a major exhibition ‘e Impact of Machines’ (July 1938) with a theme that synthesised those elements which had been part of his life since childhood; namely art, industrial life and the imagination.

Part II: e Documentary Film: Art, Politics and Propaganda 1938–50

By the time of his return to the GPO Unit in July, the same month as ‘e Impact of Machines’ exhibition, Jennings’ worldview in social and political terms had undergone considerable renement since his arrival in London in 1934. Now this, along with his distinctive intellectual and aesthetic considerations and poetic style, would begin to nd expression in his lms. Part II focuses in detail on each lm Jennings produced and directed between mid 1938 and 1950. ese lms were frequently inspired or shaped by wider events as well as the conditions of production and the fortunes of Jennings’ own lm career. e themes and content of his lms and his professional status within the lm industry mirror signicant phases during the pre-war, wartime and post-war eras. Drawing on a range of primary evidence, including personal letters, lm treatments and ocial correspondence from the wartime Film Division of the Ministry of Information, the conception and development of individual lms and the progress of Jennings’ lm career can be illuminated. When these sources are combined with secondary information from various academic studies of the GPO and Crown Film Units and correlated with histories recounting British wartime and post-war propaganda policy and general wartime or post- war events, the factors and processes which in turn inuenced the form and quality of Jennings’ completed lms, and the messages embodied within their narratives, can be better understood. Also included are examples of the critical responses to his lms at the time of their release. ese responses helped raise the professional status of Jennings within the documentary lm community but are oen in marked contrast to later academic assessments. When appropriate these later critical interpretations of his work are included. Together this evidence, combined with a detailed analysis of his lms, which is related to the political dimensions of his thought, provides a more critical and nuanced appreciation of Jennings’ lm career. Foreword xv

Chapter 6 discusses the four lms Jennings made before the outbreak of war in September 1939; Penny Journey, Speaking om America, Spare Time and SS Ionian. Of these it is Spare Time which has attracted most attention from lm and cultural historians.14 Apart from Penny Journey, each lm includes some reference to increased international tension and the growing prospect of war. e declaration of war provides a convenient historical moment to demarcate Jennings’ peacetime lms, from his much larger wartime output. e danger is that in emphasising this momentous watershed, the continuity of the themes and editorial style of Jennings’ lms which can be detected over the period 1939–41, is obscured. Both Spare Time and SS Ionian represent the beginning of a distinctive technique of cinematic representation which Jennings, later in collaboration with his editor Stewart McAllister, was to make his own. It was a ‘reportage’ style of documentary which drew on the technique of collage he had previously utilised in his report style poems. e subsequent wartime lms, Heart of Britain, Words for Battle and Listen to Britain, progress towards a remarkably high degree of sophistication. When discussing Jennings’ wartime lms the general descriptive phrase, the ‘Second World War’, lacks clarity. e home front experience was transformed as events unfolded through a series of wartime phases until nal victory in May 1945. During the six years of conict these experiences on the home front fed into existing pre-war debates and posed new questions about post-war domestic and international reconstruction. e military conict which began in 1939 was primarily a European event before becoming a truly global one at the end of 1941. e involvement of Russia in June 1941, then Japan and the United States in December changed the whole tenor of the war. From 1943 onwards an allied victory became increasingly certain. By 1945 Britain’s domestic situation and standing in the wider world had been considerably altered. What is captured in Jennings’ wartime lms, from the immediate threat of invasion, through the intense bombing raids to the long haul to triumph and a growing domestic debate over the nature of the post-war domestic and international world, is the shiing nature of these experiences and the concerns that were raised. erefore as a body of work the lms Jennings made between 1939 and 1945 articulate propaganda t for the moment. Simultaneously the narratives which he creates adumbrate a mythology surrounding a just war; a war involving deprivation and sacrice for all and which therefore warranted fair post-war rewards for all. Between the cessation of hostilities and Jennings’ accidental death in 1950 the

14 Spare Time, a cinematic record which captures aspects of industrial working class leisure during the inter-war years in South Wales and the industrial north, has been mistakenly regarded as a form of domestic social anthropology related to Mass Observation. See Beattie, K. (2010). Humphrey Jennings, Manchester University Press. p. 33. xvi Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment country had to address this new era. Similarly the lms produced and directed in the aermath of the conict deliberate on immediate and long-term issues surrounding European and domestic post-war reconstruction. His last lms turn to the future of a British nation faced with domestic challenges and a new polarised international order. As well as shis in the progress of the war and the challenges of the post-war era, his lms also reect changes in the fortunes of his lm career. What has not been fully appreciated is how much Jennings relied on collaboration with his production team and producer. e combination of a sympathetic producer and a consistent and supportive editor and team of creative technicians were a signicant inuence on the quality of his lms. ey provided the opportunities, material and editorial expertise which enabled him to create striking visual images and aural impressions which have led to the application of the term poetic realism to his work. His success as a director was reected in the critical response to his lms at the time of their release. As a result his professional status within the lm unit and lm community rose. is brought not only further creative opportunities but also increased ocial responsibilities. Apart from A Diary for Timothy (1945, but released in 1946) and Family Portrait (1950) his later wartime and post-war work has received less attention. is has been justied on the grounds that they exhibit a marked decline in quality and optimism because of his apparent loss of personal motivation. Particularly aer 1943 the tension between ocial demands and a desire for creative freedom contributed to a growing ambivalence in his attitude towards his professional position within the and help explain his decision to eventually leave the unit and move to Wessex Films in 1947. Whether or not this represented a decline in his motivation and vision is debatable. At Wessex he completed his last two lms the Dim Little Island (1949) and Family Portrait (1950) which together, it can be argued, reect in terms of lm making a return to technical form matched by a tempered realism about life. As mentioned earlier to fully appreciate the messages embodied within his lms it is necessary to be aware of the broader and more immediate conditions which contextualised the production of each lm. Without this the lms’ critiques and propaganda messages cannot be clearly delineated or understood. is is particularly relevant to the production, during the early part of the war, of Spring Oensive, Welfare of the Workers, Heart of Britain and Listen to Britain. It must also be remembered that the gestation, development and production of a lm oen overlapped with other considerations and priorities. is could easily inuence when a lm was ready for release, which in turn meant that the wartime situation under which they were originally conceived, developed and produced, had changed and the general remit governing home front propaganda Foreword xvii had shied. If each lm is considered in terms of the historical moment of production rather than the specic date of release, what becomes clear is that these lms made between 1939 and 1950 record the evolution of home front preoccupations and the specic needs of Government propaganda. Following the historical sequence of production the following chapters are allocated to phases that relate to the progress of the war and then immediate post-war concerns. Chapter 7 covers the period from just before the declaration of war on 3 September through the aerial ‘Battle of Britain’ to the beginning of the intensive German bombing campaign known as the Blitz. During this period Jennings was involved with a number of collaborative projects as well as his own lms. With very little evidence of persistent and heavy bombing raids on the home front it was a time of tense preparation. Before analysing the two lms he directed, Spring Oensive and Welfare of the Workers, consideration is given to the short uncredited lm A Midsummer Days Work. Over the weeks following the declaration of war, the unit collaborated to record the response and preparation of Londoners to the threat of bombing raids on the capital. Comment on the rst wartime propaganda lm e First Days will focus, not only on Jennings’ contribution, but on the inection given to events. e criticisms it received from the wider documentary lm community provide a portent of what the unit and Jennings’ lms would face in the future. In his own production, Spring Oensive, Jennings applies aspects of the ‘drama’ documentary promoted by Cavalcanti. He also introduces through the main character on which the story pivots, what would become a reoccurring motif in many of his future lms: seemingly ordinary but in fact exceptional individuals who contribute to the success of the war eort. ere follows a discussion of Welfare of the Workers with consideration given to the circumstances of its production and subject matter which may account for Jennings’ failure to create a satisfactory lm. Jennings’ lms which correspond to this next phase of the war are discussed in the following three chapters. Chapters 8, 9 and 10 respectively focus on e Heart of Britain, Words for Battle and Listen to Britain. All three were produced with a relatively unchanged production team: Chick Fowle (photography), Ken Cameron (sound), Stewart McAllister (editor) and Joe Mendoza (assistant with music). Together they cover the period between 1940 and the Blitz, the German invasion of Russia in June 1941, the Japanese attack on the United States in December 1941 and the ensuing declaration of war by Germany which turned the war into a truly global conict between the allied ‘United Nations’ and the Axis powers. e Heart of Britain, Words for Battle and Listen to Britain reect not only changes in the propaganda remit at the time but also articulate three distinct yet simultaneous messages. ese are: the idea and promotion xviii Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment of national unity, the need for civil and military aid from the United States, and nally a call to the British civilian army and people to recognise that the experiences of war have unleashed a new strength and condence with the potential to transform future social and political relations. To achieve the poetic expression and vision Jennings wanted, Heart of Britain, Words for Battle and Listen to Britain increasingly draw their emotional power, not from strident exhortation, but from increasingly rened use of cinematic technique. is culminated in Listen to Britain which is based throughout on the formal reversal of the standard documentary relationship between image and sound. e main focus of Chapter 8, ‘e Blitz’ September 1940–January 1941, is the impact of the bombing and his collaboration with McAllister. Reference is made to managerial changes within the unit which were to be highly signicant for Jennings and his lm career. e lm unit’s collaborative production at the start of the Blitz of London Can Take It! is referred to but attention centres on the production then editing of the lm which was eventually released as e Heart of Britain. Its production and the impact on the outcome of the lm of the dramatic raid on Coventry are described. In this lm Jennings’ poetic vision, given impetus through the narrative drive of the lm, markedly improves the overall impact of the propaganda message. Consideration is given to the inuence of McAllister whose skill in the combining of music and image in certain set sequences of the lm, provides an exemplar of editing technique which was to be extended in the following two lms. Aer the completion of Heart of Britain the country experienced a short lull in the intensive bombing raids until May 1941. Britain, in this uncertain period of desperate defence metaphorically ‘stood alone’. Chapter 9 considers Words for Battle. e lm is an appeal both to the British people to sustain their eorts and to the United States to join the conict. As the title implies this was an opportunity for Jennings to show the public the relevance of poetry to the contemporary situation. Analysis of the narrative structure will reveal how, through a collage of texts, two forms of expression – words and lm – are married into a sophisticated montage of sound and image to build a multi-layered propaganda message. Again the inuence of the partnership with McAllister is explored. Chapter 10 focuses on one of the most celebrated of his lms, Listen to Britain. Initially conceived in the period of British ‘isolation’, the lm implicitly recognises the extension of the conict and the forging of an ‘unholy’ alliance between the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States. is chapter traces the fragmented nature of its production then analyses the editing. e collaboration that had started with Heart of Britain now comes to fruition as Jennings and McAllister both share credit for direction and editing. Foreword xix

Subsequent chapters are contextualised within the beginning of the allied build up for counter-attack. e war on the home front was quieter and the volunteer civilian army was giving way to a conscripted workforce and increased regulation. A shi in the fortunes of war on the home front was not reected in the balance of the overall global conict. e necessity to maintain national morale was critical in order to improve and maintain high levels of war production to sustain what would be a long allied oensive. Changes on the home front atmosphere and organisation were mirrored in the relocation of Crown to Pinewood Studios and changes to Jennings’ professional position in the Crown Film Unit. Over this period Jennings made another two lms in collaboration with Stewart McAllister. Fires Were Started and e Silent Village provided the opportunity to move from contemporary reportage to the production of documentary dramas about the recent past. Although radically dierent in subject matter these lms oer two representations which would supplement the formation of myths about the war. Chapter 11 considers the circumstances surrounding Jennings’ career and the production of Fires Were Started. is lm was to seal Jennings’ reputation as a major documentary lm maker. Yet at the same time his experiences while making the lm mixed pleasure with frustration and anger with unease. He was worried that ocial interference would aect the integrity of his next lm and this created concerns about his professional situation. Sandwiched between Listen to Britain, Fires Were Started and the later Diary for Timothy, e Silent Village has received little detailed consideration.15 Yet in terms of his intellectual and artistic aims he probably ranked e Silent Village as his greatest achievement. Chapter 12 maps out a remarkable production which further enhanced his standing as a lm director. e story features a Welsh working class community of coalminers and their families who portray the ‘reconstruction’ of the Nazi massacre of a similar Czech mining village of Lidice. It was a radical departure in documentary lm production which relied on a level of popular participation never before undertaken with any documentary lm. At this critical time in the allied oensive the production and release of the lm was framed by an ongoing dispute between the miners and Government over declining levels of coal production and the long-term political question of national rather than private ownership. e thorny issue of class politics at a time of national ‘unity’ had the potential to colour the narrative. Jennings negotiated this issue in an imaginative approach to the depiction of the Nazi atrocity. His next two lms e True Story of Lili Marlene and A Diary for Timothy also reiterate recent historical events and continue to add to the post-war image

