Australian Political Chronicle 41 1

QUEENSLAND

The premier's satisfaction at the change in political complexion of the national government in December 1975 did not prevent him, in the ensuing six months, from locking horns with Mr Fraser and some of his ministers on a range of issues. Matters of controversy were the Law of the Sea Conference at which Mr Bjelke-Petersen wanted to be given observer status, the mining of bauxite in the Arukun Aboriginal Reserve on Cape York Peninsula, the continuing conflict over the border between Queensland and Papua New Guinea and the premier's unilateral intrusions into international affairs. Mr Bjelke-Petersen's revelation that, prior to the Indonesian invasion of East Timor, he had contacted President Suharto on several occasions to urge him to keep the Communists out of that island brought a quick repudiation of these actions by the Australian prime minister and led the Melbourne Age to urge Mr Fraser to declare `to President Suharto that the private views of this preposterous provincial chieftain are not those of the people of his own state'.' Unrepentant, Mr Bjelke-Petersen confessed also to having had discussions with the American ambassador on the build-up of Russian ships in the Indian Ocean and declared, 'I know what's going on. I've a lot of connections ... I wouldn't hesitate at any time to do the same again, in similar circumstances."

Federal - State Relations Queensland initially welcomed the national government's new tax sharing proposals with their promise of greater financial independence for state and local authorities, though as early as 5 January, the treasurer, Sir , was expressing some concern that the less populated states would suffer under the new system by comparison with Kew South Wales and Victoria, and indicated his bitter opposition to a state in- come tax which several premiers had envisaged would be an ultimate necessity under the new scheme. By the June Premier's Conference Queensland was allocated an additional $55 million in income tax reim- bursements but much less in special grants, and the prime minister made it quite clear that any additional revenues required by the states would have to be found through increases in their indirect taxes or by the imposition of their own income tax. While the other state premiers left the conference in an angry mood, Mr Bjelke-Petersen, although contemplating some slowing down in developmental works programmes as a result of the state's loan allocation, said that 'we will go back home in the right spirit of federalism', 3 and Sir Gordon categorically denied that there would be a state income tax in the 1976-77 budget. Another financial matter involving Queensland had widespread repercussions, however. In March, prior to state cabinet deciding on the issue, the premier announced that, in line with National party policy, all death duties would be eliminated in the September 1976 state budget. While stating that the National party wished to help people who would suffer tragically from death duties, Mr Bjelke-Petersen also admitted that `there is no doubt that elimination of death duties will be a tremendous magnet to persuade southern people and business to come here'." As a state government official was quoted as saying, 'look out, Norfolk Island, here we come'. 5 The Liberal premiers of New South Wales and Victoria were deeply concerned that their states would be seriously disadvantaged by the creation of a tax haven in Queensland and it was suggested that state branches of the Liberal party would be applying pressure on the prime minister to oppose Mr Bjelke- Petersen's plans. Mr Fraser certainly informed the premier that death duties should be fully discussed by all states and that any moves to alter them should be made in concert; at the same time he bluntly warned Mr Bjelke-Petersen that should Queensland find itself short of money after the abolition of death duties, no financial assistance would be forthcoming from the national government. The death duties proposal placed the premier and his National party on a collision course also with Sir Gordon Chalk and the majority of the parliamentary Liberal party who wished to see the progressive elimination of the duties over a number of years. Sir Gordon's concern was that a potential revenue loss of the order of $37 million would have a marked effect on employment in the state and further delay the start of the cultural centre planned for . A quick decision by cabinet to authorize the introduction of football pools into Queensland, by way of a licence to Australian Soccer Pools Pty Ltd was seen as a con- cession to Sir Gordon on the death duties issue. Pointing out that revenue from the pools could not be used to offset losses caused by the abolition of death duties as proposed by the premier, Sir Gordon fought the death duties issue all the way down the line, in cabinet and in the joint government parties' meeting, only to lose in cabinet and to find in the latter forum that support from his own party members had dwindled to a mere two by the end of June.

