Liberals, Liberals Everywhere | the Spectator

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Liberals, Liberals Everywhere | the Spectator 20/12/2018 Liberals, liberals everywhere | The Spectator 15 December 2018 Salvatore Babones Liberals, liberals everywhere It is often said that England and America are divided by a common language, and you might as well throw in Australia too. Table a motion in Australia, and it’s up for discussion; table it in America, and you’ve as good as killed it. It’s the same with liberalism. In the United States, Hillary Clinton is the arch-liberal matriarch of the Democratic party, but she doesn’t seem to have much in common with Australian Liberals like John Howard and Tony Abbott. What gives? Will the real liberals please stand up? Australia has a Liberal party full of conservatives that, in the words of its founder Robert Menzies, was from the beginning ‘determined to be a progressive party’. In the United Kingdom, the Liberal Democrats trace their origins to an unholy alliance between old liberals and new socialists. In the United States, the Republican party has turned ‘liberal’ into a dirty word for ‘Democrat’, despite the fact that some of its most famous intellectual luminaries (Theodore Roosevelt, Fiorello La Guardia, Henry Cabot Lodge) were out-and-out liberals. Conservative icon Edmund Burke was a Whig (a pre-Liberal) who sat in opposition to the Tories in Parliament. Ramsay MacDonald, the UK’s first Labour prime minister, only joined the Labour party after being passed over by the Southampton Liberals. Closer to home, the University of Sydney’s Liberal Club, the alma mater of John Howard, Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull, has split into three: a Liberal Club, a Conservative Club, and a Libertarian Club. Who can blame them? It seems everyone and no one wants to be called a liberal. The problem is that the US, UK and Australia all have political systems that squeeze three different political traditions – liberal, conservative, and progressive (or laborite) – into just two major parties. In the era of universal suffrage, liberals have never been numerous enough to win elections on their own. So they co-opt conservative and progressive parties instead. The only way they can stay in power is by pulling the strings from behind the scenes. After three centuries of practice, they’ve gotten so good at it that the language itself has lost sight of the hidden masters of Anglo-Saxon politics. https://www.spectator.co.uk/2018/12/liberals-liberals-everywhere/ 1/3 20/12/2018 Liberals, liberals everywhere | The Spectator Liberalism was the first coherent, well-articulated political philosophy in the English- speaking world. Born out of the Parliamentary party of the English Civil War and the Glorious Revolution of 1688, liberalism is the party of individual rights and the rule of law. Sociologically speaking, it is the house philosophy of the educated middle class. The professions – all professions – are chock-full of liberals. Conservatism grew out of Toryism, but it got its first real mission statement in England with Robert Peel’s 1834 Tamworth Manifesto, in which he lauded ‘the respect for ancient rights’ that was ‘more powerful than either law or reason’. English progressivism (or laborism) arose even later. It didn’t find a strong institutional voice until formation of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900. In British political history, both the Conservative party and the Labour party were born as offshoots of the Whigs/Liberals. That’s because as England emerged from the Middle Ages, the main opposition to the Crown was liberal. That’s very different from the situation on the Continent. In France, liberals like the Marquis de Lafayette were quickly pushed aside in the French Revolution, with disastrous consequences. As a result, all of France’s revolutions (not to mention Russia’s revolution) ended in terror and repression. The French revolutionary terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ – representing the radicals and reactionaries who sat on opposite sides of the National Assembly of 1789 –just don’t apply in Anglo-Saxon political systems. We don’t have a simple spectrum of opinion that runs from a communist left to a fascist right. For us, communism and fascism are equally abhorrent. Anglo-Saxon conservatism is not ‘fascism-lite’; it has nothing to do with fascism at all. Ditto Anglo-Saxon progressivism. Australian Labor, British Labour and the American Democrats want higher wages for workers, not death to capitalists. The tyranny of French philosophy has given us political oxymorons like ‘the Labor right’ and ridiculous tautologies like ‘the liberal wing of the Liberal Party’. We have a different political landscape from France, and different problems. In the Anglo-Saxon world, the educated middle class professionals who run all of our political parties tend to be liberal. In Australia, the Liberal party rank and file may not have voted for gay marriage, but you can bet that most of its party staffers did. The Labor party may https://www.spectator.co.uk/2018/12/liberals-liberals-everywhere/ 2/3 20/12/2018 Liberals, liberals everywhere | The Spectator depend on unions for financial support, but its activists celebrate the multicultural immigration that puts its members out of work. The challenge for the professional managers of both major parties is that most voters don’t share their priorities. So the liberal elites of the Labor party have to pretend to care about ordinary workers – while pushing through their agenda of free trade, multiculturalism, sexual liberation, and the increasing bureaucratisation of public life. Meanwhile the liberal elites of the Liberal party have to pretend to care about families and religion – while pushing through their agenda of free trade, multiculturalism, sexual liberation, and the increasing bureaucratisation of public life. Either way, the voters lose. Hillary Clinton, Malcolm Turnbull and Kevin Rudd belong to the same liberal club, in more ways than one. They’re all welcome at New York art openings and film premieres. They’re all highly respected among the kinds of people who are highly respected. And they’re all bitterly resented by ordinary voters in their own parties. Liberals can never win an electoral majority on their own, so they muscle in on other people’s parties instead. The resulting dominance of liberal policy priorities has created a new kind of authoritarianism: the liberal authoritarianism of the professional class. It doesn’t matter much who you vote for these days. Either way, you’re electing the same bunch, and they don’t represent you. They represent the educated professionals who run political parties. In other words, they represent themselves. Viewed using Just Read https://www.spectator.co.uk/2018/12/liberals-liberals-everywhere/ 3/3.