15 Beattie does include the lm in his book. Ibid. pp. 92–9. xx Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment of the war. ese lms also mark a further transition both in his career and the treatment of the subject matter. Chapter 13 outlines how, aer the success of his previous two lms, his professional life at the unit became increasingly problematic. Additional responsibilities and the absence of Stewart McAllister coincided with an overhaul of the management structure and the departure of which had implications for the general morale of the Crown Film Unit. e lm he directed at this time, e True Story of Lili Marlene, reects the surrounding diculties. As a result Jennings looked for work in the commercial sector. A brief contract of employment with ‘Two Cities Films’ was unfortunately unsuccessful and on his return he found himself both lming and acting as associate producer on a routine but collaborative lm project about the V1 rocket threat. With its mixture of lmed material, including lm shot by Jennings himself, e Eighty Days carries forward in its closing sentiments the fact that the war, although progressing slowly, was being won. In addition what was important for Jennings was that during his period of absence from Crown and the production and lming of e Eighty Days, there occurred a benecial change in the atmosphere of the unit. He had also formulated a rather abstract idea for his next lm which would build on the closing words of the commentary of e True Story of Lili Marlene and e Eighty Days. Chapter 14 covers Jennings’ response to the nal phases of the war in Europe. Cinematically A Diary for Timothy signies a return to his personal style of reportage documentary. He was able to make the lm under conditions which were similar to those when Dalrymple had been in charge. e lm simultaneously addresses the past, present and future through the device of a ‘diary’ which recounts, for a newborn child ‘Timothy’, the last months of the conict. Again the lm relies on the sophisticated interrelation of sound and image, this time achieved without the presence of McAllister. In the past critics have praised the lm while focusing on what they see as its sombre, perhaps at times pessimistic, tone. Compared to his other great wartime work it is argued that A Diary for Timothy provides evidence that with the drama of the war passing, Jennings was also losing a sense of direction. It is an understanding of the lm which will be contested. e lack of direction detected in A Diary for Timothy, along with a general decline in the quality of his lm output, has been seen to continue with his post- war productions. Chapter 15 considers the last two lms Jennings made for Crown in the immediate aermath of the war. A change in the management of the Films Division, a deterioration in working conditions and a loss of direction within the post-war documentary movement in general, colour this time. Both lms are concerned with problems about post-war reconstruction. For the historian these lms provide examples of didactic government propaganda in Foreword xxi response to international responsibilities and the domestic economic situation. ey lack the ingenuity and uidity of previous productions. Made primarily to educate, they still include some imaginative elements and a sense of purpose. Not long aer victory in Europe, Jennings was sent to Germany to lm the situation facing the British Military Government in their occupied sector of the country. In the face of anti-German sentiment at home, the aim of is to justify the cost of maintaining a military and civilian presence in the country while British people faced a major economic crisis and stringent rationing. e underlying themes of the lm, which voice the arguments made for the continued British presence, are explored. e second lm, about the revitalising of a rundown coaleld, provides a theme through which to articulate immediate domestic government concerns over the direction of post-war reconstruction. As a propaganda lm e Cumberland Story illustrates the political, economic and social arguments for the nationalisation of the coal industry by the post-war new Labour Government. Jennings encapsulates in this lm both his and the Labour Government’s vision of a new post-war industrial and political settlement. It was clear by the end of the war that in domestic and international terms Britain was at a crossroads. As with the First World War, it turned out to be merely the prelude to the latest realignment in a continuing international struggle. Fascism had now been discredited and seemingly eradicated from Europe. In its place came the ideological Cold War between East and West led by the new superpowers of the United States and Soviet Russia. While Western Europe began the process of economic and political reconstruction Britain also faced a new era with its uncertain economic conditions and its international status in relative decline. At the end of 1946 Jennings le Crown for Wessex Films. Here, once more working for Ian Dalrymple, he was given the creative freedom to pursue ideas. Chapter 16 considers the two productions he directed for the company; e Dim Little Island and Family Portrait. Both elaborate themes introduced in A Diary for Timothy and address Britain’s post-war future. Made to contest the ‘cult of gloom’ during the late 1940s, the morale-boosting e Dim Little Island addresses the illusion of national domestic decline as against the evident and future potential to be found in British industry (shipbuilding), culture (music) and the countryside (natural heritage). is vision is extended with Family Portrait to encompass the future role of Britain on the international scene. Made for the Festival of Britain in 1951, Family Portrait is a celebration of the unique history and character of the British people. Once more working with Stewart McAllister, he created another complex and subtly edited lm which oers a positive patriotic image balanced by domestic and international concerns. Both lms recognise that Britain as a nation must adapt to the new xxii Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment national post-war conditions and international order. Together they provide a synthesis of Jennings’ thoughts about the formation of the British nation by pointing out that, if the British people grasp this moment, their distinctive qualities have the potential to recongure their position and inuence this new post-war world. Finally the postscript ‘Berlin’s Hedgehog’ includes reference to his ill- fated trip to Greece and provides a summary of the key points set out in the preceding chapters. It takes note of the coincidental nature of Jennings’ life as well as the other factors which helped to shape his lms and raise his reputation to that of possibly Britain’s greatest documentary lm maker. Acknowledgements

A number of people volunteered information during my research for which I am very grateful. In particular David Jones at Perse School, Cambridge; Mrs R. McDermott and Mr Philip Kett, residents of Southwold; Colin Moat and Brenda J. Grodzicki. I would also like to thank the BECTU History project for allowing access to their sound recordings archive held at the British Film Institute. Also the British Academy which provided nancial support during my research into the production of Jennings’ lms Fires Were Started and e Silent Village and the sta associated with Ashgate for their help during publication. I would also like to thank Sue Hughes for comments on the text and in particular my partner Wendy for her support over the years of research and writing. Her willingness to read and comment on the numerous versions of each chapter are greatly appreciated. is page has been le blank intentionally PART I Art and Politics: 1907–38 is page has been le blank intentionally Chapter 1 An Education for Life: 1907–33

Study of a period is valuable as a process of initiation into an author’s secrets.

In 1944 Allen Hutt (writing under the pen-name George Pitman) remarked: ‘Jennings was arguing with me about the basic problem, that in his view, the lm director (i.e., he himself ) has to solve. “It’s the whole question,” he said, somewhat cryptically, “of imagination in an industrial society”’. A close examination of Jennings’ past reveals that from the moment he was born, his future artistic and intellectual preoccupations would be shaped by this very ‘question’ ‘of imagination in an industrial society’. In 1907 when Jennings was born Britain was moving towards a more mature and integrated urban- industrial economy and away from local and regional forms of existence. A rise in auence and the move towards a more mobile society encouraged an unprecedented increase in the tempo of life. A life increasingly characterised by the mass production and consumption of commercially produced products and services. Also new forms of popular entertainment and fashion, oen American in origin, gradually supplanted local and regional forms of cultural activity. ese processes were also accompanied by political change. For the governing classes, the exercise of political power became increasingly dependent on a newly enfranchised, yet potentially volatile, increasingly urban-based mass electorate. A new class-based politics had the potential to emphasise social division, rather than the traditional ‘unity’ of ‘organic’ pre-modern community relations. In response more progressive politicians promoted the view that what was required was a new social-democratic politics, based on earlier collectivist ideas which advocated state intervention or management of social and economic change.

 Jennings, H. (1928). King Arthur. e Cambridge Review 49(1206): 233–4. p. 234.  Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13.  See Harris, Jose. (1994) Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914, Penguin Books and Hynes, S. (1991). e Edwardian Turn of Mind, Pimlico.  Foot, P. (2005). e Vote: How it Was Won and How it Was Undermined, Viking.  Harris, Jose. (1994). Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914, Penguin. pp. 253–4. Stevenson, J. (1984). British Society 1914–1945, Pelican. Hynes, S. (1991). e Edwardian Turn of Mind, Pimlico.  Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Home Life

Such trends caused Jennings’ parents to have concerns about the character, quality and direction of modern life. eir decision to live in the coastal village of Walberswick in a relatively remote part of rural Suolk and to send him at the age of eight as a boarder to Perse School, Cambridge reected the strong beliefs of a couple who were determined to put them into practice. eir choice to move there reected not only their desire to live in areas of the country untouched by the more corrosive eects of modern life, but also to reconnect to the communal spirit of an earlier age. In his quest for authenticity, Jennings’ father dedicated his life to reclaiming and painstakingly reconstructing Tudor buildings, including the family house in the village, as close to the original design as possible and untainted by any modern conveniences, such as indoor plumbing and electricity. It was his mother, a talented painter, who secured the family nances by running a small business in the village. ‘e Walberswick Peasant Pottery Company’ initially sold handmade pottery imported from Eastern Europe and France. e family undertook ‘extensive travels abroad in search of specimens [and] when the import of pots was succeeded by their manufacture here, [Jennings] helped in the work and thus took a paint brush in hand for serious purposes’. His mother’s workshop and his father’s architectural projects gave physical expression to a set of ideas which were alternative to the dominant social and industrial politics of the modern world. e products of their crawork were simultaneously forms of artistic and spiritual expression. Functional objects implicitly made contemporary statements about the nature of contemporary life: ‘a pot could be lled with political and ethical import but barely touched with fashionableness’. e beliefs, activities and rural environment, which implicitly oered a mix of values and remedies for the problems of the day, created a distinct context for Jennings’ early life. On returning home from Perse for the holidays, to this relatively quiet rural backwater, Jennings was allowed to explore the area unsupervised. e local landscape, ancient monuments and buildings such as Blythburgh Church and the windmill, the elderly characters and village religious celebrations, like the harvest festival, embodied the values his parents

 Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 17.  Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13.  Tillyard, S.K. (1988). e Impact of Modernism: e Visual Arts in Edwardian England, Routledge. p. 10.  Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 25. An Education for Life: 1907–33  wished to promote. rough crawork and communal leisure activities, they attempted to recapture a more authentic and harmonious existence, which united the physical and emotional with the spiritual and the intellectual aspects of life.10 In his home, ‘literature was wedded to art’ and infused with an aesthetic that emphasised the sensate relationship between the human mind and the material world which in their household were connected through the processes and techniques associated with cra labour.11 His parents subscribed to the prophetically entitled magazine e New Age: A Weekly Review of Politics, Literature and Art edited by A.R. Orage.12 Between 1906 and 1922, this weekly journal attempted to oer a rationale for a way of living that, in the words of Jennings’ headmaster at Perse, W.H.D. Rouse, could ‘assert the value of human life against the deadening eects of industrialisation and urbanisation, bureaucracy and the machine’.13 e magazine provided a forum for writers and intellectuals to discuss contemporary national and international political and social aairs, as well as recent developments within philosophy and the arts. rough the magazine’s pages Orage promoted, in articles by A.J. Penty, the principles of the Arts and Cras Movement and Guild Socialism which oered an alternative political and economic vision to mass production and the centralised state.14

Perse Public School: 1916–26

It was in a similar vein that Orage promoted the innovative educational practice of the English master Henry Caldwell Cook, at Perse School, Cambridge. It was an exploratory and contingent style of learning, which mirrored the freedom and practical involvement Jennings enjoyed at home. He arrived at Perse in 1916, at the end of a period when the school had attracted signicant national attention for its progressive system of child-centred learning. Rouse had become

10 Ibid. Ch. 1. Richard Stott and Derrick Allen residents of the Walberswick area commented that ‘ese new people looked upon the indigenous population [of Walberswick] as fellow human beings. Consequently they drank together in the pubs, attended functions … and most of them went to Church’. 11 Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13. See Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Ch. 1. 12 Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. pp. 28–9. 13 Stray, C. (1992). e Living Word: W.H.D. Rouse and the Crisis of Classics in Edwardian England, Bristol Classical Press. p. 37. 14 Martin, W. (1967). e New Age under Orage: Chapters in English Cultural History, Manchester University Press. pp. 208–10.  Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment disillusioned by his experience of teaching the classics through traditional methods of rote learning and drilling:

e 19th century, which is the age of machines, is also the age of books … It is more than 40 years since Mr Forster’s Act organised elementary education … what that act did was, to gather the children together … and drill them in book knowledge … Have we not heard the meaningless drone of recited poetry, and seen the rows of children, sti as so many wooden dolls, learning every day how to talk in a Cockney twang in place of their native dialect? e future of England depends on what we make of these masses of troubled children … is means a complete new-modelling of our system.15

Whereas Jennings’ parents engaged with the processes and values of pre- industrial handicra production, a particular concern for Rouse was to ensure that his pupils would be able to use their leisure time wisely and intelligently. Cook held a similar view: ‘Education nowadays is study or at best training … Study, simply of itself is a means only; and training, as training, has always some distant end or other’.16 He vehemently opposed the suggestion that public schools should focus upon developing ‘public-spirited, wage-earning citizens … pupils [t] for practical life’:

[I]t is not the business of either primary or secondary schools to train boys for specic callings … Such work … is the province of ‘commercial colleges,’ the which may God help when man shall realise them … I appeal to the teachers of English, you who have the poets of the past ages at your back and the poets of the present at your feet, not to waver for any fear of your own tness, from striving earnestly and ever in pursuit of that one ideal which assures us all that education is the fostering of a soul.17

For Cook, when the creative pleasure of engaging in physical and mental work, what he referred to as ‘Play’, is lost the individual also loses their true value as a complete human being. Rouse was keen to inculcate an appreciation of the imaginative vitality of that lost pre-industrial life, the common cultural heritage of Western civilisation and the value of poetry. For both men education would focus upon the humanities and arts:

15 Rouse quoted in Stray, C. (1992). e Living Word: W.H.D. Rouse and the Crisis of Classics in Edwardian England, Bristol Classical Press. p. 40. 16 Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Towards the Play Way 2. e New Age 14(17): 536–7. 17 Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Letter: Mr. A.C. Benson and Education. e New Age 14: 285. An Education for Life: 1907–33 

ere is no doubt in my mind that the preponderance of weight in school should be given to the imagination and the mind, that is, to literary subjects, story and poetry and drama, music and singing, gracious utterances of speech, graceful walk and gesture and dance, study of beautiful pictures, buildings, carvings and so forth; balanced by studies of measurement and number, and the use of tools, not machine driven by outside power.18

Pupils would emerge with their critical faculties rened to appreciate the physical and spiritual dimensions of life: ‘My ambition was that this system might produce a new type of public-schoolboy, one who would take delight in his intellectual work and his physical games alike, with equal gusto: not an expert specialist, but an all-round competent’.19 Rouse and Cook wanted to encourage pupils to regard art and poetry as relevant to their lives. e spirit of the Classics, the English Poets and Shakespeare permeated the intellectual air and crept into every subject, except for mathematics and science. ose who had a feeling for English, French and history were particularly cultivated.20 Pupils learned how the artist and poet had originally been the guardians of the human soul, and how, through their imaginative creations, they explained, gave order to and commented upon the nature and condition of life. Like the Guild Socialist, Arthur Penty, Cook saw himself (as Jennings would eventually see himself ) as engaged in a struggle to make poetry more valued and relevant to contemporary society and return it to the place it had once held before commercialism and the market held sway:

e problem, of course, is not to secure ‘pictures for the people’ or ‘music for the million,’ but in the words of Mr Penty, ‘How to reconstruct society so that the artist will once more become organic with it, instead of being parasitic upon it, as he is today. How to reconstruct or unify the technical tradition of art, or language of design, so that a medium of expression understood by all shall be common property of the artist and the public. And how to regain for society such beliefs and traditions as provide the subject matter for the higher forms of art’.21

For Rouse and Cook, this demanded new styles of teaching which could form the basis for remodelling the education system. Like the cra workers and their material the teacher should respect the potential of children and allow

18 Rouse quoted in Mitchell, S.J.D. (1976). Perse: A History of the Perse School. 1615– 1976, Oleander Press. p. 144. 19 Ibid. p. 144. 20 Hughes, S. (1946). Opening Bars, Pilot Press. p. 70. 21 Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). e Revival of the Arts. e New Age 14: 622–4.  Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment them to express their inner qualities. Rouse’s ‘Direct Method’ of teaching Greek and Latin and Cook’s ‘Play Way’ system were, they argued, both morally superior and more ecient than the existing forms of teaching practice.22 Attacked as outmoded for a modern society, Rouse reworked the content of the Classics through a novel technique of learning, not based upon books, but a combination of action and the spoken word: ‘As a pupil got up from a seat, walked away from it, returned to it and sat down, he uttered and pragmatically learnt, the words surgo, ambulo, revenio, sedeo. Second and third persons were learnt in similar fashion’.23 Cook believed that a child does not think or act in an ordered or systematic way, but imaginatively. His ‘Play Way’ system operated through a ‘child like’ approach where learning was to be an immediate and living experience of spontaneous engagement, imagination and intuition, rather than the following of some rigid predetermined schema which was likely to produce a ‘troubled child’ with a dull and resentful mind. Instead work, by its very nature, should be intellectually and spiritually rewarding: ‘fall straight away upon the actual work and you will nd out what you are doing as you go along; more and more you feel what you ought to do, and now and then if you are lucky you manage to do it … the fullness of inspiration that comes only in the hour of doing’.24 It was in the school theatre, ‘e Mummery’, that Jennings probably felt most at ease. Here pupils would produce and present plays. It was ‘a place where [Jennings] learned about drama, poetry, literature and design through direct doing – writing, acting, painting and building, dancing and declaiming’.25 Jennings absorbed the idea that the poet or artist needs to use technique as a way of communicating with and creating a response within the audience. He developed a particular interest in theatrical costume and scenic design, particularly the ‘plagiaristic’ styles created at that time by Gordan Craig and Lovat Fraser which combined traditional elements with contemporary ideas. Fraser used masks from Greek drama, the pageants and masques of Elizabethan theatre, seventeenth- century music and costume design with traditional and contemporary English folk art, to create a highly stylised and symbolic form of theatre. Craig achieved

22 Cook outlined his philosophy and the progressive techniques he used at Perse School in a series of articles published in e New Age. 19 February–23 April 1914, 14: 16–25. 23 Stray, C. (1992). e Living Word: W.H.D. Rouse and the Crisis of Classics in Edwardian England, Bristol Classical Press. p. 20. 24 Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). e Revival of the Arts. e New Age 14: 622–4. 25 Hodgkinson, A. and Sheratsky, Rodney (1982). Humphrey Jennings More an a Maker of Films, Hanover. p. 5. An Education for Life: 1907–33  a similar aesthetic with a celebration of English folk heritage by promoting the belief that theatre was ‘art’ rather than the mere mimesis of life.26 From both his parents and school Jennings encountered a blend of culture, artistic practice and political perspective that resisted the increasingly dominant features of modern life. Rouse believed that the subject matter of the Classics was as relevant as when rst written:

To study these men is to learn self-knowledge, and to tremble at it … Aristophanes … [with] his Parliament of Women came 2300 years before the suragettes; his pictures of the new democracy and utilitarian education might almost have been made today; in his City in the Clouds the humbugs of our civilisation reappear.27

Likewise Cook detested the ‘money maker’ of modern commerce and industry who through inuence and fraudulent practice ‘steals our brains and the work of our hands to ll his pockets’:28

e point I wish to make is this: Amusement and cupidity oen masquerade as interest. Of these, cupidity is easily unmasked, and shall be le for the present with a mere list of some of its most transparent disguises: Imperialism, as the assumed interest of British capitalists; Patriotism, as of mine-owners and Government contractors in the Boer War: Noblese Oblige, as of Lord Willoughby de Broke in his military service scheme; Literary culture, as of most publishers; Town- planning, as of soap-boilers and cocoa manufacturers; Public Benet, as of bootmakers.29

e question of resistance to the corrupted nature of modern life made its presence felt in the Perse Senior Debating Society. In February 1924, Jennings spoke against the motion ‘at in the opinion of this House there should be a more ecient censoring of the Press, the Stage and Literature’.30 While in early June, he seconded the motion ‘at in the opinion of this House, modern civilization is incompatible with the existence of the Fine arts’:

26 Innes, C. (1983). Edward Gordon Craig, Cambridge University Press. p. 69. 27 Rouse, W.H.D. (1912). Machines or Mind: An Introduction to the Loeb Classical Library, Heinemann. p. 6. 28 Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Two False Friends. e New Age 14: 590–91. 29 Ibid. 30 e Pelican. April 1924. p. 12. 10 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

In subsequent debates, he spoke for the motion ‘at this House would approve of a bill, prohibiting the display of advertisements and hoardings’; opposed the motion ‘at this House would approve of the introduction of prohibition into this country’; and proposed ‘at this House welcomes the return to power of a Conservative Government’. In 1925, he went on to propose ‘at in the opinion of this House, that abolition of slavery is the abolition of Civilisation’ … and to support the motions ‘at … the evil outweighs the good eorts of wireless’ … and ‘at … Trades Unionism is a public menace’.31

Here modern forms of technology and commercialism (the spread of radio and mass advertising), industrial conict (the post-war militancy of mass Trades Unionism), the repressive power of government (to censor freedom of speech and artistic expression) and electoral instability (the advent of three governments in as many years), plus the scandal in national politics surrounding the sale of honours, all pointed towards an increasingly corrupt and authoritarian society. Idealistically, perhaps a return to a pre-modern social world based upon ancient Greece and Rome would help society avoid collapse. Although progressive in pedagogy, the school maintained the traditional institutional character of the public school. Alongside the freedom of expression in the classroom ran the more formal and authoritarian aspects of the boarding school such as a school house and prefect system, basic military training, corporal punishment, compulsory sports, prep time and the rules and regulation governing uniform and appearance. ese aspect of school life collided with the instinctive feelings for liberty and personal freedom of expression, encouraged within his family. Jennings’ distaste for the authoritarian side of school life and the abuses by those who could wield power over him was immediate: ‘I came to school at 8½ & hated it. I couldn’t make friends & was bullied & hated boxing which was compulsory: the agonies I went through trying to avoid certain boys & pretending not to be seen when they passed!’32 His antipathy to what he saw as petty rules may have caused him to be dismissed from the school-run Ocer Training Corps and Scouts. e arbitrary and oen violent punishment dished out by prefects is captured in his poems A Lament: at Rules were Ever Made- And an Answer, e Tie-Pin: A Scholastic Tragedy and Scholastic Stoicism: A Ballade and Walberswick.33

31 Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 42. 32 uoted in ibid. p. 37. 33 See Jennings, H. (1923). e Tie-Pin: A Scholastic Tragedy. e Player 11(1): 11– 13 and 17 and Jennings, H. (1924). Scholastic Stoicism. e Player 3(1): 4–5. Jennings, H. (1924). Walberswick. e Pelican. p. 43. An Education for Life: 1907–33 11

Cambridge University: 1926–33

By the time he le Perse Jennings had become an exemplar of that ‘all round competent’ pupil Rouse wished to propagate.34 Arriving at Cambridge University to read English literature in October 1926, Leonard Amey remembered him as ‘an avowed romantic with a classical education’ who ‘deplored the whole mechanization of modern life’ and ‘on both counts … found “progressive” farming abhorrent’. On Easter morning 1927 he ‘outlined to me his ideas for a countryside masque. e climax was to be the rout of a chorus of Marvellian mowers by the devil riding on a reaping machine’.35 He was part of the rst cohort of students to benet from a revised and newly formalised English degree, which drew students from across the humanities and sciences. Basil Willey recalled this time as ‘the golden heroic age of Cambridge English’,36 as the innovative work of I.A. Richards challenged the boundaries of accepted analysis and opinion in the study of poetry and literature.37 With its international standing, the university and town of Cambridge developed a reputation for innovative intellectual and artistic activity. Tutors with whom Jennings came into contact such as Maynard Keynes, Manseld Forbes, Dennis Arundell and George Rylands, had a signicant inuence on the cultural atmosphere of university life. ey stimulated a vigorous and diverse cultural climate which drew internationally acclaimed artists and intellectuals into an academic and cultural environment, already rich with indigenous talent.38 During his time at the university, Jennings became a member of a highly talented student group, including William Empson, , and Charles Madge as well the future documentary lm makers Gerald Noxon, Stuart Legg, Arthur Elton and . He acted in plays and revues, designed sets and costumes and did serious research for a number of prestigious modern seventeenth-century theatrical productions.39

34 Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Ch. 1 particularly pp. 37–44. 35 Hodgkinson, A. and Sheratsky, Rodney (1982). Humphrey Jennings More an a Maker of Films, Hanover. p. 6. Amey, L. (1971). Farming and Ecology. e Times. p. 12. 36 Willey, B. (1968). Cambridge and Other Memories, Chatto and Windus. p. 23. 37 See Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Ch. 2 and Willey, B. (1968). Cambridge and Other Memories, Chatto and Windus. p. 23. Mulhern, F. (1979). e Moment of Scrutiny, New Le Books. 38 Skidelsky, R. (1994). John Maynard Keynes: e Economist as Saviour 1920–1937, Macmillan. p. 17. Hyman, R., ed. (1977). My Cambridge, Robson. Howarth, T.E.B. (1978). Cambridge Between Two Wars, Collins. 39 Hodgkinson, A. and Sheratsky, Rodney (1982). Humphrey Jennings More an a Maker of Films, Hanover. pp. 7–9 and Appendix B ‘Some of Jennings’ eatrical Activities’ p. 175. Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Chs 2 and 3. 12 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Anti-German sentiment during the First World War had led to an alteration in the character of English studies, from the traditional emphasis on Germanic philology, to a broader analysis of literature and poetry. Drawn from outside the traditional eld of English analysis, tutors such as Manseld Forbes, C.K. Ogden, I.A. Richards and E.M.W. Tillyard, encouraged a more inclusive model of cultural analysis through the multidisciplinary method which borrowed from a range of academic disciplines including history, behavioural psychology, anthropology, Eastern and Western moral philosophy and aesthetics. ‘e Tripos’, Basil Willey asserted, ‘has always been the English Tripos, not the English Literature Tripos and Literature has always been linked in the rubrics with Life and ought’.40 It was an approach which reinforced and deepened Jennings’ previous literary and theatrical studies. Texts were not evaluated in isolation, but as social and cultural artefacts which expressed the evolving relationship between history, culture and society.41

e Inuence of T.E. Hulme, T.S. Eliot and I.A. Richards

A signicant inuence on this re-orientation came from the writings of T.E. Hulme. Drawing on the work of the French philosopher Henri Bergson, Hulme argued that poetic expression should be understood as part of a general worldview or Weltanschauung: an ‘expression of an attitude towards the world’ which adapts and changes to make sense of life as conditions change.42 Hulme believed that changes in the character of late nineteenth and early twentieth- century life heralded the emergence of a new Weltanschauung. New techniques in painting, such as Post-Impressionism, Futurism and Cubism, had begun to breach the boundaries of generally accepted forms of expression. For Hulme, here was the evidence that artists had begun to apply new techniques and forms of poetic language, in a creative struggle to communicate a new vision