1. Age, 4 June 1976. 2. Ibid. 3. Courier-Mail, 11 June 1976. 4. Ibid., 17 March 1976. 5. Australian, 23 March 1976. 412 The Australian Journal of Politics and History

In April the question of the disputed border between Australia and Papua New Guinea once more cap- tured the national headlines. In a meeting with a deputation of Torres Strait Islanders the prime minister, while guaranteeing their Australian citizenship and the protection of their livelihood, made it clear that he believed the existing border to be unfair and favoured a realignment which would give Papua New Guinea greater access to the straits. The premier re-entered the fray, promising the islanders legal aid to employ an independent legal adviser, and hiring Professor Daniel O'Connell, Oxford University's expert on con- stitutional law at a retainer of $20,000 plus charges, to advise him on how to keep the present border intact. The Islanders, in their turn, chose Brisbane barrister, Mr Frank Gardiner, a defeated ALP candidate at the last state election, to be their legal representative. Backed by a National party executive decision to support him all the way in his 'no appeasement' stand on the border issue, Mr Bjelke-Petersen, through the local government minister, Mr R. Hinze, then took the unilateral decision to immediately bring all the islands in the strait into the state Shire of Torres and under formal town planning control. The despatch of the deputy prime minister and federal leader of the premier's party, Mr Doug Anthony to Brisbane to smooth over the differences was to no avail and the conflict was further exacerbated by public criticism of the premier by the Papua New Guinea minister for justice, Mr Olewale and a govern- ment backbencher, Mr Naipuri Maina both of whom strongly suggested that Mr Bjelke-Petersen's motiva- tion was that of keeping any future oil or mineral discovery in the area under the sole control of the . The Torres Strait Islanders then threatened to fight any border change in the International Court of Justice, and the state minister for Aboriginal and Islander advancement, Mr Wharton pledged the full support of the Queensland government in this action. In mid-May, the Australian foreign minister, Mr Andrew Peacock flew to Papua New Guinea to begin negotiations on the border issue and early in June it was announced in both countries that an arrangement had been reached under which the land border would be virtually unchanged but that a sea-bed border would be created which would give Papua New Guinea possibly up to fifty kilometres of sea-bed rights which presently belong to Australia. Queensland immediately rejected the settlement, the premier accusing the Australian government of 'betraying the Torres Strait islanders to a foreign country ... one whose friendship and treaty guarantees could not be guaranteed even in the short-term future.' 6 The issues of the sovereignty of the states and their rights under the constitution were once again raised; while the national government insisted that no change had been made to the border, the state attorney general indicated that a referendum of the people of Queensland would be sought, under section 123 of the federal constitution. There, at the time of writing, the matter rests, with Mr Bjelke-Petersen having the last word, as usual, in warning the prime minister, Mr Fraser, that he was following 'spot on' some of the policies of the Whitlam Labor government and 'would have to be educated' over a number of issues affecting Queensland.' One such issue was the proposed mining of bauxite on the Arukun Aboriginal reserve. Following upon the agreement reached in December 1975 between the state government and a mining consortium (Tip- perary Corporation, Billiton Aluminium (Aust.) and Aluminium Pechiney Holdings Pty Ltd, all wholly overseas owned companies) to extract bauxite from the Arukun reserve (as recorded in the previous chroni- cle), almost every adult member of the Arukun community signed a petition which was presented to the government by their Brisbane solicitor, Mr W.T. McMillan. The petition contained three major grounds for complaint: that the Aborigines were not consulted before the government passed the bill in December 1975, allowing a massive bauxite mine on their land; that they objected to the contents of the bill which allowed mining on sacred tribal areas and hunting grounds; that they did not accept claims by the minister for Aboriginal affairs, Mr Wharton that their representatives had agreed to the scheme. What failed to be brought out in press reports at this stage, however, was the fact that the Arukuns had been incensed to dis- cover that under the Arukun Associates Agreement Act the 3 percent of the project's net profit was to be paid by the mining consortium to the state Department of Aboriginal and Islander Advancement and not to the people of Arukun. The Presbyterian church, whose Board of Missions is the responsible body appointed for the manage- ment of the Arukun Aboriginal reserve, began a nation-wide campaign for national government interven- tion to prevent the mining development until the Arukun community had been properly consulted. Support was forthcoming from a wide range of individuals and organizations including the Australian Council of Churches and Queensland's part-Aboriginal and Liberal party senator, Neville Bonner. A round of inconclusive talks followed, involving the Queensland premier, the Presbyterian church, the prime minister, Mr Fraser and the federal minister for Aboriginal affairs, Mr Viner, but not the Aborigines of Arukun. Meanwhile the last named took out a writ in the Supreme Court of Queensland claiming a breach of trust by the director of Aboriginal and Islanders Advancement in becoming a party to the agree- ment with the mining consortium, and also called for the renegotiation of the agreement with themselves to be fully and legally represented at the discussions. As a result of a delegation to the premier of state church leaders, headed by the Roman Catholic

