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Confronting White Privilege M ANY AFFLUENT STUDENTS ARE OBLIVIOUS TO ISSUES OF RACE AND CLASS. HERE ARE TWO TEACHING STRATEGIES DESIGNED TO OPEN THEIR EYES. CN O FRONTING WHITE PRIVILEGE TBY KA Y SWALWELL ILLUSTRATION BY WHITNEY SHERMAN FAL L 2012 23 EVEN as THE United States becomes collected while study- Myth of Meritocracy Sloan sought to more diverse, a new era of “white ing two teachers as The belief that people receive give students some flight” is unfolding. Whether they live part of a case study wealth or income solely by virtue of that exposure, to in urban, suburban or rural communi- during a school year of hard work and talent, without “burst” (or at least ties, white students are likely to attend point to two differ- considering privileges and access “trouble”) their schools that reinforce their percep- ent philosophies. that others don’t have. “bubble.” For exam- tions of cultural dominance. The aver- ple, Sloan is one of age white student attends a school Bursting the Bubble the few adults in where 77 percent of the student body The first teacher in their lives who has is of their race. This racial segregation my study, Vernon Sloan, calls himself talked explicitly about how his gen- is often linked with economic segrega- a “suburban missionary” intent upon der, race, class, language and sexual tion. As the gap between rich and poor “bursting the bubble” in which his stu- orientation grant him privilege. The widens, fewer than 7 percent of white dents live. When asked to describe the naming of racism and classism was a children attend high-poverty schools. reasoning behind his elective Urban theme throughout the course: Students In general, educational research History course, he explains, “There’s located their families’ personal histo- tends to focus on the effects segrega- that artificial line that separates the ries in relation to white flight, inter- tion patterns have on kids from low- poor from the affluent that the media viewed older people about racial mem- income families or communities of presents us—this image of poverty ories and examined local housing pol- color. However, not investigating the being bad, and then the people are bad icies. Sloan also encouraged them to educational experiences of white, afflu- so we have to protect ourselves. … You critically discuss racism within their ent students wrongly frames them as have to cross that line.” schools. For instance, he pointed out the successful norm to which others Sloan has worked for 30 years at a that the hallway where some newly are compared. public high school in a large suburb that arrived black students hung out was For teachers working within homo- is diversifying, but remains predomi- called “The Jungle.” geneous groups privileged by race and nantly white and upper-middle class. Sloan also described white ethnic- class, providing a critical multicultural One of the students described the com- ity and explained the different histo- education is of tremendous impor- munity this way: “Everything here is so ries of groups that “became white.” He tance. A robust, diverse democracy nice and kept clean, and it’s not like the got them to cross the border of their depends not on self-interested, uncrit- rest of the world. The people that live bubble by taking them on field trips to ical kids, but on young people who are here—they know what they want and places outside their comfort zones and willing to step outside of their comfort try to keep out what they don’t want. … by supporting a student exchange with zones. To do that, students must under- It’s a nice place to grow up, but it’s not a school that has a homogeneous black stand how race and class influence their real.” All of the 14 students who par- population. Rather than focus on tra- lives and want to work to make the ticipated in the study described them- ditional academic assignments, Sloan’s world a better place. selves as living in a “bubble.” They elective course was rooted in getting But bringing multicultural educa- acknowledged why the suburb might students to share experiences and per- tion into racially uniform classrooms be desirable (“clean,” “safe”), yet they sonal stories. can be a daunting task. Parents and felt sheltered and wanted to be exposed When asked to describe the course’s administrators may see no need for to the “real world.” impact, one student said, “People like attention to inequality. They also may encourage teachers to superficially cover or celebrate “other” cultures in uncritical ways. Because the majority What Works? of public school teachers in the United To burst the bubble States are themselves from similarly and disturb the Do emphasize listening Do examine local residen- homogeneous communities of privi- comfortable to multiple perspectives tial patterns in relation to his- lege, they may feel intimidated by or successfully, and voices of marginalized torical