40 Basil Willey quoted in Beston, M. (1996). A Reconsideration of Humphrey Jennings, 1907–1950, Essex. M.Phil. p. 12. 41 Mulhern, F. (1979). e Moment of Scrutiny, New Le Books. pp. 21–2. Carey, H. (1964). Manseld Forbes and His Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p. 137. Carey, H. (1964). Manseld Forbes and His Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p. 3. McCallum, P.M. (1978). e Cultural eory of I.A. Richards, T.S. Eliot and F.R. Leavis, 1922–48: A Critique of Some Aspects of their Methodology and Assumptions, . Unpublished Ph.D. 42 Bergson’s eory of Art, in Hulme, T.E. (1924). Speculations: Essays on Humanism and the Philosophy of Art, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. p. 14. An Education for Life: 1907–33 13 which questioned existing notions of time, space and identity.43 ese new forms of expression, which would eventually be attributed to the cultural movement known as modernism, caused controversy because they were beyond the understanding of the general public and ‘Art’ establishment.44 He saw the language of contemporary poetry however failing to communicate, as he put it, ‘the individuality and freshness of things’.45 In response, he attempted to develop a new poetic style, known as ‘Imagism’; a technique in which a poetic image ‘presents an intellectual and emotional complex in an instant of time’ and in doing so invokes within the reader a ‘sudden sense of liberation … which we experience in the presence of the greatest works of art’.46 is technique would inuence the rst generation of modern poets and writers including James Joyce, Virginia Woolf and T.S. Eliot. Although Hulme was killed in action in 1917 his essays, lecture notes and fragments of other material were collated and published as Speculations: Essays on Humanism and the Philosophy of Art (1924).47 In the introduction commented: ‘[Hulme] knew very certainly that we were at the end of a way of thought that had prevailed for four hundred years; in this and in his premonition of a more absolute philosophy of life, he had advanced the ideals of a new generation’.48 In the same year of his death T.S. Eliot began his re- assessment of the existing canon of English poetry. Like Hulme, Eliot focused on the psychological disposition of the poet with an accent on poetic technique. His belief in ‘impersonality’ and the need to comment objectively and dispassionately on the nature of the contemporary human condition, mirrored Richards’ demand that students undertake a ‘close reading’ of texts and that criticism should be ‘scientic’ in the sense of a dispassionate, disciplined and precise technical analysis of the poem. rough a series of publications, Eliot and Richards reshaped the nature of the literary canon and the study of English during the 1920s.49

43 Ibid. pp. 162–3. 44 Ibid. p. 163. 45 Ibid. p. 163. 46 Eagleton, T. (2002). A Good Reason to Murder Your Landlady. London Review of Books 24(8): 13–15. 47 Hulme, T.E. (1924). Speculations: Essays on Humanism and the Philosophy of Art, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. 48 Introduction, in Hulme, T.E. (1924). Speculations: Essays on Humanism and the Philosophy of Art, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. p. xv. 49 Aer Tradition and the Individual Talent (1917) Eliot wrote e Sacred Wood: Essays on Poetry and Criticism (1920) and Dryden and the Metaphysical Poets (1921). In 1922 Richards contributed to e Foundation of Aesthetics with C.K. Ogden and James Wood. In 1923, again in collaboration with Ogden they published e Meaning of Meaning: A Study 14 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Compounded by the traumatic consequences of the First World War Eliot and Richards shared a perception of a post-war world out of joint, characterised by a mood of disenchantment and a collapse of moral certainty.50 What was required they argued was a rebalancing of the modern psyche, through a return to the notion of a dispassionate intelligentsia and a reclaimed and revised poetic tradition.51 e poet had to develop a technique which would allow a ‘transporting [of ] a mental experience whole and entire from one mind to another’52 and for Richards, Eliot had achieved such a feat with his poem e Wasteland.53 His application of imagery, the inclusion of contemporary knowledge and experience, the conscious reference to history or previous works, either separately or together, worked to create overlapping and diverse meanings and sensations, to evoke that contemporary feeling of ‘a ruined world, a botched civilisation’.54

A New Post-War Generation: e Evolution of Debate

e ideas of Hulme and the work of Eliot and Richards became an integral part of the debate amongst the young post-war generation of the English Tripos. When Jennings entered university, a new sense that life must move on from the war and its immediate aermath emerged.55 In literary criticism, Laura of the Inuence of Language upon the ought and of the Science of Symbolism. By 1926 this had become a standard text on university courses in both Britain and the United States. is was followed by e Principles of Literary Criticism (1925) and an oshoot the following year Science and Poetry (1926). 50 ese feelings found powerful expression in Eliot’s highly inuential poem e Wasteland (1922) and Richards’ Science and Poetry (1926). Similar anxieties found voice in post-war Europe, with Oswald Spengler’s Decline of the West (1919–22) and La Trahison de Clerc ( e Treason of the Intellectuals) (1927) by Julien Benda, both translated into English in 1928. 51 See Levenson, M.H. (1986). A Genealogy of Modernism: A Study of English Literary Doctrine 1908–1922, Cambridge University Press. Particularly p. 219 and Richards, I.A. (1970). Poetries and Science (revised edition of Science and Poetry (1926)), Routledge and Kegan Paul. pp. 48–9. 52 Eagleton, T. (2002). A Good Reason to Murder Your Landlady. London Review of Books 24(8): 13–15. 53 Hynes, S. (1990). A War Imagined: e First World War and English Culture, e Bodley Head. 54 Ibid. pp. 342–4. 55 e collapse of the General Strike was a decisive moment, symptomatic of the closure of a troubled post-war era. By the end of the decade there was an upsurge in books and lms, An Education for Life: 1907–33 15

Riding and Robert Graves published A Survey of Modernist Poetry (1927) which marked a critical shi in the discussion of post-war poetry. In their view the immediate post-war generation of modern poets, like Eliot, were now part of the past, regarded as part of a ‘lost generation’ permeated with ‘cynicism, scepticism, depression, disillusion and seriousness’. ey addressed what they saw as the failure of poets, like Eliot, to communicate eectively with the ‘plain reader’, because of poetic techniques that relied on an excessively allusive and self-conscious style.56 Poems such as e Wasteland, with its dense, cryptic text, obscure references and footnotes, could only be fully appreciated by the erudite. As Jennings later put it, by failing to address in an appropriate way questions directly relevant to the people, ‘the great big public thinks of poetry, particularly modern poetry, as something highbrow’ and reading it in public ‘an activity that most people are ashamed of ’.57 e emergence of this new critique and a desire to look to the future was reected in student magazines, both at Oxford and Cambridge.58 In the late 1920s and early 1930s, Jennings and his friends set out their agenda in the appositely entitled Experiment (November 1928–Spring 1931).59 Although contributions came primarily from English Studies, there was an implicit scientic bias to the character of the group; with Kathleen Raine and two editors, Jacob Bronowski which used details from the memoirs of war survivors. is unburdening helped locate the war in history, while reinforcing in the minds of the post-war generation the dening image or ‘myth’ of that conict: a tragic waste of life caused by the self-serving and inept actions of those in power. 56 Riding, L. and Graves, Robert (1927). A Survey of Modernist Poetry, William Heinemann Ltd. pp. 224–6. In the introduction to the 1930 edition of Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis: e uarto of 1593 that Jennings edited he specically refers to his indebtedness to their book. Jennings, H., ed. (1993). Venus and Adonis: e uarto of 1593, Alcess Press. 57 Jennings, H., e Modern Poet and the Public, in Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. p. 255 and Jennings, H., ‘Poetry and National Life’, in ibid. p. 279. 58 At Cambridge the progressive Experiment (November 1928–Spring 1931) was matched by the more conservative e Venture edited by Anthony Blunt, Robin Fedden and Michael Redgrave (November 1928–June 1930). Meanwhile, with W.H. Auden at its centre, an informal group of young poets at Oxford (Stephen Spender, Cecil Day Lewis, Louis MacNeice and Christopher Isherwood plus Edward Upward from Cambridge) began publishing in the periodical Oxford Outlook and the annual collection Oxford Poetry. Although diering in emphasis they shared a common concern over the health of the post- war world and the need to create a ‘disinterested intelligentsia’ to comment on the prevailing condition. 59 In the summer of 1929, Jennings graduated with a prestigious, double-starred rst degree in English; an achievement that enabled him to embark, that October, on postgraduate study. 16 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment and William Empson, having backgrounds in mathematics and the natural sciences.60 Richards’ dispassionate and disciplined ‘scientic’ approach to literary analysis chimed with a resurgent post-war belief that science could help alleviate the problems of the modern world.61 e genius of the scientist and artist, Keynes pointed out, lay in their application of ‘divine intuition’: ‘unusual powers of continuous concentrated introspection, logical capacity, a feel for the salient facts, style, many-sidedness, theoretical and practical gis in combination’.62 e rst edition made clear they would apply a scientic approach free from the inuence of existing authority and past opinion:

We do not conne ourselves to the work of English students, nor are we at pains to be littered with the illustrious Dead and Dying. Our claim has been one of uncompromising independence: therefore not a line in these pages has been written by any but degreeless students or young graduates. It has been our object to gather together all and none but the not yet too ripe fruits of art, science and philosophy in the University. We do not wish so much that our articles should be sober and guarded as that they should be stimulating and lively and take up a strong line.63

As he and his friends immersed themselves in this ow of overlapping and oen competing ideas, the intellectual boundaries between the arts, the sciences and philosophy blurred. Madge remembered that the group: ‘had in common a sense of the important shis of vision which were taking place in the giant intellectuals of the nineteenth century, and which changed the relation of prose and poetry and undermined the older antithesis of the material and spiritual’.64 Apart from the work of Freud they read ‘Newton, Faraday, Darwin for their poetic content, that is their intellectual vigour, as much as for their science’.65 Possibly, at this time, Jennings was introduced to the work of Darwin, which, like the work of Freud,

60 Apparently the magazine had up to ve editors: Jacob Bronowski, William Empson, Hugh Sykes-Davies, William Francis Hare (Viscount Ennismore) with also some input from Jennings. However according to Bronowski he took little part in editing as ‘he did not care for the organising of things’. 61 Kumar, K. (1978). Prophecy and Progress, Penguin. 62 Skidelsky, R. (1994). John Maynard Keynes: e Economist as Saviour 1920–1937, Macmillan. p. 411. 63 Anon (1928). Editorial. Experiment 1. 64 Madge quoted in MacClancy, J. (1995). Brief Encounter: e Meeting, in Mass Observation, of British Surrealism and Popular Anthropology. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1(3): 495–512. p. 496. 65 Merralls, J. (1961/2). Humphrey Jennings a Biographical Sketch. Film uarterly (Winter 1961–2): 29–34. p. 31. An Education for Life: 1907–33 17

Eliot and Blake, would have a signicant impact on his thinking: ‘the point being [Allen Hutt wrote] that it was his rst mature comprehension of the scientic approach and method’.66 Both Darwin and Freud, like Hulme, also explained the human condition as one rooted in the past but evolving through contingency, struggle and uncertainty. Human survival was one of continual struggle within an uncertain world, a process of creative destruction of birth and death, desire and loss.67 ‘Reality’ is in fact the product of deeper more powerful forces of which we are mostly unaware. Like the French surrealists and Eliot, they ‘shared a facility for bringing unforeseen meaning to the seemingly trivial. In doing so, both sought in the past a key to the present’.68 Raine remembers that, like the moderns of the early twentieth century, the Experiment Group felt itself to be at the forefront of a new intellectual debate, ‘a sense of being involved, individually and collectively, in the advancing frontiers of, not so much knowledge in the abstract, as the consciousness of our generation. We felt ourselves to be a growing-point even when we were in the bud’.69 Drawing on these ideas and the spirit of the Tripos, terms such as ‘detachment’ and ‘weltenschauung’ informed the group’s questioning spirit. It was necessary Jennings believed: ‘To discover what really is our place, is our business. ere is no place for us in human society, at present, because everything else is wrong: the whole pack wants reshuing’.70

A Shi in Artistic Emphasis

Around 1926/7 Jennings told Leonard Amery: ‘as to my progress in art, I am as usual, torn among painting, literature, and the theatre. I love each innitely in turn and I feel that I get on well in each – but where it will all end – in which, I don’t know’.71 Within two years, he had decided to concentrate on painting, and by 1931 he had no other desire than to become a full-time artist. His experience of working in the theatre made him increasingly unhappy with the

66 Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13. 67 Phillips, A. (1999). Darwin’s Worms, Faber and Faber. pp. 8 and 29. 68 Wallace, J. (1995). Introduction: Diculty and Defamiliarisation – Language and Process, in Amigioni, D. and Wallace, J., eds, Charles Darwin’s e Origin of Species: New Interdisciplinary Essays, Manchester University Press. pp. 12–13. 69 Raine, K. (1991). Autobiographies, Skoob Books. p. 146. 70 Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 92, Jennings’ italics. 71 Letter to Leonard Amery reprinted in Hodgkinson, A. and Sheratsky, Rodney (1982). Humphrey Jennings More an a Maker of Films, Hanover. pp. 5–6. See also Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Letters p. 93 and Ch. 3. 18 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment professional theatrical establishment. In ‘Design and the eatre’ (Experiment No.1 November 1928), he unleashed a critical broadside against commercial managers and producers with their preference for stock ideas, hired sets and costumes, which showed their ignorance and lack of respect for the role of the designer and the creativity of design.72 In ‘Odd oughts at the Fitzwilliam’ (Experiment No.2 February 1929), he turned his attention to the authorities responsible for the new wing of the Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum that, for him, displayed a complete absence of architectural imagination and progressive boldness: ‘e whole thing is so timid: and is put to shame by an average Dutch power station [it is] a building spoilt by compromise … why can’t we be whole- heartedly modern?’ he demanded.73 e displays in the original building, with their juxtaposition of good and bad art, fullled for him one of the key aspects of appreciation: ‘anything, aesthetically or archaeologically, is essentially a discovery’ but in the new wing ‘everything is laid out in exquisite precision and one hardly dare tread … and if everything is set out in perfect order half the joy of discovering it is lost’. is seemed to be a premonition of worse to come:

it cannot be that the present glorious mix-up will remain; there will be tidying-up and sorting-out, a re-arranging and a re-hanging, and that muddle of sculpture, old clothes and superb water-colours which is the Fitzwilliam will have departed for ever.74