6. Age, 7 June 1976. 7. Sydney Morning Herald, 7 April 1976. Australian Political Chronicle 413 archbishop Dr Rush, asking for the appointment of an independent person to find out the facts of the case from the people of Arukun, the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly, Mr Houghton authorized Queensland's ombudsman, Mr D. Longland to proceed to Arukun for the purpose of preparing a report for parliament on the proposed mining project. Federal government officials claimed that Aboriginal leaders were absent on a fact-finding mission to mining projects at Groote Eylandt and Gove at the time of the om- budsman's visit to Arukun and that the Queensland government had been well aware of these plans prior to Mr Longland's departure for Cape York. In his report, tabled in parliament on 7 April, the ombudsman found that 'the Arukuns feel aggrieved and offended that they had insufficient say in the terms and settle- ment and that they feel there was not adequate consultation participation and explanation'. 8 He recom- mended a meeting on the reserve to discuss the proposal with the Aboriginal elders and their people and stated that if the Arukuns were not satisfied with the 3 percent profit sharing set out in the Arukun As- sociates Agreement Act then, the agreement might need to be renegotiated. When finally representatives of the mining consortium, the state and federal Aboriginal affairs departments, the Presbyterian church and the five Aboriginal community councillors met at Arukun there was much hard bargaining. The miners' spokesman, Mr Vern Carter seemed able to satisfy the meeting on the questions of protection of the sacred sites, job training, housing etc. but at the end of the talks the main obstacle to agreement remained—the de- mand by the Aborigines that they should get a direct return from the 3 percent share. There the matter rests, but it is assumed that the state government will come under increasing pressure from most of the in- terested parties to renegotiate the agreement and change the act so that a direct return will be assured to the people of Arukun. While the national government, at this stage, did not seem to have clarified its own policies and position re Aboriginal land rights and mining on reserves, the agreement, as it presently stands, clearly contravenes the government's announced policy on new foreign investment—that any new mining development must have a minimum of 50 percent Australian equity.

Government and the Coalition Parties The new year began badly for the premier's relations with the media when Mr Keith Fryday, veteran political roundsman for the Brisbane Courier-Mail was barred from the daily press briefing on 29 January. Mr Fryday's banning arose from critical remarks he had made about Mr Bjelke-Petersen's excessive use of the government aircraft. These had been uttered in the premier's presence, at a farewell dinner to the jour- nalist hosted for him on the eve of his retirement by the Speaker of the Assembly, Mr Houghton. The Australian Journalists' Association blacklisted the premier, his staff and copy from his office for some days in support of Mr Fryday. At the first cabinet meeting of the year the premier was beaten, seventeen to one, on his proposal to cut overseas trips by state ministers and public servants in 1976. While the average cost of a minister's overseas trip was $25,000, according to the treasurer, cabinet took the view that none of these were `junkets' and should be continued. In the interests of economic restraint the premier also proposed to abandon his monthly television show and commercial radio broadcasts, together with their attendant advertising but was overruled on this also. Savings in this regard would have been $127,000 a year, as es- timated by his staff, but of the order of $250,000 over a fifteen month period on the opposition's reckoning. An account of his cabinet defeat was leaked to the press, occasioning Mr Bjelke-Petersen, at the next meeting, to threaten to sack any minister found guilty of leaking confidential cabinet information. He con- tinued to clash with the National party police minister, Mr Hodges over the introduction of an arts and sciences certificate course as a factor in police promotions, on which the minister has been backing the police commissioner, Mr Whitrod, while the premier has sided with the police union which is opposed to any weakening of the seniority principle as the basis for promotion. The premier could find little support either in cabinet or the party room for his proposal to introduce late night shopping on Thursdays for a trial period. Rumours began to circulate that all was not well within the parliamentary National party and that the premier would sack three National party ministers, Max Hodges (police), Vic Sullivan (primary industry) and Neville Hewitt (water resources) later in the year, because of their continuing criticism of his perfor- mance as leader. Certainly there were several fiery meetings of the joint government parties during the period, at one of which a motion of support for the premier had to be withdrawn without a vote being taken. Relations between the two party leaders also deteriorated with constant clashes in cabinet and in public. The rift between them was widened by the action of the National party parliamentarians in directing Sir Gordon, as treasurer, to eliminate all death duties in the next state budget while Sir Gordon's own position was weakened by his handling of the building societies' crisis. The government suspended a small building society, the Australian Permanent Building Society and Bowkett on 1 March and appointed a liquidator. The suspension of a further five brought a massive run by depositors on the remainder, and forced both

