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Brian Stack and Peter Boag GEORGE CHAUNCEY's GAY NEW YORK

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Brian Stack and Peter Boag GEORGE CHAUNCEY's GAY NEW YORK Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781418000622 The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18 (2019), 120–132 doi:10.1017/S1537781418000622 https://www.cambridge.org/core CLASSIC BOOK REFLECTION Brian Stack and Peter Boag GEORGE CHAUNCEY’S GAY NEW YORK: AVIEWFROM . IP address: 25 YEARS LATER 170.106.202.8 When George Chauncey’s Gay New York appeared a quarter century ago, it did so with deserved fanfare. Reviewers celebrated it as “brilliant,”“magisterial,”“exceptional,” “monumental,”“light-years ahead,”“masterful,”“seminal,”“groundbreaking,” , on “absolutely marvelous,” a “new beginning,” and a “landmark study.”1 While reviews 25 Sep 2021 at 13:44:22 of Gay New York appeared in the usual American history journals, many of these were uncommonly long, indicating the book’s immediate importance.2 This importance was also felt beyond the discipline of history with reviews appearing in sociological, anthropological, environmental, American Studies, and even speech journals. The Association of American Geographers held a roundtable on Gay New York in 1995 in , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at which a participant dubbed it, “one of the more important texts written by a nongeogra- pher to be included in a canon of new social geography.”3 Beyond the academy, the popular press also expressed considerable interest in the book, with the New York Times, the New Yorker, the New Republic, and the Gay Community News each taking up the matter of Gay New York in its pages.4 And beyond the bounds of the United States, scholarly publications in Canada, Australia, and the United Kingdom also commissioned reviews of Gay New York.5 A year after its American debut with Basic Books, the parent firm of HarperCollins released it in the United Kingdom, and then eight years later the noted historian Didier Eribon translated it into French for the Parisian publisher Fayard.6 Within its first few years of publication, Gay New York also collected a number of notable prizes, including the Los Angeles Times Book Prize for history, the Frederick Jackson Turner Award from the Organization of American Historians (OAH), the Lambda Literary Award for gay men’s studies, and the Merle Curti Award from the OAH. https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms In this essay, we reflect on Chauncey’s Gay New York and its impact twenty-five years since its publication. We expect that those reading this retrospective will be familiar with the book, but we recapitulate its major contours here. Gay New York revealed an exten- sive gay male world in New York City that existed between 1890 and 1940. Chauncey argued that during these years, this world was more vibrant and visible than in the second third of the twentieth century. He made his case in three parts that explored, respectively, the cultural, spatial, and political geography of gay New York. At that time, Chauncey Brian Stack, Washington State University; email: [email protected]; Peter Boag, Washington State . University; email: [email protected]. © Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781418000622 George Chauncey’s Gay New York 121 showed, the homosexual–heterosexual binary was only formative, with male sexual identities being constructed from a combination of gender presentation and sex acts https://www.cambridge.org/core that a man was willing to perform. Chauncey claimed that the working-class “fairy,” an effeminate man who openly transgressed gender and sexual boundaries, and patterned himself on the working-class, female sex worker, stood at the organizational center of this sexual system. He then used this insight to revive the language and identities of middle- and working-class men who sought out sexual relations with other men during the early twentieth century. Chauncey uncovered gay people’s existence in, and uses of, varied urban institutions and locations, including bathhouses, bars, restrooms, parks, cafeterias, tearooms, drag balls, subways, and house parties. In addition to charting the vocabulary . IP address: and spaces of early twentieth-century gay men, Chauncey detailed how gay men found and aided each other while navigating state surveillance and regulation. He explained that New York City’s gay male world grew up in the city’s Bowery District in the late nine- 170.106.202.8 teenth century, thrived in Harlem and Greenwich Village from the 1910s to the 1930s, and during the era of Prohibition increased in visibility in places like Times Square, as best seen in New York City’s “pansy craze.” The repeal of Prohibition, and the subse- , on quent regulation of gay bars by authorities willing to revoke an establishment’s liquor 25 Sep 2021 at 13:44:22 license for knowingly catering to gay people, drove the gay male world from wider vis- ibility, essentially