His words contrast markedly with the cool analysis found in ‘Notes on Marvell “To His Coy Mistress”’ (Experiment No.2 February 1929) and the co-authored (with James Reeves) ‘A Reconsideration of Herrick’ (Experiment No.7 Spring 1931). Both examine the technique of ‘plagiarism’, highlighting the historical referents and associations through a precise examination of language, imagery and symbolism. He and Reeves single out misconstrued readings of the texts and identify how the choice of mythical elements mutate the subject matter and help shape the reader’s understanding and sensibility. In a similar vein, while acknowledging the work of Graves and Riding his revised edition of Shakespeare’s 1593 quarto of Venus and Adonis (1930) ‘reprinted for experts, modernised for plain readers, and annotated for students’ strips away the

72 Jennings, H. (1928). Design and the eatre. Experiment (1). In Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. pp. 181–4. 73 Jennings, H. (1929). Odd oughts at the Fitzwilliam. Experiment (2). Reprinted in Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. pp. 184–6. 74 Ibid. An Education for Life: 1907–33 19 linguistic accretions and other editorial modications of time, to reveal a more truthful representation of Shakespeare’s use of language.75 Probably these experiences in the theatre and in English Studies conrmed that both the theatre and literature were means of expression too compromised to allow poets to express themselves adequately. For him literature had become a ‘muddle of unrealised images and inadequate techniques’.76 His postgraduate research supervisor, I.A. Richards, was of little use to counter such thoughts being absent from the university between autumn 1929 and August 1931. By the time of his return, Jennings had become deeply absorbed in the aesthetics and practice of painting. Painting, as an intense and relatively isolated activity, opened up a more rewarding path of artistic and poetic investigation for Jennings. He had come to the conclusion that as ‘the word, the phrase, the poetic image are not sucient in themselves … the image must be particularized, concrete and historical, never invented. To him, physical manifestation was the nal test of imaginative truth’.77 His existing knowledge of art, already provided examples of innovative techniques, that, like poetry, reworked traditions to achieve a new sensibility. Around 1928 a family relation had introduced him to contemporary developments in European modern art, which probably included surrealism.78 Surrealism was not so much an art movement, than in Patrick Waldberg’s words, ‘a state of mind, a “disposition of the soul”, and an entire mode of knowledge and being’.79 e techniques of Post-Impressionism, Expressionism, Dadaism and Cubism, had already undermined accepted forms of visual representation now the French surrealists under the ‘leadership’ of Andre Breton, had recently become the most vital and inuential force.80 e vibrant, fractious, self- promoting collective of initially writers and poets, questioned the very basis and meaning of contemporary life and art. Jennings’ awareness coincided with a surge in activity which included the promotion of painting.

75 Jennings, H., ed. (1993). Venus and Adonis: e uarto of 1593, Alcess Press. ‘Introduction’. 76 Madge, C. (1951). A Note on Images. Paintings: Humphrey Jennings 1907–1950, Institute of Contemporary Arts. 77 Merralls, J. (1961/1962). Humphrey Jennings a Biographical Sketch. Film uarterly (Winter 1961–2): 29–34. p. 30. 78 Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13. e ‘friendly uncle’ mentioned by Hutt may have been his uncle George who had ambitions as a painter and lived in Paris for a number of years. See Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 20. 79 Remy, M. (1999). Surrealism in Britain, Ashgate. p. 19. 80 See McMillan, D. (1975). Transition 1927–38: e History of a Literary Era, Calder and Boyars. p. 80. 20 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Although oen regarded as a surrealist, Allen Hutt has qualied this description. Although ‘aected artistically by contact with the Surrealists’, Jennings, he states, was ‘never of them but, as he says, they had at any rate the notion that somehow or other painting and life were related’.81 What was particularly attractive was not only their attitude towards the contemporary world but their experimental techniques, novel forms of representation and their understanding of the role of art in contemporary society. eir criticisms of modern life and their concerns about the impact of capitalism and commercialism on the nature of contemporary life and art were very similar to those voiced by Jennings in ‘Design and the eatre’ (the suocating inuence of theatrical authorities) and ‘Odd oughts at the Fitzwilliam’ (the imposition of the rational space and loss of the chance encounter). In fact the surrealists had much in common with Hulme, who had pointed out that individual actions in the modern world were not really free, as most human activity was trapped within forms of routine behaviour. ey too saw the human imagination trapped within what they referred to as the ‘means-ends’ rationality of modern existence. e aim of the surrealists was broadly twofold: rst, to encourage a space where the emotional and spiritual needs of the individual could be met in a world dominated by science, rationalism and the market economy and, second, to undermine accepted notions of artistic representation and artistic genius, by denying the idea of a specic artistic style and the uniqueness of the artistic product. In their activities Jennings could recognise an attempt to deconstruct the routine of everyday existence and ‘life’ could be uncovered. As Hulme put it, in moments of social and psychological tension: ‘the outer crust [is] broken by the inner self breaking through … and you get what may be called a free act’, a condition where the individual may choose ‘in deance of what is generally called a motive’ allowing unforeseen and novel things to happen and thereby opening up the possibility for real change.82 To encourage the release of the inner self the surrealists turned to psychology and the exploration of dream- symbolism, automatism and techniques such as ‘automatic writing’ to reveal the ‘immanence’ of true reality. ey celebrated the revelatory impulse in the idea of ‘chance’ by looking for the unpredictable in the mundane of daily life, the discovery of the ‘objet trouve’ or the incongruous disposition of images or events which may stimulate the imagination and reveal something new. Any art or writing, past or present, which was regarded as embodying the essence

81 Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13. 82 Hulme, T.E. (1924). Speculations: Essays on Humanism and the Philosophy of Art, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. p. 191. An Education for Life: 1907–33 21 of surrealism was incorporated into their cause. ey embraced contemporary artists who used ‘plagiaristic’ styles and techniques such as collage and montage and/or incorporated mass-produced objects, such as photographs and newspaper clippings, in their paintings, writing and installations. Returning from Paris just aer Christmas 1929, Jennings wrote to William Empson and speculated on what he saw as the prevailing situation facing the contemporary artist and poet:

I think we are now in, or entering, or re-entering a period (state of mind) not corresponding to the earlier stages of the system, but to an earlier state … [Herbert] Read says there was a period earlier … in which man was denitely afraid of nature and in which poetry and painting were protective instruments (spells, totems) instead of being imitative & celebration ritual … I suggest that poetry and painting are now back in their position of protectors, not to protect us from Nature (the macrocosm) but from ourselves (the microcosm) … We may get to some state of equality with ourselves in the future & a sense of glory … return. is is hinted at in Blake: ‘I will not cease from mental strife’ but we are not there yet. What is wanted is certainly a new system but it can’t be found lying about. e diculty of nding it, the battle against ourselves for it … the dream-symbols of the surrealists & of Alice in Wonderland are on the right track.83

At this time in England, very little was known about the movement. An appreciation or application of their ideas and techniques was partial, slow and uneven. Jennings however gained a substantial understanding of what they were attempting to achieve and became an articulate critic. rough the early 1930s frequent visits to Paris were followed by longer stays in France, to paint and visit exhibitions. Magazines such as Cahiers d’art, transition (later re-launched as Transition), Documents and Minotaur and English publications such as e Studio, enabled him to keep abreast of recent developments, and: ‘Together with his friends Gerald Noxon … and the painter Julian Trevelyan, he now established the Experiment Gallery … devoted to the latest movements in painting and other visual arts … [It] was meant to be a commercial enterprise, a way for Jennings to supplement his meagre income’.84 His research deepened from 1928 onwards. Noxon remembers that the creative act of applying paint to the canvas became for him ‘an integral part of his daily existence’, a form of ‘self expression and self-revelation through painting’ which, with detailed study of styles of drawing

83 See Appendix ‘Letter from Jennings to William Empson’ reprinted in Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. pp. 389–90. Jennings’ italics. 84 Ibid. pp. 100–1. 22 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment and brush work, became part of his ‘explorer-adventurer technique in the arts’.85 Kathleen Raine found him ‘pre-occupied for months with the problem of where the rst brushmark, that determines the whole painting, should be made on the canvas’;86 a form of artistic activity which corresponds closely to the avant-garde practice known as mediated chance:87

not the result of blind spontaneity in the handling of material but its very opposite, the most painstaking calculation. But that calculation only extends to the means, where the result remains largely unpredictable … In the principle of construction, there lies a renunciation of the subjective imagination in favour of a submission to the chance of construction.88

It is a form of practice that plunges the artists into what Hulme refers to as ‘real time’; an actual living process of thought, where the artist gains ‘real’ freedom outside the routines of the everyday, to achieve what Jennings called the ‘realization of free desires’:89

ere are two underlying principles everywhere, which, when found in humans are called intellect and emotion … both essential but working in diametrically opposed ways … emotion tends to be overwhelming & it is the business of the intellect to restrict it to a reasonable size … e best things are not overdone one way or another: they are in the middle … For us now, it is essential that both intellect and emotion should be genuine … I want the intellect to be in the right place [and] from my point of view as a painter … I must be true to the vision in

85 See Gerald Noxon quoted in ibid. p. 109. 86 Raine, K. (1951). Humphrey Jennings. Paintings: Humphrey Jennings, Institute of Contemporary Arts. During the mid-1930s recollected Jennings’ interest in and practice of Japanese and Chinese calligraphy: ‘because he reasoned that if you are handling brushes and handling paint, this is the ultimate, this is the end, so you should know how to handle a brush to perfection, how to handle paint to perfection, and that’s it, you don’t have to do another thing’. Bouhours, J.-M. (2000). Uniting Form and Movement, in Horrocks, R. and Bouhours, J.-M., eds, Len Lye, Centre Pompidou Paris. p. 203. See Gerald Noxon quoted in Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 109 and Merralls, J. (1961/2). Humphrey Jennings: A Biographical Sketch, Film uarterly (Winter): 29–34. Mellor, D. (1982). Sketch for an Historical Portrait of Humphrey Jennings, in Jennings, M.-L., ed., Humphrey Jennings: Film Maker, Painter, Poet, British Film Institute. p. 64. 87 Gerald Noxon quoted in Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. p. 109. 88 Burger, P. (1999). eory of the Avant-Garde, University of Minnnesota Press. pp. 65–7. 89 e eatre Today, reprinted in Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. p. 213. An Education for Life: 1907–33 23

me & do as it says, only with my intellect – technique, work, etc – shaping and forming the more abstract vision down to the size … of a picture.90

Consequently, as he attempted to express a ‘marriage of thought and deliberate planning with a spontaneous emotional vision’ his output was erratic and primarily for himself; a process of personal investigation and experimentation to achieve this genuine balance between emotion and the intellect.91

‘Rock-Painting and La Jeune Peinture’

In his review of Cubism, Anthony Blunt concluded that with the publication of Janneau’s L’Art Cubiste (1929), what had once been ‘all that was most vital and progressive in painting’ was now history. e mantle of newness had yet to settle on a new form of expression, although its ospring ‘surrealisme’, he felt, seemed to oer promise.92 At this moment Cahiers D’Art (1929/30), published photographs from an exhibition of ancient South African rock paintings along with examples of new modern art in the article ‘La Jeune Peinture’. In 1930, Jennings returned to Paris for several months, which allowed him to become acquainted with recent artistic developments, which included the arrival of a new surrealist periodical Le Surrealism au service de la Revolution, as well as to attend the South African exhibition.93 On his return red up by what he had seen, his speculations on the contemporary condition and struggle of the artist were addressed in a co-authored article with Gerald Noxon for the nal edition of Experiment magazine (Spring 1931). In ‘Rock-Painting and La Jeune Peinture’, Jennings asserts that the exhibition ‘is overwhelming to people who have followed the course of modern painting beyond Cubism’.94 He extends Blunt’s discussion of Cubism with an informed assessment that connects the South African wall paintings with the contemporary condition of new European art: ‘Painting in Paris’, he asserts, ‘ has more promise and energy now than at any time since the rst period of Cubism’. Using language reminiscent of Hulme, he