8. Ibid., 7 April 1976. 414 The Australian Journal of Politics and History state and national governments to guarantee investors' monies to halt the panic. Legislation was hurriedly drafted by the state government to set up a contingency fund for the societies and to ensure that, in future, building societies could lend money on deposit with them only for the purpose of home ownership. Sir Gordon Chalk's clash with the National party and many of his own supporters arose from his subsequent actions in giving the building societies an ultimatum to settle the problem of the suspended societies themselves by putting up the necessary financial backing, or face direct government competition, from the State Government Insurance Office which would provide the funds required. In the event the treasurer took things a step further by amalgamating the suspended societies into a new body, the SGIO Permanent Building Society which will take what is, in effect, a government-owned agency into direct competition with other building societies in the state. National party retaliation was swift. Elimination of death duties was passed through cabinet and the joint parties' meeting as was a decision to set up a Priorities Review Committee under the premier's control to 'eliminate waste, duplication and unnecessary spending in government departments'. The committee will comprise the coordinator general, the Public Service Board chairman and the permanent head of the Treasury and will give the premier a direct influence over state spending and weaken that of the Treasury. In the course of the battle in cabinet over the establishment of the committee, Sir Gordon threatened to resign and had his bluff called by the premier. It is doubtful if Sir Gordon will remain in state politics much longer as his position within the government and in his own parliamentary party has been seriously eroded in the past few months. Indeed by mid-year the premier appeared to have regained his ascendancy, though at one period in early May speculation had been rife that he would have to resign as revelations were made of a further sortie of his into the overseas loans affair.' In the first instance, on 18 March, the federal attorney general (Mr R. El- licot) told the House of Representatives that there was no substance to Mr Bjelke-Petersen's accusations of December 1975 and January 1976 that two former federal Labor ministers and a public servant had been involved in attempting to obtain commissions on proposed overseas borrowings by the Labor government. Subsequently, on 6 May, the federal opposition leader, Mr Whitlam revealed that a Mr R.B. Todd of the New York bank, Whitney Todd and Company, had been employed by Mr Bjelke-Petersen as a financial adviser and investigator during the overseas loans affair and claimed that he was still owed US$17,000 for the work he had done for the premier. Sir Gordon Chalk as deputy state premier, immediately dissociated the Queensland government and cabinet from the employment of Mr Todd. The premier claimed that the $13,488 paid to Todd had come from private sources. As the Courier-MaiP° pointed out, in sharply rebuk- ing Mr Bjelke-Petersen it was idle to maintain that this was not a government affair, as he had signed the authorization to Mr Todd, as premier, and Queensland public servants including the state's agent-general in London and a Queensland police inspector had been involved in the premier's loans investigation mission. Mr Bjelke-Petersen shrugged off the criticism of his actions but a Gallup poll taken during this period showed that a majority of Queenslanders did not approve of the way he was handling his job, making him the only state premier to gain such a high disapproval rating."

Parliament Parliament resumed on 9 March, for the first time since December, for a short session until mid-April. Queensland is noted for the brevity of its parliamentary sessions. In 1972 the state's legislators sat for fifty- five days, for seventy-seven in 1973, fifty-eight in 1974 and seventy-one last year; nor were there any dis- cernible signs that this pattern will be modified in any way in 1976. A further breakthrough was achieved in this session, however, in the matter of parliamentary commit- tees. The introduction of a Committee on Subordinate Legislation in 1975 has now been followed by a Privileges Committee, on which the National party will have three nominees: the government whip, Mr Ahern (Landsborough), L.W. Powell (Isis), J.H. Warner (Toowoomba South); the Liberal party two, in the persons of chairman of committees, W.D. Hewitt (Chatsworth) and C.R. Porter (Toowong) and the ALP one representative, J.E.H. Houston (Bulimba). The committee's initial tasks will include drawing up a privilege code under which protection against the abuse of parliamentary privilege will be afforded private individuals and organizations as well as members of parliament. After opposition protests, legislation was also passed appointing a deputy government whip, with an an- nual allowance of $750 on the grounds that the size of the government parties (sixty-nine members) had im- posed too great a burden on the government whip. Parliament also reversed a resolution of last September by agreeing to Queensland's participation in the next plenary session of the Australian Constitution Convention at Hobart. A joint government parties' meeting approved the setting-up of a government com- mittee to enquire into the standards of primary, secondary and tertiary education in Queensland and to in-