Recommended publications
  • HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- the PREDICAMENT of the BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914
    This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68-3000 HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1967 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © Copyright by Gerald Clarence Heberle 1968 THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gerald c / Heberle, B.A., M.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1967 Approved by B k f y f ’ P c M k ^ . f Adviser Department of History ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Professor Philip P. Poirier of the Department of History, The Ohio State University, Dr. Poirier*s invaluable advice, his unfailing patience, and his timely encouragement were of immense assistance to me in the production of this dissertation, I must acknowledge the splendid service of the staff of the British Museum Manuscripts Room, The Librarian and staff of the University of Birmingham Library made the Chamberlain Papers available to me and were most friendly and helpful. His Lordship, Viscount Chilston, and Dr, Felix Hull, Kent County Archivist, very kindly permitted me to see the Chilston Papers, I received permission to see the Asquith Papers from Mr, Mark Bonham Carter, and the Papers were made available to me by the staff of the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, To all of these people I am indebted, I am especially grateful to Mr, Geoffrey D,M, Block and to Miss Anne Allason of the Conservative Research Department Library, Their cooperation made possible my work in the Conservative Party's publications, and their extreme kindness made it most enjoyable.
    [Show full text]
  • Cinema, Rhetoric, and Subjectivity
    Seeing Voices: Cinema, Rhetoric, and Subjectivity James Martin, Goldsmiths, University of London Abstract What can film teach us about political rhetoric? Although many different types of speech and argument are to be found in cinematic productions, films rarely present a single or clear-cut argumentative case like a formal oration. Instead, dialogue conforms to a wider narrative process, anchoring speech in cinema’s visual form of storytelling. But if, as Richard Rushton claims, films can present narrative arguments that depict the tentative formation of subjectivity, we still need to account for the way audiences are lured into identifying with those nar- ratives. In this paper I draw upon Lacanian film theory – specifically the notion of “the gaze” – to explain how film enacts a form of rhetorical “exigence” that disrupts the visual field to stimulate spectators’ desire and invite resolution. Two recent films about Churchill are used to illustrate this point. Political rhetoric, I conclude, might therefore usefully be conceived as a visually oriented practice. Keywords: Winston Churchill, rhetoric, cinema, psychoanalysis 1. Introduction What can cinema tell us about political rhetoric? There are, without a doubt, many great moments of oratory to be found in cinema films, as well as strik- ing turns of phrase, sharp verbal exchanges or revealing deliberations. Cinema enables spectators to experience a deep, affective involvement with individuals, their actions, and their utterances that would make any speech writer envious. But spoken rhetoric in film rarely does the work that an entire speech does in public or political life, even when the story is about political figures.