into the closet.7 Gay New York was one of three books that appeared in 1993 and 1994, offering the local, case-study approach that altered how we examine lesbian and gay history. The other two works were Esther Newton’s chronicle of Cherry Grove and Fire Island, and , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at Elizabeth Lapovsky Kennedy and Madeline D. Davis’s study of the lesbian community in Buffalo, New York. Previously, book-length considerations of the lesbian and gay past, a field that was then in an embryonic state, utilized significantly different approaches. They include John D’Emilio’s institutional study of pre-Stonewall homo- phile organizations; Allan Bérubé’s work on the transformative effects of World War II on gay and lesbian identity; Michel Foucault’s, Jeffrey Weeks’s, and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick’s theoretical approaches to the emergence of sexual identities in Western history; Jonathan Ned Katz’s collections of documentary evidence of the lesbian and gay past; Lillian Faderman’s examinations of lesbian life over longer periods of time; and, of course, Estelle Freedman and John D’Emilio’s general text on the history of sex- uality in America.8 Chauncey, along with Newton, Kennedy, and Davis, however, boldly applied the “new social” history techniques fashioned in the 1970s and the methods of oral history to the newly emerging field of lesbian and gay history. Chauncey’s work differed https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms from its two contemporaries in that it went back into even an earlier era, focusing espe- cially on the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. Some reviewers, without criticizing Chauncey for speaking beyond what the evidence would allow, did wonder about the extent to which Gay New York was Gay U.S.A. But in his book, Chauncey carefully explained that it would take further case studies to determine whether or not New York was prototypical of developments elsewhere. This call for more work, in addi- tion to the shear excitement the book created and the methodological barrier that the case- study approach helped to bust through, led to a reorientation in the field and numerous similar case studies followed. The indebtedness of some of these to Gay New York is . Downloaded from https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537781418000622 122 Brian Stack and Peter Boag clearly visible on their covers, sporting titles such as Gay Berlin, Gay L.A., Gay Seattle, Gay Metropolis, Lesbian and Gay Memphis, and Queer Twin Cities.9 https://www.cambridge.org/core Such case studies are beholden to Gay New York in more meaningful ways, namely to the book’s spectacular revelation that local archives contain rich materials for writing the history of same-sex sexuality. Diving into the files of social organizations, state agencies, popular literature, plays, films, legal and police records, diaries, vice reports, medical and sexological studies, tabloids, and African American newspapers, Gay New York directly challenged the assumption that the evidence for a rich local history of gay people (even as far back as the late nineteenth century) was slim. Granted, finding such sources in public archives takes time and patience. And, for those of us who have researched cities much . IP address: smaller and less socially diverse than New York City, such time and patience still yields considerably fewer documents than Chauncey had at his disposal. This not only suggests the possibly unique nature of New York City’s history at the turn of the 170.106.202.8 century, but it also helps provide an answer to the question of whether it was or was not “gay U.S.A.” Moreover, many of us who have researched LGBTQ history for earlier eras such as the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era as Chauncey did, learned , on very quickly what we already knew: the highly gendered nature of society in those 25 Sep 2021 at 13:44:22 times that largely relegated women to the private world also largely excluded them from the public archive. These differences in men’s and women’s access to public space and thus visibility back then and in the historical documentation that came out of those eras is partly the reason why Gay New York consciously focuses on men, some- thing for which it did receive some criticism at the time.10 , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at Regardless of either the surfeit or the deficit of certain sources available in early New York City, it has been more Chauncey’s methods and focus that inspired the explo- sion of local-history studies that followed. So numerous would such works become in the ensuing years that one historian declared in 2009 “an end to the gay historiographical frontier for local urban case studies.” He was joined by another expressing the need now for national or global narratives of lesbian and gay history.11 An end to local studies might be premature for several reasons.
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