9. See previous Commonwealth political chronicles. 10. Courier-Mail, 13 May 1976. 11. 57 percent disapproved and only 34 percent approved of the way in which he was handling his job. Australian Political Chronicle 415 vestigate teacher training. This action provoked a demand from the oppositon spokesman on education, Mr Keith Wright for a parliamentary select committee to conduct the enquiry as 'the idea of government politi- cians investigating their own government's education system was like "Caesar investigating Caesarm. 12 In February death claimed two former parliamentarians who had had notable careers in state politics: William Matthew Moore and Edward Joseph (Ted) Walsh.The former was the member for Merthyr from 1940 to 1957 and health minister in the Gair government from 1950 to 1957. Mr Walsh was Bundaberg's parliamentary member from 1950 until his retirement in January 1969 and one of the state's most con- troversial and colourful politicians. He defeated Mr (later Sir) Arthur Fadden for the seat of Mirani in 1935, had it taken from him by the then Country party in 1947 but returned to political prominence in 1950 when he wrestled Bundaberg from the late Mr Frank (Bombshell) Barnes (independent). Walsh held the portfolios of lands and transport and the deputy-premiership in the Hanlon government, was treasurer in the Gair government at the time of the Labor split in 1957 and was one of the group which broke away from the ALP to form the . He refused to join the Democratic Labor party on its merger with the QLP and after 1963 represented Bundaberg as an independent. Mr Jim Donald, MLA for the Bremer electorate from 1946 to 1969 and state ALP parliamentary secretary for many years died in May. Before entering parliament, Mr Donald had been state secretary of the Queensland Collieries' Employees' Union. Of more immediate impact on state politics was the death on 20 February of Mr Martin Hanson, member for Port Curtis in the Legislative Assembly. A son-in-law of the late Labor premier, E.M. Hanlon, Mr Hanson has represented this safe Labor seat since 1963 and his untimely death, followed closely by the snap resignation of the Liberal member for Clayfield, Mr John Murray, brought on two by-elections for their seats on 29 May. One of the original members of the 'ginger group' within the parliamentary Liberal party, Mr Murray had latterly become, like Mr Charles Porter (Toowong), a stern critic of his own party leader and a consistent supporter of the premier.

Australian Labor Party In January the Queensland branch began preparations for the next state elections. The parliamentary party leader, Mr Tom Burns commenced a six months meet-the-people campaign with a series of political gatherings throughout the state and early nominations were called for each of the eighty-two state elec- torates. The refusal of Mr. E.D. Jensen, MLA for Bundaberg, to contribute the 3} percent compulsory levy of his salary to party funds, as laid down by the last Labor-in-politics convention appeared to have jeopar- dized his re-endorsement as a Labor candidate but the example of Mr. E.D. Casey who has continued to hold Mackay as an independent since losing ALP endorsement may well stay the hand of the QCE in deal- ing with Jensen. The party began a fund-raising drive to pay the salaries of two research assistants for Mr Burns and established a Labor College to strengthen it and its support, in the long-term, and to produce better election candidates, campaign methods and results through its classes. The announcement in the queen's birthday honours list of the conferral of a knighthood upon the presi- dent of the Queensland branch of the ALP and of the Trades and Labor Coukil, Jack Egerton, produced shock waves throughout the party. Branch officials told Sir John that acceptance of the knighthood was incompatible with Labor party principles and that he could not retain the presidency. Unions affiliated with the TLC called upon him to stand down from that office also. The Storeman and Packers' Union went so far as to threaten to ground the plane on which Sir John and his wife were planning to fly for an overseas holiday until such time as he tended his resignation. In the event an agreement was reached that he would resign from the TLC presidency effective one month after his return to Brisbane. No such firm arrangement was made with the ALP before his departure and on 29 June a full meeting of the QCE declared the posi- tion of president vacant and elected its vice-president Mr Tom Burton, unopposed, to replace Sir John. Mr Burton is state secretary of the Printing and Kindred Industries Union. His former position as vice- president of the state branch was filled by the party leader, Mr Tom Burns, while Mr Bill Hayden, MHR for Oxley and former federal treasurer was elected to the seven-man inner executive of the QCE. While in some Labor circles it had been considered that Sir John Egerton's retirement from the top offices in the labour movement was long overdue, his years of service to the party and the union movement, much of it in positions of power and authority led others to regret the manner of his going.