and contemporary forces. unprepared for this kind of work. keep these do’s people. (Collect oral histories (Study maps based on census What specific strategies for engag- (and examples) tied to racial issues.) data to understand patterns of ing these students are most effec- in mind: white flight.) tive at raising awareness without also provoking guilt or anger? Data that I 24 TEACHING TOLERANCE π Editor’s Note The teachers’ names are pseudonyms. Mr. Sloan make [our suburb] not as much a bubble.” Other students said that they now saw their community with new eyes and expressed frustra- tion that its racial isolation had been hidden from them. Some, however, expressed frustration with what they perceived as mixed messages of the course. They pointed out that while Sloan tried to show the humanity of people in low-income neighborhoods, he also warned students about violence and gangs. “I don’t know what he really wants,” said one student. “Maybe he doesn’t know.” At times, Sloan’s approach seemed to reinforce and romanticize stu- dents’ stereotypes of an exotic “other.” By the end of the semester, the majority of the students advo- cated charity over addressing root problems. While presenting the world as either “inside” or “outside” the bubble (“Us” and “Them”) may fit the way these students view the suburbs, it does little to challenge how such ideas can limit their critical think- ing. “Bursting the bubble” can thus be a powerful framework, as long as the bubble’s existence is, itself, exam- ined and critiqued. Disturbing the Comfortable The second teacher in my study, Liz Johnson, has worked at her school for more than a decade. The school is an elite private academy located in the heart of a posh urban neighborhood. This academy has an explicit mission to prepare students to be justice-ori- ented citizens in a multicultural democracy—and charges upwards of $25,000 a Do offer opportunities year to do so. Do connect students’ expe- Do solicit both cognitive and for students to “re-network” Twelve students riences to the realities of emotional responses to primary their diverse privileges with from Johnson’s injustice. (Identify and criti- sources. (Assign art projects, people from marginalized groups. required Modern cally reflect on racial segre- poetry, short documentaries and (Provide time for students to American History gation within the school traditional academic essays participate in community course participated and community.) tied to those sources.) projects related to issues in the study. None of injustice.) described their commu- nity as a bubble. Instead, FAL L 2012 25 “DISTURBING THE COMFORTABLE” we could help them gain if we, like, worked with them or something.” CAN BE A VALUABLE FRAMEWORK FOR “Disturbing the comfortable” can be a valuable framework for working WORKING WITH PRIVILEGED STUDENTS with privileged students who typically have been taught to feel at ease—learn- WHO TYPICALLY HAVE BEEN TAUGHT ing about inequalities can be unset- tling. However, teachers should guard TO FEEL AT EASE—LEARNING ABOUT against over-emphasizing the need for merely intellectual opinions when INEQUALITIES CAN BE UNSETTLING. they are not backed up by emotional responses. Also, teachers should avoid cultivating a sense of righteous excep- tionalism that makes students feel even more comfortable. they talked about how unsheltered they divided into groups to address social were compared with suburban coun- issues such as the drug war, LGBT L essons Learned terparts and other elite students in the rights or religious intolerance. They These case studies show how race and city. Despite the homogeneity of their conducted research to learn more class operate in different contexts. student body, most of the white, upper- about their topics, then met with local Students from a public school in a mid- class students described themselves leaders and participated in political dle-class, majority-white suburb dem- as cosmopolitans who are comfort- activities, such as lobbying the state onstrate significantly different think- able in any situation. “I feel like you’re legislature or soliciting signatures for ing about themselves than do kids in a exposed to a lot more in the city,” said petitions. Homework assignments big city attending an expensive private one. “The suburbs are very sheltered. included reading manifestos on social school that serves a mostly upper-class Almost everyone’s the same, which is action and conducting interviews with white population. These differences very unfortunate.” community activists. affect how teachers should frame their Rather than bursting bubbles, then, Most of Johnson’s students showed approaches to multicultural education. Johnson’s approach was to trouble her great depth and breadth of knowledge Students who see themselves living in students’ sense of ease. “You can’t just about contemporary social issues.
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