90 Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. pp. 91–2. Jennings’ italics. 91 Madge, C. (1951). A Note on Images. Paintings: Humphrey Jennings 1907–1950, Institute of Contemporary Arts. 92 Blunt, A. (1930) Cubism. e Venture 6. 93 Six issues appeared between 1930 and 1933. Spector, J.J. (1997). Surrealist Art and Writing 1919/39, Cambridge University Press. 94 All quotes are taken from Jennings, H. and Noxon, G. (1931). Rock-Painting and La Jeune Peinture. Experiment (7). reprinted in Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. pp. 191–4. 24 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment considers the recent artistic technique of post-cubism and surrealism as revealed in the La Jeune Peinture, to have an aesthetic anity with the ‘vitality’ and ‘directional feeling’ found in the exhibition of ancient tribal cave paintings.95 e ‘naivety’ of their construction, with the unconscious superimposition of gures over an unbounded physical area, creates a diverse unity with a mental depth ‘possessed of its own proper and particular mythology’ unrestrained in form, time and space. is freedom had similarities with the ‘vitality’ of post- cubist expression, which had begun to break free from a previous cubist heritage, which had degenerated into ‘mere pattern making, dictated by preconceived composition’. is ‘revolt against architectural composition’, although escaping the ‘perversities and propensities’ of the past, had yet to achieve that fusion of technique and myth found in the ancient wall paintings. As it is: ‘e want of myths following on from Cubism has been lled from various sources, pre- eminently by Surrealism … But at the present the Surrealists (especially Ernst) are exploiting the rather temporary emotive qualities of incongruity provided by the juxtaposition of objects as objects (with literary associations)’. What was necessary, Jennings concluded, was something more fundamental, a regaining of a ‘heroic’ sense:

By heroic we [Jennings and Noxon] mean the co-ordination of a great number of emotions than painting has some time managed to use; a grasp of problems as complete as that which Rubens had of the muddle of the sixteenth century painting, and as in Rubens, the use of technique as technique, to create mutations in the subject, and the subject thereby to be in its proper place as the metamorphosis by paint and not by literary substitution: producing a world of mutations parallel to the heroic proportions of African painting.96

It is this heroic sense that Jennings wanted to capture in his own artistic practice where, as he put it, ‘matter (sense impressions) [are] transformed and reborn by Imagination: turned into an image’.97 A notion characterised as lying ‘somewhere

95 Beston regards the article as an attempt to ‘update and extend’ the arguments of Hulme ‘to the latest painting in 1931’. Beston, M. (1996). A Reconsideration of Humphrey Jennings, 1907–1950, Essex. M.Phil. p. 196. 96 Jennings, H. and Noxon, G. (1931). Rock-Painting and La Jeune Peinture. Experiment (7). Reprinted in Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. p. 194. 97 Jennings, M.-L. and Madge, Charles, eds (1985). Humphrey Jennings Pandaemonium: e Coming of the Machine as seen by Contemporary Observers, Picador. p. xxxviii, Jennings’ italics. An Education for Life: 1907–33 25 between an idea and a sensation, for it was more vivid than an abstract idea yet was more intangible than a concrete sensation’,98 or as Charles Madge explained:

e image becomes ‘a point of ordonnance’ [that is a point of co-ordination] in a universe of ux. It is not only verbal, or visual, or emotional, although it is all these. It is not in the elements, but in their coming together at a particular moment, that the magical potency lies.99

e English poets of the past, the poetry of Eliot and the history of European painting had shown Jennings how images, handled with the appropriate technique, could communicate a synthesis of thought and emotion which emerged as a spontaneous vision appropriate to the time: ‘Metamorphosis by paint is in three words what Humphrey Jennings attempted as a painter … [He] returned again and again to certain “subjects,” in his battle to transform them’.100 e idea of a mythic image acting as ‘a point of ordonnance’ operates in a similar way to Eliot’s literary notion of the ‘objective correlative’, in that it simultaneously correlates and expresses a series of emotions about the past and the present. Raine remembered: ‘In painting he invariably worked on images from postcards, prints or coloured plates, but never from nature. is he felt was important because such images were already human currency’.101 e subject matter he chose was oen drawn from the everyday, familiar and ‘readily accessible form[s] of representation’. Critically, in terms of artistic technique he was working within a ‘tradition’:

to be valid [subject matter] had to be discovered, not invented … if it was to have any worth [the image] had to be equally impersonal. Poets were not to create, and could only communicate a kind of truth to the extent that the images they employed were public, collective and historical. us an image was … to be sought out in the external world, in literature, or in the past.102

98 MacClancy, J. (1995). Brief Encounter: e Meeting, in Mass Observation, of British Surrealism and Popular Anthropology. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1(3): 495–512. p. 497. 99 Madge, C. (1951). A Note on Images. Paintings: Humphrey Jennings 1907–1950, Institute of Contemporary Arts. 100 Ibid. 101 Kathleen Raine quoted in Powell, D., Wright, B. and Manvell, R., eds (1951). Humphrey Jennings 1907–1950: A Tribute, Humphrey Jennings Memorial Fund. 102 MacClancy, J. (1995). Brief Encounter: e Meeting, in Mass Observation, of British Surrealism and Popular Anthropology. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 26 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Instead of the artist being conceived as someone special who leads a life separate from the mass of humanity, the use of popular images allows their work: ‘to be taken as a manifestation, not of the individual working outside of time, but of the community acting within time’.103 e nature of the relationship therefore between artist and audience is transformed from distinct artistic creation into one of interrogation. His recurrent images of, for example, horses, farming, trees, the English landscape, steam engines, national architecture (such as St Paul’s Cathedral), which appear in his poetry, painting and lms are at once specic, general and quintessentially English. ey are endowed for him with what he referred to as a ‘revolutionary and symbolic and illuminatory quality. I mean they contain in a little a whole world – they are knots in a great net of tangled time and space – the moments at which the situation of humanity is clear’.104 ese images, within which the spiritual, emotional, imaginative and material coexist to express something about the human condition, also operate as collective referents depicting fragments of a shared national heritage, culture and identity.

1(3): 495–512. p. 497. 103 Ibid. p. 497. 104 Jennings, M.-L. and Madge, Charles, eds (1985). Humphrey Jennings Pandaemonium: e Coming of the Machine as Seen by Contemporary Observers, Picador. p. xxxv. Bibliography

Primary References

Humphrey Jennings

Jackson, K., ed. (1993). e Humphrey Jennings Film Reader, Carcenet. Jackson, K. (2004). Humphrey Jennings, Picador. Jennings, H. (1923). e First Day at Cambridge. e Player Magazine. 2: 4–5. Jennings, H. (1923). A Lament. e Player Magazine. 2: 17. Jennings, H. (1923). Pugnastics: An Operetta. e Player Magazine. 2: 16. Jennings, H. (1923). e Tie-Pin: A Scholastic Tragedy. e Player Magazine. 2. Jennings, H. (1924). Scholastic Stoicism: A Ballade. e Player Magazine. 3: 4–5. Jennings, H. (1928). King Arthur. e Cambridge Review 49(1206): 233–4. Jennings, H. (1935). Eliot and Auden and Shakespeare. New Verse 18(December): 4–7. Jennings, H. (1935). e eatre Today. e Arts Today. G. Grigson, John Lane and Bodley Head. Jennings, H. (1938). Humphrey Jennings … Declares for Special Colour Stories. e Cine-Technician. Jennings, H. (1938). Interview. e Cine-Technician: 194. Jennings, H. (1945). Just Any of Us. Our Time. Jennings, H., ed. (1993). Venus and Adonis: e uarto of 1593, Alcess Press. Jennings, H. and Madge, C. (1935). e Space of Former Heaven. Life and Letters To-Day (Winter): 54–6. Jennings, H. and Madge, C., eds (1987). May 12th: Mass Observation Day- Survey 1937, Faber and Faber. Jennings, M.-L., ed. (1982). Humphrey Jennings: Film-Maker, Painter and Poet, British Film Institute/Riverside Studios. Jennings, M.-L. and Madge, Charles, eds (1985). Humphrey Jennings Pandaemonium: e Coming of the Machine as Seen by Contemporary Observers, Picador. 356 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

National Archive

Ministry of Information (1938–1946) and Central Oce of Information (1946–1950) Files of Correspondence

INF 1/57 ‘Re-organisation of the Film Unit’. INF 1/58 ‘Crown Film Unit Board of Management: Producers Progress Reports and Minutes’. INF 1/199 ‘Abandoned Film Projects’. INF 1/212 ‘Fires were Started (I was A Fireman) UK Distribution’. INF 1/426 ‘Sta Complement and Salaries – Production Sta ’. INF 1/462 ‘Crown Film Unit: Sta Complement and Salaries’. INF 1/463 ‘Crown Film Unit: Sta Complement and Salaries’. INF 1/464 ‘Crown Film Unit: Sta Complement and Salaries’. INF 5/58 ‘British Workers’. INF 5/65 ‘Munitions Film: Production and Scripts’. INF 5/77 ‘Hard Work and High Jinks’. INF 5/79 ‘In England Now’. INF 5/100 ‘Lili Marlene’. INF 5/111 ‘V1 and Eighty Days’. INF 6/288 ‘Midsummer Days Work’. INF 6/296 ‘Penny Journey’. INF 6/302 ‘Speaking From America’. INF 6/360 ‘e True Story of Lili Marlene’. INF 6/362 ‘Eighty Days’ (V1 bomb attack). INF 6/374 ‘A Defeated People (British occupied zone of Germany)’. INF 6/385 ‘e Cumberland Story (reorganisation of British coalelds)’. INF 6/545 ‘Dim Little Island’. INF 6/985 ‘I was a Fireman’ (Fires Were Started). INF 6/1916 ‘e Silent Village’. INF 6/1917 ‘A Diary for Timothy’. INF 12/117 ‘Eye of the Beholder and Dim Little Island’.

General Post Oce (GPO) Archive

General Post Oce (1937). Report of Committee on Film Unit. Bibliography 357

British Broadcasting Company: Files of Correspondence

File R6/204 Minutes of Talks Advisory Committee: ‘e Poet and His Public’ July 1937–1938. File R14/29/2 Listening Programme Sub-Committee: ‘e Poet and His Public’ 12 January 1938. File R51/394/1 Talks Poetry File 1 1938–1946: Memo ‘Poetry and the Public’. File T679/680 Topical Talk: ‘British War Films’ Broadcast 26 April, 1943.

British Film Institute

Humphrey Jennings Collection Box 1 Material on Completed Films

Item 1 e Cumberland Story (clippings of reviews). Item 2 A Defeated People (clippings of reviews). Item 3 Diary for Timothy (clippings of reviews and notes). Item 4 Dim Little Island (notes and lm treatments). Item 5 Family Portrait (treatment, notes and correspondence). Item 6 Fires Were Started (treatments and working papers). Item 7 Listen to Britain (treatments and correspondence). Item 8 e Silent Village (research, correspondence and clippings). Item 9 e True Story of Lili Marlene (treatments, reviews and correspondence). Item 10 Words for Battle (script and notes).

Box 2 Unrealised Projects

Item 15 ‘Two Cities’.

Transcripts, Biographical Material and Assorted Publications

Item 16 ‘e Documentary Film’ Transcript of Discussion between Humphrey Jennings and J.B. Holmes with Ian Dalrymple in the Chair. Item 19 Biographical Material and Correspondence. Item 20 Film Publications and Programme Notes. Item 21 ‘A Tribute to Humphrey Jennings and the Crown Film Unit’. 358 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

e BECTU (Broadcasting Entertainment Cinematograph & eatre Union) History Project

Charlotte Jennings Tape 173. John Trumper Tape 241. Ken Cameron Tape 70. Nora Lee Tape 375. Teddy [Edward] Charrington Tape 335.

Secondary References

General Historical Background

Colley, L. (1996). BRITONS: Forging the Nation 1707–18, Vintage. Colls, R. and Dodd, P., eds (1987). Englishness: Politics and Culture 1880–1920, Croom Helm. Foot, P. (2005). e Vote: How it Was Won and How it Was Undermined, Viking. Ford, B., ed. (1992). Early Twentieth Century Britain. e Cambridge Cultural History, Cambridge University Press. Greenleaf, W.H. (1983). e British Political Tradition: e Rise of Collectivism, Routledge. Harris, J. (1994). Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914, Penguin. Kedward, R. (2005). La Vie en Blue: France and the French since 1900, Penguin. Kumar, K. (1978). Prophecy and Progress, Penguin. Rose, J. (2002). e Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes, Yale University Press.

e Interwar Era: 1919–39

Brandon Williams, K. (1991). Reportage in the irties, Oxford University Press. Branson, N. and Heineman, M. (1971). Britain in the 1930’s, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Brendon, P. (2000). e Dark Valley: A Panorama of the 1930s, Jonathan Cape. Gloversmith, F., ed. (1980). Class, Culture and Social Change: A New View of the 1930s, Harvester Press. Bibliography 359

Pugh, M. (2006). ‘Hurrah for the Blackshirts’ Fascists and Fascism in Britain Between the Wars, Pimlico. Steiner, Z. (2005). e Lights that Failed: European International History 1919– 1933, Oxford University Press.

Wartime

Addison, P. (1982). e Road to 1945, uartet Books. Calder, A. (1971). e People’s War: Britain 1939–45, Granada. Paynter, W. (1944). Miners of Czechoslovakia: History and Prospects. e Miner 1(1): 14–15. Prebble, J. (1945). Letter from Germany, 1945. Our Time April: 10–11. Richardson, M.L. (1941). London’s Burning, Robert Hale Ltd. Waller, J. and Vaughan-Rees, M. (1990). Blitz: e Civilian War 1940–45, Optima. Ziegler, P. (1996). London at War 1939–1945, Mandarin.