The By-Election The by-election in Port Curtis lacked much of the interest, the brou-ha-ha and the intensity of struggle which marked the Clayfield campaign. Interest centred mainly on the level of support which the Labor can- didate would receive, given the fact that the late sitting member, Martin Hanson, had built up over the years a personal following in the electorate, particularly in his home town of Gladstone. Significantly, it had been the Gladstone vote, with its swing away from the ALP which had defeated the sitting ALP member 12. Courier-Mail, 2 June 1976. 416 The Australian Journal of Politics and History

for Capricornia, Dr Everingham, at the federal elections in 1975. Candidates were: ALP: Alderman W. Prest (mayor of Gladstone); Liberal: John Mawer (engineer and businessman); National: Jim Elliot (businessman) and independent: Lloyd Curtis (a former engine driver). The seat went to Alderman Prest, but the ALP vote dropped 11.1 percent, with the independent, Lloyd Curtis (11.7 percent) probably siphoning off some of this. Of concern to the Liberals must be the fall in their support on the 1974 figures of 6.2 percent and an increase in that for the National party candidate of 5.7 percent. The contest in Clayfield was probably the most bitter and intense in recent political history in this state, with the battle joined between the lacklustre Liberal candidate, Mr Ivan Brown and the much more dynamic state secretary of the National party, Mr Mike Evans. Also in the race, was Mr Colin Milford for the ALP. The Workers' party candidate, Mr Robert Wickham, failed by a margin of seven minutes, to lodge his nomination and was forced to withdraw. The Clayfield campaign exacerbated an already tense and deteriorating coalition relationship, and the closeness of the final result did little to relieve the situation. The seat went to the Liberals, but with a fall of 30 percent on their 1974 performance. National party sup- port was 28.4 percent and the ALP vote rose by 7.6 percent to 38.3 percent. While the ALP used possible introduction of state income tax—the second tax—as its main theme, the most controversial element was brought into the by-election by Mr Evans, who despite an early rap on the knuckles from cabinet for introducing matters not yet confirmed government policies, continued to cam- paign on the abolition of death duties and for pay-roll tax concessions. His stand was endorsed by National party president, Mr Bob Sparkes, who came into open conflict with Sir Gordon Chalk over the issue. Claims of gimmickry and character assassination on the part of Mr Evans were bandied about, as were al- legations that the Nationals were spending $40,000 in Clayfield as against $18,000 by the Liberal party and $1,000 by the ALP. Though a partial reconciliation was finally achieved between the two parties, the wounds inflicted on the Liberals by the National party in this by-election will take a long time to heal.

Local Government The campaign for the Brisbane City Council elections on 27 March was a 'ho-hum' affair evoking little visible interest on the part of the voter and little to excite them in party platforms or campaign styles. The Liberal party, contesting a local government election for the first time in this state put up a full team headed by Mr Syd McDonald a Brisbane caterer. The ALP was led by the lord mayor, Alderman Bryan Walsh, the inheritor of the Clem Jones' mantle, who professed to be optimistic that Labor would retain its twenty to one advantage in the council.The results, from a low voting turn-out, were a considerable shock. A 12 percent swing to the Liberals was reflected in a loss of eight wards by the ALP including that of the lord mayor to the former state Liberal MLA Mr Ray Smith, and that of Alderman Ian Brusasco in Toombul. The Liberal party will now hold nine seats on the council to the ALPs twelve. Even more surprising perhaps was the choice by Labor caucus of Alderman Frank Sleeman, sixty-one, as the lord mayor. Early front runners had been the vice-mayor, Alderman Lynch and the transport and electricity committee chairman Alderman Thomson. Acting on the 'advice' of the QCE, however, the contest became one between Sleeman (Banyo Ward), who has had no executive experience in his fifteen years as an alderman, and Alderman Shaw (Waterloo Bay) with Sleeman the easy winner on the day. Former state parliamen- tarian and leader of the Labor opposition, Mr Percy Tucker, returned to politics at the local government level by winning the mayoral position in Townsville, while Sir Bruce Small, the octogenarian member for Surfers Paradise in the Legislative Assembly was returned as mayor of the Gold Coast. M.N.B.C.