El Salvador Country Condition Report
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89 Jesuit Killings in Salvador Revived in Spain
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/11/14/world/americas/14salvador.html?_r=1&sq=jesuit&st=cse&oref=slogin&scp=1&p agewanted=print Case of ’89 Jesuit Killings in Salvador Revived in Spain By VICTORIA BRUNETT, Nov. 14, 2008 MADRID — Nearly 20 years after the Salvadoran Army killed six Jesuit priests in one of the most notorious events of El Salvador’s civil war, a criminal complaint filed in the Spanish High Court has revived hopes that those behind the massacre could face trial. Human rights lawyers filed a complaint on Thursday against the Salvadoran president at the time, Alfredo Cristiani Burkard, and 14 former members of the Salvadoran military, as well as two female employees, for their roles in the killings of the priests and in the official cover-up that followed. International outrage over the murders proved to be pivotal in sapping American support for United States military assistance to the Salvadoran Army. “We hope this case helps to reawaken the memory and the conscience of El Salvador’s people,” said Almudena Bernabeu, a lawyer for the San Francisco-based Center for Justice and Accountability, a human rights law center, which filed the case along with the Spanish Association for Human Rights. The Spanish High Court must decide whether to press charges against the men and seek their extradition to Spain, Ms. Bernabeu said. The crusading Spanish judge Baltasar Garzón made legal history in 1998 when he secured the arrest in Britain of the Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet using a Spanish legal principle that crimes against humanity can be prosecuted anywhere. -
The Political Influence of the Maras in El Salvador
Analysis Paper 32/2020 14 October 2020 María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras Visitar la WEB Recibir BOLETÍN ELECTRÓNICO in El Salvador The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Abstract: The Salvadoran gangs and in particular the Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) have been acquiring more and more power within the country, until they have become a real political power. A power with wich all parties have negotiated covertly, either to reduce the high levels of violence in the country or just for electoral purposes, as it has been report by the newspaper ‘El Faro’. The content of the report has been denied by the government but is being investigated by the Attorney General's Office. Keywords: Street gangs, MS13, Bukele, El Salvador, dialogue How to cite this document: PASTOR GÓMEZ, María Luisa. The political influence of the maras in El Salvador. IEEE Analysis Paper 32/2020. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_analisis/2020/DIEEEA32_2020LUIPAS_maras Salvador-ENG.pdf and/or bie3 link (accessed day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Analysis Papers are the responsibility of their authors. They do not necessarily reflect the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Analysis Paper 32/2020 1 The political influence of the maras in El Salvador María Luisa Pastor Gómez The political influence of the maras in El Salvador Resumen: Las pandillas salvadoreñas y en particular la Mara Salvatrucha (MS13) han ido adquiriendo cada vez más poder en el seno del país, hasta convertirse en un poder de facto con el que los partidos políticos han negociado de manera encubierta, ya sea para reducir los altos niveles de violencia del país o con fines electoralistas. -
Chronology of El Salvador's Civil War Pate
--r r-------- was a dominant strategy. (Olsen's account of "privileged groups" or indi viduals in whose interest it was to provide the public good unilaterally recognizes this possibility.) Second, forsome, the evaluationof the benefits and costs depended on the numbers of others who were expected to partici Chronology of El Salvador's Civil War pate. Asmore collaborated so that action was collective and efficacious(and therefore both pleasurable and less risky), campesinos faced a coordination (assurance) game because the benefitsclearly justifiedongoing mobilization as long as sufficientlymany others did the same (but not otherwise). 1932 La Matanza: Tens of thousands of mostly indigenous people killed in aftermathof uprising. 1960s ORDEN set up in countryside. 1970 FPL is founded. 1970s Liberation theology practiced in some areas of the countryside. 1972 Christian Democrat Jose Napoleon Duarte wins presidential election, military intervenes, claims victory, and exiles Duarte. ERP is founded. 1975 A student march protesting the Miss Universe pageant is machine-gunned by security forces; at least 15 killed. Founding of the BPR. 1976 President Molina announces agrarian reform; subsequently defeated. 1979 May: Security forceskill 2 3 on steps of San Salvador cathedral. October: Coup by junior officers. 1980 January: Civilian members leave government as state violence against civilians continues; Christian DemocraticParty and mil itary join forces to formnew government. January 22: 20 killed and 200 wounded in largest demonstration in Salvadoran history. March: Agrarian reform (Phase I) carried out. March 24: Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero assassinated. March 30: Government forces fire on Romero's funeral march, 35 killed. May: At least 3 00 campesino refugeesfleeing the Salvadoran army are killed by the Salvadoran and Honduran armies at the Sumpol River. -