Post-War Era

Addison, P. (1985). Now the War is Over, BBC Jonathan Cape. Burstow, R. (2001). Symbols For ‘51. www.packer34.freeserve.co.uk/symbols. htm. Clark, C. (2007). Iron Kingdom: e Rise and Downfall of Prussia 1600–1947, Penguin. Hennessy, P. (1993). Never Again Britain 1945–1951, Vintage. Kynaston, D. (2007). Austerity Britain 1945–51, Bloomsbury. Morgan, K.O. (1985). Labour in Power: 1945–1951, Oxford University Press. Pronay, N. and Wilson, K., eds (1985). e Political Re-Education of Germany & Her Allies, Croom Helm.

Intellectual Formation

Family background Mairet, P. (1936). A.R. Orage: A Memoir, J.M. Dent and Son Ltd. Martin, W. (1967). e New Age Under Orage: Chapters in English Cultural History, Manchester University Press. Martin, W. (1974). Orage As Critic, Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Perse School Caldwell Cook, H. (1913). Education (Letter). e New Age 12: 621. 360 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Letter: Mr. A.C. Benson and Education. e New Age 14: 285. Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). e Revival of the Arts. e New Age 14: 622–4. Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Self-Government in Class. e New Age 14(21): 653–5. Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Towards the Play Way. e New Age 14: 490–91. Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Towards the Play Way 2. e New Age 14(17): 536–7. Caldwell Cook, H. (1914). Two False Friends. e New Age 14: 590–91. Hughes, S. (1946). Opening Bars, Pilot Press. Innes, C.D. (1983). Edward Gordon Craig, Cambridge University Press. Rouse, W.H.D. (1912). Machines or Mind: An Introduction to the Loeb Classical Library, Heinemann. Stray, C. (1992). e Living Word: W.H.D. Rouse and the Crisis of Classics in Edwardian England, Bristol Classical Press. Swenerton, M. (1989). Artisans and Architects: e Ruskinian Tradition in Architectural ought, Macmillan Press.

Cambridge University Anon. (1928). Editorial. Experiment 1. Amigoni, D. and Wallace, J., eds (1995). Charles Darwin’s e Origin of Species: New Interdisciplinary Essays, Manchester University Press. Annan, N. (1990). Our Age: Portrait of a Generation, Weidenfeld and Nicholson. Bradbrook, M. (1977). My Cambridge. R. Hyman, Robson. Brittan, F. (1947). Arthur Quiller-Couch: A Study of Q, Cambridge University Press. Carey, H. (1964). Manseld Forbes and His Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Constable, J., ed. (1990). Selected Letters of I.A. Richards, Clarendon Press. Eliot, T.S. (1951). Selected Essays, Faber and Faber. Howarth, T.E.B. (1978). Cambridge Between Two Wars, Collins. Hulme, T.E. (1924). Speculations: Essays on Humanism and the Philosophy of Art, Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. Hyman, R., ed. (1977). My Cambridge, Robson. McCallum, P.M. (1978). e Cultural eory of I.A. Richards, T.S. Eliot and F.R. Leavis, 1922–48: A Critique of Some Aspects of eir Methodology and Assumptions, University of Cambridge. Unpublished Ph.D. Mulhern, F. (1979). e Moment of Scrutiny, New Le Books. Bibliography 361

Richards, I.A. (1970). Poetries and Science (revised edition of Science and Poetry (1926)), Routledge and Kegan Paul. Riding, L. and Graves, Robert (1927). A Survey of Modernist Poetry, William Heinemann Ltd. Skidelsky, R. (1994). John Maynard Keynes: e Economist as Saviour 1920– 1937, Macmillan. Willey, B. (1968). Cambridge and Other Memories, Chatto and Windus.

Cultural Background

General Berman, M. (1983). All at is Solid Melts into Air, Verso. Collini, S. (1991). Public Moralists: Political ought and Intellectual Life in Britain 1850–1939, Clarendon. Eagleton, T. (1983). Literary eory: An Introduction, Basil Blackwell. Eagleton, T. (1990). e Ideology of the Aesthetic, Blackwell Publishers. Eagleton, T. (2005). Figures of Dissent, Verso. Hawkins, A. (1987). In Colls, R. and Dodd, P., eds, e Discoery of Rural England. English Politics and Culture 1880–1920, Croom Helm. pp. 62–88. Hobsbawm, E. (1998). Behind the Times: e Decline and Fall of the Twentieth- Century Avant-Gardes, ames and Hudson. Kern, S. (2003). e Culture of Time and Space 1880–1918, Harvard University Press. LeMahieu, D.L. (1988). Culture for Democracy: Mass Communication and the Cultivated Mind in Britain Between the Wars, Clarendon Press. Levenson, M.H. (1986). A Genealogy of Modernism: A Study of English Literary Doctrine 1908–1922, Cambridge University Press. Williams, R. (1963). Culture and Society 1780–1950, Pelican.

English literature and poetry Baldick, C. (1987). e Social Mission of English Criticism 1848–1932, Clarendon Press Bergonzi, B. (1965). Heroes’ Twighlight: A Study of the Literature of the Great War, Constable. Bergonzi, B. (1990). Exploding English: Criticism, eory, Culture, Clarendon Press. Bergonzi, B. (1993). Wartime and Aermath: English Literature and Its Background 1939–1960, Oxford University Press. Bradbury, M. and McFarland, J.W., eds (1990). Modernism: A Guide to European Literature 1890–1930, Penguin. 362 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Bronowski, J. (1978). e Visionary Eye, MIT Press. Buitenhuis, P. (1989). e Great War of Words: Literature as Propaganda 1914–18, B.T. Batsford Ltd. Carey, J. (1992). Intellectuals and the Masses: Pride and Prejudice Among the Literary Intelligentsia 1880–1939, Faber and Faber. Clarke, I.F., ed. (1995). e Tale of the Next Great War 1871–1914: Fictions of Future Warfare and of Battles Still-to-Come, Syracuse University Press. Cunningham, V. (1995). British Writers of the irties, Oxford University Press. Davidson, P., ed. (2001). George Orwell: Orwell’s England, Penguin. Eagleton, T. (2002). A Good Reason to Murder Your Landlady. London Review of Books 24(8): 13–15. Fussell, P. (1977). e Great War and Modern Memory, Oxford University Press. Gibbons, T. (1973). Rooms in the Darwin Hotel: Studies in English Literary Criticism and Ideas 1880–1920, University of Western Australia Press. Heinemann, M. (1988). English Poetry and the War in Spain: Some Records of a Generation, in Hart, S.M., ed., No Pasaran: Art, Literature and the Spanish Civil War, Tamesis Books Ltd. pp. 46–64. Hewison, R. (1977). Under Siege: Literary Life in London 1939–45, Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Hynes, S. (1976). e Auden Generation: Literature and Politics in England in the 1930s, Faber. Hynes, S. (1990). A War Imagined: e First World War and English Culture, e Bodley Head. Hynes, S. (1991). e Edwardian Turn of Mind, Pimlico. Kermode, F. (2008). Ezra Conquers London. e New York Review of Books 15(7): 21–4. McMillan, D. (1975). Transition 1927–38: e History of a Literary Era, Calder and Boyars. Samuels, S. (1969). English Intellectuals and the Politics in the 1930’s, in Rie, P., ed., On Intellectuals, Garden City, New York. pp. 196–247. Smith, S. (1994). e Origins of Modernism: Eliot, Pound, Yeats and the Rhetoric of Renewal, Harvester Wheatsheaf. Spender, S. (1978). e irties and Aer: Poetry, Politics and People, Macmillan. ompson, E.P. (1994). Witness Against the Beast: William Blake and Moral Law, Cambridge University Press. Tillyard, S.K. (1988). e Impact of Modernism: e Visual Arts in Edwardian England, Routledge. Bibliography 363

Wilson, E. (1993). Axel’s Castle: A Study in the Imaginative Literature of 1870– 1930, Penguin.

Visual arts and surrealism Barber, F. (2004). Abstract Expressionism and Masculinity, in Wood, P., ed., Varieties of Modernism, Yale University Press. pp. 146–86. Blunt, A. (1930). Cubism. e Venture 6. Brion, M. (1966). Art of the Romantic Era, ames and Hudson. Burger, P. (1999). eory of the Avant-Garde, University of Minnnesota Press. Bury, S., ed. (2007). Breaking the Rules: e Printed Face of the European Avant Garde 1900–1937, e British Library. Chenieux-Gendron, J. (1990). Surrealism, Columbia University Press. Durozoi, G. (2002). History of the Surrealist Moement, e University of Chicago Press. Gablik, S. (1985). Magritte, ames and Hudson. Harrison, C. (1981). English Art and Modernism 1900–1939, Allen Lane/ Indiana Press. Hart, S.M., ed. (1988). No Pasaran: Art, Literature and the Spanish Civil War, Tamesis Books. MacPherson, D. (1978). Nation, Mandate and Memory. Camerawork 11: 11. Matheson, N. (2005). e Phantom of Surrealism: Photography, Cultural Identity and the Reception of Surrealism in England. History of Photography 29(2): 149–62. Mellor, D. (1980). British Art in the 1930’s: Some Economic, Political and Cultural Structures, in Gloversmith, F., ed., Class, Culture and Social Change: A New View of the 1930’s, Harvester Press. pp. 185–207. Mellor, D., ed. (1987). Paradise Lost: e Neo-Romantic Imagination in Britain 1935–1937, Lund Humphries/Barbican Gallery. Radford, R. and Morris, L., eds (1983). e Story of the AIA: Artist International Association 1933–1953, e Museum of Modern Art Oxford. Ray, P.C. (1971). e Surrealist Moement in England, Cornell University Press. Remy, M. (1999). Surrealism in Britain, Ashgate. Short, R.S. (1966). e Politics of Surrealism 1920–1936. e Journal of Contemporary History 1(2): 3–25. Spector, J.J. (1997). Surrealist Art and Writing 1919/39, Cambridge University Press. Stephenson, A. (1991). ‘Strategies of Situation’: British Modernism and the Slump c.1929–1934. e Oxford Art Journal 14(2): 30–51. 364 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Mass observation Calder, A. and Sheridan, Dorothy, eds (1985). Speak for Yourself: A Mass Observation Anthology 1937–1949, Oxford University Press. Chaney, D. and Pickering, M. (1986). Authorship in Documentary: Sociology as an Art Form in Mass Observation, in Corner, J., ed., Documentary and the Mass Media, Edward Arnold. pp. 29–44. Hodgkinson, A.W. (1976). Humphrey Jennings and Mass Observation: A Conversation with Tom Harrison. University Film Association Journal 27(4): 31–4. MacClancy, J. (1995). Brief Encounter: e Meeting, in Mass Observation, of British Surrealism and Popular Anthropology. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 1(3): 495–512. Madge, C. (1937). Magic and Materialism. Le Review 3(1): 31–5. Madge, C. (1937). Oxfordshire Collective Poem. New Verse 25: 16–19. Madge, C. (1937). Press, Radio, and Social Consciousness, in Lewis, C.D., ed., e Mind in Chains, Frederick Muller Ltd. pp. 147–63. Madge, C. (1976). e Birth of Mass-Observation. Times Literary Supplement. Madge, C. and Jennings, H. (1937). Poetic Descriptions and Mass Observations. New Verse 24 (February–March): 1–6. Madge, C. and Jennings, H. (1937). ey Speak for emselves: Mass Observation and Social Narrative. Life and Letters 17: 37–42. Mengham, R. (2001). Bourgeois News. New Formations 44(Autumn): 26–33.