    [Show full text]
  • Fraser Nelson Editor, the Spectator Media Masters – September 12, 2019 Listen to the Podcast Online, Visit
    Fraser Nelson Editor, The Spectator Media Masters – September 12, 2019 Listen to the podcast online, visit www.mediamasters.fm Welcome to Media Masters, a series of one-to-one interviews with people at the top of the media game. Today I’m joined by Fraser Nelson, editor of The Spectator, the world’s oldest weekly magazine. Under his 10-year editorship it has reached a print circulation of over 70,000, the highest in its 190-year history. Previously political editor and associate editor, his roles elsewhere have included political columnist for the News of the World, political editor at the Scotsman, and business reporter with the Times. He is a board director with the Centre for Policy Studies, and the recipient of a number of awards, including the British Society of Magazine Editors’ ‘Editors’ Editor of the Year’. Fraser, thank you for joining me. Great pleasure to be here. Allie, who writes these introductions for me, clearly hates me. Editors’ Editor of the Year from the Editors’ Society. What’s that? Yes, it is, because it used to be ‘Editor of the Year’ back in the old days, and then you got this massive inflation, so now every award they give is now Editor of the Year (something or another). I see. Now that leads to a problem, so what do you call the overall award? Yes, the top one. The grand enchilada. Yes. So it’s actually a great honour. They ask other editors to vote every year. Wow. So this isn’t a panel of judges who decides the number one title, it’s other editors, and they vote for who’s going to be the ‘Editors’ Editor of the Year’, and you walk off with this lovely big trophy.
    [Show full text]
  • Spectator 1955-04-29 Editors of the Ps Ectator
    Seattle nivU ersity ScholarWorks @ SeattleU The peS ctator 4-29-1955 Spectator 1955-04-29 Editors of The pS ectator Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.seattleu.edu/spectator Recommended Citation Editors of The peS ctator, "Spectator 1955-04-29" (1955). The Spectator. 531. http://scholarworks.seattleu.edu/spectator/531 This Newspaper is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks @ SeattleU. It has been accepted for inclusion in The peS ctator by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ SeattleU. STEVE HAIR, JIM RAY SEATTLEUNIVERSITY VIE FOR PREXY SPOT Spectator By MARGIE VAN PARYS places: Information Booth and Copy Editor Chieftain from 8 a.m. to 1 p.m., Marycrest Hall from 1 p.m. to 10 Primary elections weredecided Vol. XXII ®-*m» SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, FRIDAY, APRIL 29, 1955 No. 24 Tuesday, April 26, following p.m., and at ProvidenceHall. Stu- last dent Body are required for a week of spirited campaigning and cards enthusiasm. Avote of 733 was re- voting. narrowingthe con- Climaxing the campaigning, a corded, fieldof May 2, testants to 17. rally will be held Monday, Beverly To Rule ap- beginning at 7 p.m. First event of Queen The names of 22 candidates pearedon theprimary ballot. Sur- the evening will be a car caravan viving the primaries on the ASSU which will form in front of the ballot are: Chieftain and tour the downtown Over Fourth Military Ball area. PRESIDENT Campaign speeches will be de- By TOM DeMAN Steve Hair livered by candidates from a plat- Beverly "Joey" Beswick, 18- Jim Ray form in front of the Engineering year-old freshman pre-major, will VICE PRESIDENT Building following the parade.
    [Show full text]
  • The Conservatives in British Government and the Search for a Social Policy 1918-1923
    71-22,488 HOGAN, Neil William, 1936- THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1971 History, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED THE CONSERVATIVES IN BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOCIAL POLICY 1918-1923 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Neil William Hogan, B.S.S., M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 1971 Approved by I AdvAdviser iser Department of History PREFACE I would like to acknowledge my thanks to Mr. Geoffrey D.M. Block, M.B.E. and Mrs. Critch of the Conservative Research Centre for the use of Conservative Party material; A.J.P. Taylor of the Beaverbrook Library for his encouragement and helpful suggestions and his efficient and courteous librarian, Mr. Iago. In addition, I wish to thank the staffs of the British Museum, Public Record Office, West Sussex Record Office, and the University of Birmingham Library for their aid. To my adviser, Professor Phillip P. Poirier, a special acknowledgement#for his suggestions and criticisms were always useful and wise. I also want to thank my mother who helped in the typing and most of all my wife, Janet, who typed and proofread the paper and gave so much encouragement in the whole project. VITA July 27, 1936 . Bom, Cleveland, Ohio 1958 .......... B.S.S., John Carroll University Cleveland, Ohio 1959 - 1965 .... U.