El Salvador's 2019 Elections
CRS INSIGHT El Salvador's 2019 Elections February 6, 2019 (IN11034) | Related Author Clare Ribando Seelke | Clare Ribando Seelke, Specialist in Latin American Affairs ([email protected], 7-5229) On February 3, 2019, Nayib Bukele, a 37-year-old former mayor of San Salvador and candidate of the Grand Alliance of National Unity (GANA) party, won El Salvador's presidential election. Bukele garnered 53% of the vote, well ahead of Carlos Calleja, a business executive running for a conservative National Republican Alliance (ARENA)-led coalition, with 31.8%, and Hugo Mártinez, a former foreign minister of the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), with 14.4%. Bukele's first-round victory occurred amid relatively low voter turnout (44.7%) during a peaceful electoral process observed by the Organization of American States and others. Bukele is set to succeed Salvador Sánchez Cerén (FMLN) as president on June 1, 2019, and serve a single, five-year term. Bukele's election ends 10 years of FMLN government. Who Is Nayib Bukele? Nayib Bukele served as mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán (2012-2015) and San Salvador (2015-2018) for the FMLN. Prior to entering politics, Bukele worked in family businesses started by his late father, a prominent Salvadoran of Palestinian descent who backed the FMLN financially beginning in the early 1990s. Throughout his political career, Bukele has used social media to connect directly with voters, a new phenomenon in Salvadoran politics. As mayor, he revitalized the historic center of San Salvador and engaged at-risk youth in violence-prevention programs. In 2017, the FMLN expelled him for criticizing the party's leadership. -
Civilian Killings and Disappearances During Civil War in El Salvador (1980–1992)
DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH A peer-reviewed, open-access journal of population sciences DEMOGRAPHIC RESEARCH VOLUME 41, ARTICLE 27, PAGES 781–814 PUBLISHED 1 OCTOBER 2019 http://www.demographic-research.org/Volumes/Vol41/27/ DOI: 10.4054/DemRes.2019.41.27 Research Article Civilian killings and disappearances during civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992) Amelia Hoover Green Patrick Ball c 2019 Amelia Hoover Green & Patrick Ball. This open-access work is published under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Germany (CC BY 3.0 DE), which permits use, reproduction, and distribution in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are given credit. See https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/de/legalcode Contents 1 Introduction 782 2 Background 783 3 Methods 785 3.1 Methodological overview 785 3.2 Assumptions of the model 786 3.3 Data sources 787 3.4 Matching and merging across datasets 790 3.5 Stratification 792 3.6 Estimation procedure 795 4 Results 799 4.1 Spatial variation 799 4.2 Temporal variation 802 4.3 Global estimates 803 4.3.1 Sums over strata 805 5 Discussion 807 6 Conclusions 808 References 810 Demographic Research: Volume 41, Article 27 Research Article Civilian killings and disappearances during civil war in El Salvador (1980–1992) Amelia Hoover Green1 Patrick Ball2 Abstract BACKGROUND Debate over the civilian toll of El Salvador’s civil war (1980–1992) raged throughout the conflict and its aftermath. Apologists for the Salvadoran regime claimed no more than 20,000 had died, while some activists placed the toll at 100,000 or more. -
Blood in the Water: Salvadoran Rivers of Testimony and Resistance Adrian Taylor Kane Boise State University
Boise State University ScholarWorks World Languages Faculty Publications and Department of World Languages Presentations 4-1-2013 Blood in the Water: Salvadoran Rivers of Testimony and Resistance Adrian Taylor Kane Boise State University This document was originally published by University of Minnesota in Hispanic Issues On Line. Copyright restrictions may apply. 9 Blood in the Water: Salvadoran Rivers of Testimony and Resistance Adrian Taylor Kane From the 1970s to the early 1990s the dominant forms of literary production in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua were testimonial literature and literature of resistance.1 During this time period, all three of these Central American countries were embroiled in bloody civil wars, and the written word was employed on the cultural front as a means of denouncing and resisting various forms of oppression. For both historical and artistic reasons, rivers frequently play an important role in cultural production from and about this era and have thus become embedded in the complex web of ideological signifiers that comprises the discursive practices of Central American literature.2 In the two works of poetry analyzed in the present essay, “Réquiem para el Sumpul” (1983) (Requiem for the Sumpul) by Mercedes Durand and Swimming in El Río Sumpul (2005) by Elsie B.C. Rivas Gómez, the river figures prominently. “Réquiem para el Sumpul,” published toward the beginning of El Salvador’s civil war in an anthology whose stated mission was to call attention to the violent realities of Central America, lends -