British cinema Aitken, I. (2000). Alberto Cavalcanti: Realism, Surrealism and National Cinemas, Flicks Books. Aldgate, A. and Richards, J. (1986). Britain Can Take It: e British Cinema in the Second World War, Basil Blackwell. Armes, R. (1978). A Critical History of British Cinema, Oxford University Press. Barr, C., ed. (1986). All Our Yesterdays, British Film Institute. Berry, D. (1996). Wales and Cinema, University of Wales Press. Blakeston, O. (1936). Notes on Art and Movie. New Cinema 1. Chapman, J. (1998). e British at War: Cinema State and Propaganda 1939– 1945, I.B. Tauris. Cornwell-Clyne, A. (1951). Colour Cinematography, Chapman and Hall. Cull, N.J. (1995). Selling War: e British Propaganda Campaign Against American ‘Neutrality’ in World War II, Oxford University Press. Davy, C., ed. (1938). Footnotes to Film, Lovat Dickson. Dickinson, M. and Street, S. (1985). Cinema and State: e Film Industry and the British Goernment 1927–84, British Film Institute. Bibliography 365

Drazin, C. (1998). e Finest Years: British Cinema of the 1940’s, Andre Deutsch. Easen, S. (2003). Film and the Festival of Britain, in Mackillop, I. and Sinyard, N., eds, British Cinema of the 1950s: A Celebration, Manchester University Press. Ellit, J. (1935). On Sound. Life and Letters Today 13(Autumn). Higson, A. (1996). Space, Place and Spectacle: Landscape and Townscape in the ‘Kitchen Sink’ Film. Dissoling Views: Key Writings on British Cinema, Cassell. Higson, A. (1997). Waving the Flag: Constructing a National Cinema in Britain, Clarendon Press. Hogenkamp, B. (1986). Deadly Parallels: Film and the Le in Britain 1929– 1939, Lawrence and Wishart. Horrocks, R. (2001). Len Lye, Auckland University Press. Horrocks, R. and Bouhours, J.-M., eds (2000). Len Lye, Centre Pompidou. Huntley, J. (1947). British Film Music, Skelton Robinson. Hurd, G., ed. (1984). National Fictions: World War Two in British Films and Television, British Film Institute. Legg, S. (1947). Wessex Biography. B.F.I Archive. Monegal, E.R. (1955). Alberto Cavalcanti. e uarterly of Film Radio and Television 9(4). Nash, P. (1938). e Colour Film, in Davy, C., ed., Footnotes to the Film, Lovat Dickson. Pronay, N. and Spring, D.W., eds (1982). Propaganda, Politics and Film 1918–45, Macmillan Press. Richards, J. (1989). e Age of the Dream Palace: Cinema and Society in Britain 1930–3, Routledge. Richards, J. (1997). Films and British National Identity: From Dickens to Dad’s Army, Manchester University Press. Wright, B. (1974). e Long View, Secker and Warburg.

e documentary and colour lm Anon. (1933). Experimental Production. Cinema uarterly 2(1). Anon. (1938–1939). Dial GPO. Sight and Sound Winter: 170–71. Anon. (March–April 1938) Humphrey Jennings … Declares for Special Colour Stories. e Cine-Technician 14. Aitken, I. (1990). Film and Reform: John Grierson and the Documentary Film Moement, Routledge. Aitken, I., ed. (1998). e Documentary Film Moement: An Anthology, Edinburgh University Press. Bouhours, J.-M. (2000). Uniting Form and Movement, in Horrocks, R. and Bouhours, J.-M., eds, Len Lye, Centre Pompidou Paris. 366 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Brown, S. (2002). Dufaycolor – e Spectacle of Reality and British National Cinema. http://www.bv.acuk/projects/dufaycolor.htm. Cameron, K. (1947). Sound and the Documentary Film, Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons Ltd. Cavalcanti, A. (1972). Interview. Screen 13(2). Corner, J. (1986). Documentary and the Mass Media, Edward Arnold. Dalrymple, I. (1941). London Calling (Overseas Journal of the BBC) 109. Dalrymple, I. (1982). e Crown Film Unit 1940–43, in Pronay, N. and Spring, D.W., eds, Propaganda, Politics and Film 1918–45, Macmillan Press. pp. 209–20. Forman, H. (1982). e Non-eatrical Distribution of Films by the Ministry of Information, in Pronay, N. and Spring, D.W., eds, Propaganda, Politics and Film 1918–45, Macmillan Press. pp. 221–33. Fox, J. (2005). John Grierson, His ‘Documentary Boys’ and the British Ministry of Information, 1939–1942. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 25(3): 345–69. Grierson, J. (1934). e G.P.O. Gets Sound. Cinema uarterly 2(4). Hardy, F. (1979). Grierson on Documentary, Faber and Faber. Harrisson, T. (1982). Films and the Home Front – the Evaluation of eir Eectiveness by ‘Mass-Observation’, in Pronay, N. and Spring, D.W., eds, Propaganda, Politics and Film 1918–45, Macmillan Press. pp. 234–45. Higson, A. (1986). Britain’s Outstanding Contribution to the Film: e Documentary-Realist Tradition, in Barr, C., ed., All Our Yesterdays, British Film Institute. Holmes, W. (Spring 1948). What is Wrong with Documentary? Sight and Sound 17(65): 44–5. Low, R. (1979). Documentary and Educational Films of the 1930’s, George Allen and Unwin. Murphy, R., ed. (1997). e British Cinema Book, British Film Institute. Nicholls, B. (1991). Representing Reality: Issues and Concepts in Documentary, Indiana University Press. Orbanz, E. (1977). Journey to the Legend and Back: e British Realistic Film, Volker Spiess. Reisz, K. and Millar, G. (1968). e Technique of Film Editing, Focal Press. Renov, M. (1993). eorizing Documentary, Routledge. Rotha, P. (1958). Rotha on the Film: A Selection of Writings about the Cinema, Faber and Faber. Strasser, A. (1936). Must Colour Follow Nature. World Film News 1: 5. Sussex, E. (1975). e Rise and Fall of British Documentary, University of California Press. Bibliography 367

Swann, P. (1989). e British Documentary Film Moement 1926–1946, Cambridge University Press. Watt, H. (1974). Don’t Look at the Camera, Paul Elek. Winston, B. (1995). Claiming the Real: e Documentary Film Revisit, British Film Institute.

Humphrey Jennings

Biographical references Amey, L. (1971). Farming and Ecology. e Times: 12. Bronowski, J. (1959). Recollections of Humphrey Jennings. Twentieth Century (January). Chitty, S., ed. (1991). Antonia White: Dairies 1926–1957, Constable. Craigie, J. (1950). Memorial. Tribune. Dalrymple, I. (1951). Humphrey Jennings O.B.E. British Film Academy uarterly (January): 2–3. Gascoigne, D. (1980). David Gascoigne: Journal 1936–37, Enitharmon Press. Grierson, J. (1951). Humphrey Jennings: A Tribute, London. Grigson, G. (1984). Recollections: Mainly of Artists and Writers, Chatto and Windus. Grove, V. (1999). Laurie Lee: e Well-Loed Stranger, Viking. Guggenheim, P. (1997). Out of is Century, Andre Deutsch. Haenden, J. (2005). Willam Empson Volume 1: Among the Mandarins, Oxford University Press. Jackson, P. (1999). A Retake Please! Night Mail to Western Approaches, Liverpool University Press. Madge, C. (1950/1). Humphrey Jennings 1907–1950. Notes for a Memorial Exhibition of His Paintings, e Institute of Contemporary Arts. Mellor, D. (1982). Sketch for an Historical Portrait of Humphrey Jennings, in Jennings, M.-L., ed., Humphrey Jennings: Film Maker, Painter, Poet, British Film Institute. Mendoza, J. (2001). How Humphrey Jennings Saved My Life and Never Knew! MoieMail Summer: 12–14. Merralls, J. (1961/2). Humphrey Jennings a Biographical Sketch. Film uarterly (Winter): 29–34. Noxon, G. (1961–2). How Humphrey Jennings Came to Film. Film uarterly (Winter): 19–26. Penrose, R. (1981). Scrap Book 1900–1981, ames and Hudson. Pitman, G.A.H. (1944). Men in Our Time, No. 8 Humphrey Jennings. Our Time 3: 12–13. 368 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Powell, D., Wright, B. and Manvell, R. (1951). Humphrey Jennings 1907–1950: A Tribute, Humphrey Jennings Memorial Fund. Raine, K. (1991). Autobiographies, Skoob Books. Sansom, W. (1961/2). e Making of Fires Were Started. Film uarterly (Winter): 27–9. Trevelyan, J. (1957). Indigo Days, McGibbon and Kee. Wright, B. (1950). Humphrey Jennings. Sight and Sound 19: 311.

Critical analysis Anderson, L. (1954). Only Connect: Some Aspects of the Work of Humphrey Jennings. Sight and Sound Film uarterly (April–June): 181–6. Armes, R. (1978). Documentary at War – Humphrey Jennings. A Critical History of British Cinema, Oxford University Press. pp. 145–58. Beattie, K. (2010). Humphrey Jennings. British Film Makers, Manchester University Press. Beston, M. (1996). A Reconsideration of Humphrey Jennings, 1907–1950, Essex. M.Phil. British Film Institute, ed. (1969). Humphrey Jennings Study Unit No.11. Britton, A. (1989). eir Finest Hour: Humphrey Jennings and the Imperial Myth of World War II. CineAction! (Autumn): 145–58. Dand, C. (1955). Britain’s Screen Poet. Films in Review 6(2): 73–8. Eaton, M. (1982). In the Land of the Good Image. Screen 23(1): 79–84. Hillier, J. (1972). Humphrey Jennings, in Hillier, J. and Lovell, A., eds, Studies in Documentary, Viking Press. Hodgkinson, A. and Sheratsky, Rodney (1982). Humphrey Jennings More an a Maker of Films, Hanover. Jackson, K. (1993). Humphrey Jennings: e Poet and e Public. Contemporary Record 7(3): 663–84. Knowles, C. (2007). ‘Winning the Peace’: Germany under British Occupation, as Portrayed in Humphrey Jennings’ Film ‘A Defeated People’ and the ‘British Zone Review’. http://howitreallywas.typepa.com/howit_really was/2007/07/winning-the-pea.html. Lago, M. and Furbank, P.N., eds (1985). Selected Letters of E.M. Forster, Collins. Lambert, G. (1951). Jennings’ Britain. Sight and Sound: 25. Leach, J. (1998). e Poetics of Propaganda: Humphrey Jennings and Listen to Britain, in Grant, B.K. and Sloniowski, Jeannette, eds, Documenting the Documentary: Close Readings of Documentary Film and Video, Wayne State University Press. Madge, C. (1951). A Note on Images. Paintings: Humphrey Jennings 1907– 1950, Institute of Contemporary Arts. Bibliography 369

Millar, D. (1969). Fires Were Started. Sight and Sound 38: 100–4. Moat, C. (1995). War Poet. Cinema 100. England, BBC. Nowell-Smith, G. (1986). Humphrey Jennings: Surrealist Observer, in Barr, C., ed., All Our Yesterdays, British Film Institute. pp. 321–33. Raine, K. (1951). Humphrey Jennings. Paintings: Humphrey Jennings 1907– 1950, e Institute of Contemporary Arts. Rhode, E. (1966). Humphrey Jennings. Tower of Babel: Speculations on the Cinema. Chilton Books. pp. 67–81. Robson, K.J. (1982). Humphrey Jennings: e Legacy of Feeling. uarterly Review of Film Studies 17(1): 38–52. Sheratsky, R.E. (1975). Humphrey Jennings: Artist of the British Documentary. Film Library uarterly (3–4): 7–64. Siambani, Elena V.K. (2008). Humphrey Jennings: Le poete du cinema britannique, L’Harmattan. Smith, A. (2003). Humphrey Jennings’ Heart of Britain (1941): A Reassessment. Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 23(2): 133–51. Smith, M. (1985). Narrative Ideology in Listen to Britain, in Hawthorn, J., ed., Narrative; om Malory to Motion Pictures, Edward Arnold. pp. 145–57. Sorenssen, B. (1986). e Documentary Aesthetics of Humphrey Jennings, in Corner, J., ed., Documentary and the Mass Media, Edward Arnold. pp. 47–63. Stansky, P. and Abrahams, W. (1994). Humphrey Jennings. London’s Burning: Life, Death and Art in the Second World War. Constable. pp. 71–125. Strick, P. (1961). Great Films of the Century: FIRES WERE STARTED. Film and Filming (May): 14–16, 35 and 39. ompson, D. (1993). A Sight for Sore Eyes. Film Comment (March–April): 54–9. Vaughan, D. (1983). Portrait of an Inisible Man: e Working Life of Stewart McAllister, Film Editor, British Film Institute. Winston, B. (1999). FIRES WERE STARTED, British Film Institute. Zaniello, T.A. (1979). Humphrey Jennings’ Film ‘Family Portrait’: e Velocity of Imagistic Change. Literature/Film uarterly VII(1): 26–35.

Film reviews Anon. (1936). Birth of the Robot. World Film News 1: 25. Anon. (2 July 1936). Birth of the Robot. Advertisers Weekly. Anon. (2 July 1936). Birth of the Robot. e English Weekly. Anon. (1936 Summer). Birth of the Robot. Life and Letters Today 14. Anon. (1940). Welfare of the Workers. Documentary News Letter 1. Anon. (1941). Heart of Britain. Documentary News Letter 2: 48. 370 Humphrey Jennings and British Documentary Film: A Re-assessment

Anon. (1941). Words for Battle. Documentary News Letter 25(5). Anon. (1942). Listen to Britain. Motion Picture Herald 146. Anon. (1943). Did You Hear at? e Silent Village. e Listener (17 June): 717. Anon. (1943). Fires Were Started. Documentary News Letter April. Anon. (24 January 1945). A Diary for Timothy. e Times. Anon. (25 November 1945). A Diary For Timothy. Sunday Express. Anon. (30 November 1945). A Diary for Timothy. Spectator. Anon. (1948). e Cumberland Story. Monthly Film Bulletin 15 (31 March): 28. Anon. (1949). e Dim Little Island. Monthly Film Bulletin 16: 184. Anon. (1951). Family Portrait. Monthly Film Bulletin 18: 222. Anon. (7 March 1951). Family Portrait. Today’s Cinema 76: 51. Anon. (9 March 1951). Family Portrait. Times Educational Supplement. Anon. (18 March 1951). Family Portrait. Times Educational Supplement. Anon. (18 May 1951). Family Portrait. Today’s Cinema 76: 7. Anon. (18 May 1951). Family Portrait. Times Educational Supplement. Blanch, L. (1944). e True Story of Lili Marlene. Vogue: 52–3, 86 and 90. Lejeune, C.A. (18 June 1944). Lili Marlene. Observer. Pitman, G.A.H. (1945). A Saga of Victory – and then what? Our Time: 98–9. Whitebait, W. (29 July 1944). Lili Marlene. New Statesman.

Newspapers and magazines Anon. (1936). e Crystal Palace Destruction by Fire. e Times. London. Spender, S. (3 January 1942). Highbrow Fireman. e New Statesman and Nation: Weekend Review.