    [Show full text]
  • Trans-Atlantic Elements in the Domestic Policy Attitudes of the British and American Conservative Movements, 1980-1990
    W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects Summer 2016 Trans-Atlantic Elements in the Domestic Policy Attitudes of the British and American Conservative Movements, 1980-1990. Samuel Inigo Packer College of William and Mary - Arts & Sciences, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Packer, Samuel Inigo, "Trans-Atlantic Elements in the Domestic Policy Attitudes of the British and American Conservative Movements, 1980-1990." (2016). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1499449838. http://doi.org/10.21220/S21H29 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Trans-Atlantic elements in the Domestic policy attitudes of the British and American Conservative Movements,1980-1990. Samuel Inigo Packer Chilmark, Wiltshire, United Kingdom Bachelor of Arts, University of Oxford, 2015. A Thesis presented to the Graduate Faculty of the College of William and Mary in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts. Lyon G. Tyler Department of History The College of William and Mary August, 2016 © Copyright by Samuel Inigo Packer 2016 ABSTRACT Trans-Atlantic elements in the Domestic policy attitudes of the British and American Conservative Movements,1980-1990. This paper explores the relationship between British and American Conservative activists during the 1980s when Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan dominated the politics of their respective countries.
    [Show full text]
  • The Oratory of Winston Churchill
    This is a repository copy of The oratory of Winston Churchill. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/85035/ Version: Accepted Version Proceedings Paper: Theakston, K orcid.org/0000-0002-9939-7516 (2015) The oratory of Winston Churchill. In: Hayton, R and Crines, AS, (eds.) Conservative orators: From Baldwin to Cameron. Oratory in Conservative Party Politics Conference, 09 Nov 2012, University of Huddersfield, Huddersfield, UK. Manchester University Press , pp. 30-46. ISBN 978-0-7190-9724-9 © 2015, Manchester University Press. This is an author produced version of a paper published in Conservative orators: From Baldwin to Cameron. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ 1 The Oratory of Winston Churchill Kevin Theakston Winston Churchill has to be ranked as one of the great political orators, his wartime oratory regularly featuring in collections of the ‘great speeches of history’ and his style and rhetorical methods often used as the basis of ‘how to’ advice for budding speech-makers and business executives anxious to project the ‘language of leadership’ (Humes, 1991; Glover, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Would Churchill Have Voted for Brexit? Written by Alastair Stewart
    Would Churchill Have Voted for Brexit? Written by Alastair Stewart This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Would Churchill Have Voted for Brexit? https://www.e-ir.info/2017/12/11/would-churchill-have-voted-for-brexit/ ALASTAIR STEWART, DEC 11 2017 Sir Winston Churchill is almost exclusively remembered for having saved Britain and Europe from Nazi Germany. This fact alone is claimed by both British nationalists and British Europhiles as evidence to support their own positions, but usually after a selective reading of the facts. The blame for this rests squarely at Churchill’s feet. Sir Winston lived for 90 years and was a young man who took part in the British Empire’s last cavalry charge and died when The Beatles topped the charts. Over a long life, his opinions on Europe ebbed and flowed. Churchill was a visionary, a realist and a romantic who was both anchored to circumstance while always fighting to forge a better future. So what did he really think, about Europe and how would he measure the European Union today? The Many Churchills, the Many Europes Before the war, Churchill had favoured an isolationist attitude towards continental Europe. In 1938, he wrote an article for The Saturday Evening Post and The News of the World under the heading ‘Why Not ‘The United States of Europe’?’ where he considered it possible for unity on the continent but without Britain’s involvement: We see nothing but good and hope in a richer, freer, more contented European commonality.
    [Show full text]
  • Thomas Jones's Lloyd George
    THOMAS JONES’s LLOYD GEORGE Dr J. Graham Jones discusses the classic biography of Lloyd George written by Thomas Jones, the eminent Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet from 1916 until 1930. In this unique capacity he served four very different Prime Ministers at the hub of British political life. His closeness to Lloyd George (and Baldwin) was proverbial – yet his biography was unpopular with Frances, Lloyd George’s wife. Published by Oxford University Press in 1951, how has Jones’s Lloyd George stood the test of time? 22 Journal of Liberal History 58 Spring 2008 THOMAS JONES’s LLOYD GEORGE h o m a s J o n e s philosopher Sir Henry Jones. David Lloyd George, since 1908 (1870–1955), a nota- During his period at Glasgow he the Chancellor of the Exchequer ble civil servant and joined the Independent Labour in Asquith’s government. When public benefactor, was Party and helped to found the Lloyd George succeeded Asquith born at Rhymney in local Fabian Society. In Decem- as Prime Minister in December Tnorth-west Monmouthshire on ber 1902, Jones married Eirene 1916, Tom Jones was appointed 27 September 1870.1 He received Theodora Lloyd, one of his fel- first a member, and subsequently his early education at the Upper low students at Aberystwyth. Deputy Secretary, of the Cabi- Rhymney board school and the The marriage was to produce net Secretariat, where he was fee-paying Lewis School, Pen- three children, one of whom, to remain until 1930. His origi- gam. His undoubted early aca- Mrs Eirene White, served as the nal hope for the position was demic promise seemed to come Labour MP for Flintshire East to develop himself into ‘a fluid to an abrupt end when, at just from 1950 until 1970.