Melendez Thesis FINAL
Toward a Theory of Conservative Party Cohesion and Schism: El Salvador’s Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) in Comparative Perspective, 1980-2009 Presented to the Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree with honors of Bachelor of Arts Harvard College March 2015 “Un intelectual debe ocuparse de cosas que lo conmueven moralmente. Cuando escribo es porque estoy enojado o preocupado por algo, no porque pienso que debo llenar tal o cual agujero en la literatura. Escribo sobre las cosas que me preocupan cuando me afeito. Y muchas veces me corto.” - Guillermo O’Donnell1 “Si quieren ganar, pues aprendan a ser amigos.” -ARENA Founder Roberto D’Aubuisson, c. 19872 1 “An intellectual must occupy himself with the things that move him morally. When I write it is because I am angry or worried about something, not because I think that I should fill a hole in the literature. I write about the things that bother when I shave in the morning. And many times I cut myself.” Quoted in Spanish in interview by Cecilia Sosa, September 14, 2003. Translation my own. 2 “If you want to win, then learn how to be friends.” Quoted in Spanish by an ARENA Co-Founder, interview by the author, San Salvador, June 23, 2014. Translation my own. !i Table of Contents List of Figures iii Important Acronyms iv Introduction 1 1 Theoretical Perspectives on Conservative Party Cohesion and Schism 18 1.1 Theoretical Framework………………………………………… 19 1.2 Existing Explanations………………………………………….. 31 1.3 Power-Sharing Institutions: Explaining Cohesion…..………… 47 1.4 Power-Sharing Institutions: Explaining Schisms………………. -
On the Calle Del Olvido: Memory and Forgetting in Post-Peace Public Discourse in Guatemala and El Salvador
ON THE CALLE DEL OLVIDO: MEMORY AND FORGETTING IN POST-PEACE PUBLIC DISCOURSE IN GUATEMALA AND EL SALVADOR A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon BY RACHEL HATCHER © Rachel Hatcher, August 2015. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the department Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis work was done. It is understood that any copy or publication use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any use which may be made of any material in my thesis. i ABSTRACT For many years, El Salvador and Guatemala were submerged in brutal and bloody conflicts that cost the lives of tens of thousands. United Nations-brokered Peace Accords officially brought the years of violence to an end in 1992 and 1996, respectively. As the two countries slowly emerged from their respective Cold War-inspired internal conflicts, the question of what place the past would have in the present came to the fore. -
¿Escuela De Las Américas O Escuela De Violadores De Derechos Humanos? 301
¿Escuela de las Américas o Escuela de Violadores de Derechos Humanos? 301 ¿Escuela de las Américas Resumen o Escuela de Violadores de La Escuela de las Américas (School of Derechos Humanos? the Americas –SOA–) fue creada por los EE. UU. en 1946 en una de sus bases mili- tares en Panamá. De acuerdo a sus creadores, Rafael Romero* el objetivo fundamental de la SOA fue el de profesionalizar a las Fuerzas Armadas (FF. AA.) de los países de América Latina. Sin embargo, el verdadero propósito de Washignton fue reasegurar su dominio en ese subcontinente, por medio de la indoctrinación anticomu- nista de dichas FF. AA., complementada con entrenamiento en brutalidad militar. La SOA se creó como una herramienta más de la geopolítica de Washington, para mantener su hegemonía hemisférica. El control de dichas FF. AA. permitió a la Casa Blanca minimizar el envío de sus propias tropas, para aplastar descontentos sociales en su autoagenciado “patio trasero”. En este artículo se enfatizará en el impacto de la SOA en El Salvador, en particular durante el período de 1980 a 1992. Palabras clave: terrorismo de Estado, militarismo, hegemonía, política exterior, dictadura, ideología, anarquía internacional, realismo estructural, geopolítica, seguridad nacional y derechos humanos internacionales. * Estudiante de doctorado en Ciencias Sociales, en Curtin University, de Western Australia. eca Estudios Centroamericanos Volumen 69 Número 739 302 ¿Escuela de las Américas o Escuela de Violadores de Derechos Humanos? Introducción profesionalizaron su mentalidad y conducta criminal en la SOA. Dicha escuela interna- En este breve estudio se demostrará que, cional graduó a una cantidad mayoritaria de contrario al argumento oficial de que la SOA militares y, en menor grado, de policías, pero fue creada, para profesionalizar a las FF. -
LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR a DAILY PUBLICATION of the DIALOGUE Monday, June 3, 2019
LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR A DAILY PUBLICATION OF THE DIALOGUE www.thedialogue.org Monday, June 3, 2019 BOARD OF ADVISORS FEATURED Q&A TODAY’S NEWS Diego Arria Director, Columbus Group POLITICAL Devry Boughner Vorwerk Corporate VP, Global Corporate Affairs Has Trump Gone Canada Halts Cargill Operations at Joyce Chang Global Head of Research, Too Far With New Caracas Embassy JPMorgan Chase & Co. Canada is temporarily suspending Marlene Fernández operations at its embassy in Ven- Corporate Vice President for Tariffs on Mexico? Government Relations, ezuela. Canadian Foreign Minister Arcos Dorados Chrystia Freeland said foreign Peter Hakim embassies in the South American President Emeritus, country are unable to perform Inter-American Dialogue basic functions. Donna Hrinak Page 2 President, Boeing Latin America Jon Huenemann Retired VP, U.S. & Int’l Affairs, BUSINESS Philip Morris International James R. Jones Carnival Seeking Chairman, Monarch Global Strategies Dismissal of Cuba Craig A. Kelly Property Lawsuits Director, Americas International Gov’t Relations, Exxon Mobil Carnival Cruise Line is asking a U.S. court to dismiss lawsuits by John Maisto President Donald Trump last Thursday announced that the United States would impose new Director, U.S. Education tariffs on imports from Mexico beginning June 10, saying the country has failed to stop flows U.S. citizens who claim the com- Finance Group of migrants from coming to the United States. // File Photo: White House. pany profited from nationalized Nicolás Mariscal property in Cuba. Chairman, U.S. President Donald Trump announced last week that he Page 3 Grupo Marhnos would impose new tariffs that could rise as high as 25 per- Thomas F. -
El Salvador Case Study
International Alert. Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector Case study El Salvador* * This document is an extract from Local Business, Local Peace: the Peacebuilding Potential of the Domestic Private Sector, published in 2006 by the UK-based peacebuilding NGO International Alert. Full citation should be provided in any referencing. © International Alert, 2006. All rights reserved. No part of this publication, including electronic materials, may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without full attribution. El Salvador El Salvador: a firm grip on the peace process Angelika Rettberg In January 1992, a peace agreement between the government of El Salvador and the Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation, FMLN) put an end to 12 years of civil war. An important part of the Salvadoran private sector acted as a crucial interlocutor in this process, shaping the design of negotiations and the implementation of the final agreement. Many private sector leaders participated, both formally and informally, in negotiations and government advisory teams and business as a whole threw its weight behind Alfredo Cristiani, the president who led the peace talks. They actively promoted and were involved in conflict-related research and dedicated resources to support former FMLN combatants’ attendance at Central American graduate schools to foster the development of their managerial and other skills. Previous attempts at negotiating an end to the Salvadoran conflict had encountered business resistance. For example, José Napoleón Duarte, president from 1984-89, shocked the business community with a reform package aimed at redistributing wealth.1 However, by the end of the 1980s a convergence of factors produced a favourable climate for private sector support to peace negotiations. -
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S
El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Clare Ribando Seelke Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 3, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21655 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress El Salvador: Political, Economic, and Social Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary Throughout the last few decades, the United States has maintained a strong interest in El Salvador, a small Central American country with a population of 7.2 million. During the 1980s, El Salvador was the largest recipient of U.S. aid in Latin America as its government struggled against the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) insurgency during a 12-year civil war. A peace accord negotiated in 1992 brought the war to an end and formally assimilated the FMLN into the political process as a political party. After the peace accords were signed, U.S. involvement shifted toward helping the government rebuild democracy and implement market- friendly economic reforms. Mauricio Funes of the FMLN was inaugurated to a five-year presidential term in June 2009. Funes won a close election in March 2009, marking the first FMLN presidential victory and the first transfer in political power between parties since the end of El Salvador’s civil war. Funes’ victory followed strong showings by the FMLN in the January 2009 municipal and legislative elections, in which the party won a plurality of the seats in the National Assembly and the largest share of the municipal vote. President Funes still has relatively high approval ratings (69% in November 2010), but faces a number of political, economic, and social challenges.