    [Show full text]
  • Dalrev Vol44 Iss4 Pp418 427.Pdf (5.195Mb)
    Robert H. Tener THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING HUTTON ANYONE WHO DEVOTES considerable time to the study of a minor literary figure prob­ ably feels the need to justify his work. I would certainly not except myself, for I have often observed a response of blank unrecognition when I inform scholars that I am engaged in research on Richard Holt Hutton. And since this response is fre­ quently enough exhibited by specialists in Victorian literature, I feel that I owe them some information, if not an explanation. More positively, I am convinced that Hutton has been undeservedly neglected, and that an indication of his importance is therefore overdue. One method of suggesting the significance of a critic is to show how he has been regarded by those whose opinions we can respect. It is this method that I employ here. I consider two main bodies of opinion on Hutton's dual functions of editor and critic: the views of his contemporaries, and then the attitudes of more recent writers. For thirty-six years from 1861 to 1897 Hutton was co-proprietor and literary editor of the weekly Spectator. When his colleague, Meredith Townsend, purchased the paper early in 1861 he acquired a depressed property. But though the Spectator's championship of the North during the American Civil War further jeopardized circulation, by the end of the war the paper had recovered its ground, and thereafter moved from strength to strength.1 The stages of its growing readership and influ­ ence can be traced in contemporary opinion. William Cory, for instance, in a letter to a friend on February 1, 1863, wrote: ..
    [Show full text]
  • Churchill and Lloyd George: Liberal Authors on the First World War?
    Liberalism and the Great War Alan Mumford analyses Winston Churchill’s and David Lloyd George’s volumes on the First World War. Churchill and Lloyd George: Liberal authors on the First World War? istorians and biographers have already however, is concerned with two issues not writ- reviewed the extent to which the vol- ten about previously: questions about liberal- Winston Churchill Humes written by Churchill and Lloyd ism and authorship. First, in the four volumes (1874–1965) and George about the First World War are accu- of Churchill’s The World Crisis (The Aftermath is David Lloyd George rate, fair and plausible in respect of their views not considered here) and Lloyd George’s six-vol- (1863–1945) on strategy and its implementation. This article, ume War Memoirs, is entry into the war justified 20 Journal of Liberal History 94 Spring 2017 Churchill and Lloyd George: Liberal authors on the First World War? by reference to Liberal values?1 And, later, was matched his interest in directing a major part of Biographers their conduct during the war as described in their armed action – through the navy. Lloyd George books responsive to those values? Second, were had no such direct involvement – his energy was have not paid they the sole, main or only part authors? Rob- devoted to managing the financial consequences. bins claimed that Lloyd George did not write the attention to the Memoirs: ‘though he embellished them at suit- extent to which able intervals’2 (a claim which was the cause of the Did Lloyd George and Churchill carry research for this article).
    [Show full text]
  • Constructing a New Conservatism? Ideology and Values
    This is a repository copy of Constructing a new conservatism? Ideology and values. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/93430/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Hayton, R (2016) Constructing a new conservatism? Ideology and values. In: Peele, G and Francis, J, (eds.) David Cameron and Conservative Renewal: The Limits of Modernisation? New Perspectives on the Right . Manchester University Press , Manchester, UK . ISBN 9781784991531 https://doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784991531.003.0003 © 2016 Manchester University Press. This is an author produced version of a paper published in David Cameron and Conservative Renewal: The Limits of Modernisation?. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Chapter for the volume Modernizing Conservatism, edited by Gillian Peele and John Francis (Manchester University Press, 2016). Constructing a new conservatism? Ideology and values Richard Hayton Introduction Following three severe election defeats, the Conservatives elected David Cameron as leader on an explicitly modernising platform.
    [Show full text]