EssexJOURNAL A REVIEW OF LOCAL HISTORY & ARCHAEOLOGY Autumn 2018

Martin Stuchfield discusses fourteenth century female brasses, and much more

Jennifer Ward Special

EJ 20 Questions: The Watkins The Society was founded in 1887 by a group of Cambridge undergraduates keen to preserve and record monumental brasses.

Early research into brasses focussed chiefly on English brasses of the medieval and early modern periods. Today, however, the field is much wider. Chronologically, it extends to brasses of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and geographically to those of Continental Europe.

Membership will particularly benefit those with an interest in genealogy, ecclesiology and the study of costume, armour and heraldry, as well as those interested in church monuments.

The Society aims:

To encourage the appreciation of brasses, indents of lost brasses and incised slabs by publications, lectures and meetings.

To preserve brasses by assisting with grant funding conservation and providing advice on their care.

To promote the study of brasses, indents of lost brasses and incised slabs, and to encourage and disseminate original research.

To Record lost and stolen brasses and those remaining in private hands.

www.mbs-brasses.co.uk

Registered Charity (no. 214336) AUTUMN 2018 Vol.53 No.2 EssexJOURNAL ISSN-0014-0961 Incorporating Essex Review

he ESSEX JOURNAL is published twice a year under the management CONTENTS of an EditorialBoard consisting T Editorial 59 of representatives of theFriends of Historic BALH Award 60 Essex, theEssex Record Office (on behalf News from the Essex Record Office 61 of the Essex County Council), the Essex Society for Archaeology and History and Clacton VCH Group update 62 the Honorary Ed itor. It is recognised that A new home for a medieval knight 63 the statutory duties of the County Council Dr Jennifer Ward: an appreciation preclude the ERO from sharing in the Dr Maureen Scollan 67 financial commitments of the consortium . Face to face with a thirteenth century knight Richard Harris 68 Chairman: A. Corder-Birch: ‘The portraiture of a man cut in wood’: [email protected] the fourteenth century effigy of a priest at Hon. Editor: N. Wiffen, MA: St John the Evangelist’s church, [email protected] Christopher Starr 71 Hon. Treasurer: G. Willden: Shaped from the Landscape: [email protected] Great Baddow’s medieval deer park Hon. Secretary: S. Butler Gloria Harris 78 [email protected] Glamour in Brass: a portrayal of the Hon. Membership Sec : fourteenth century lady in Essex [email protected] Martin Stuchfield 86 Thoby Priory, its lands and its post Dissolution changes The annual subscription is £10.00. Michael Leach & James Kemble 93 Cheques made payable to ‘Essex Journal’ to: Dismantling the Monasteries 30 Main Road, Broomfield, , Ken Crowe 102 CM1 7EF Book Reviews 110 or visit: Anthony Goodman, www.essexjournal.co.uk/subscribe Joan, the Fair Maid of Kent John S. Lee, The Medieval Clothier Notes to contributors Kate J. Cole, Contributions are welcome and should be sent in a Word Brentwood & Around through Time format to the Honorary Editor at the email listed above. Michael Foley, General correspondence can either be emailed or posted to: Secret Brentwood 30 Main Road, Broomfield, Chelmsford, Essex CM1 7EF. The Editor is more than happy to discuss any proposed Lynn Haseldine Jones, articles as he does not guarantee that unsolicited material The Golden Age of depicted in Postcards will be published. Contributors are requested to limit their John Garwood & Adam Brown, articles to 2,500/4,000 words, other than by prior The Philp Collection Special agreement with the Editor. Style notes are available. EJ 20 Questions? Brenda and Elphin Watkin 113 Disclaimer Items printed in the Essex Journal do not necessarily reflect the views of the Editor or Editorial Board. Contributors, on behalf of the Essex Journal, have made every effort to trace and acknowledge ownership of all copyrighted material and to secure permissions. The Editor would like to hear of any inadvertent omission in the acknowledgement of copyright material. Copyright All written material, unless otherwise stated, is the copyright of the Essex Journal. Enquiries to the Editor.

Cover illustration: Detail of Joan, daughter of Sir John de Cobham, wife of Sir John de la Pole, at Chrishall. (Reproduced by kind permission of Martin Stuchfield) EssexJOURNAL 58 EJ Editorial

ell, yet another special issue of you very much Essex Journal (EJ) this time dedicated Chris for your Wto historian, author and tutor, valued opinions, Dr Jennifer Ward who turns 80 this year. The cheerful responses Editorial Board is extremely pleased that we can and willingness to mark this milestone but, as ever, it is the generosity help with research and enthusiasm of all the contributors to this issue projects. that really makes it so special. I do hope that Jenny As ever I hope is as thrilled as I am with the results, in particular there is something the bagging of one of the contributors who has for everyone in the eluded even the tenacious Jenny in the past – issue, from the just for you Jenny, this once and never again! BALH award, to One of the pleasures of working at the Essex an update from the Record Office (ERO) is that it has allowed me ERO, to the Home to meet so many historians who are working in Guard in Clacton and the county. In some cases this has moved on to the move of the Thomas Stapel brass. This latter partnership working and, as mentioned elsewhere update from Martin Stuchfield is so important in the issue, Jenny was of major importance that I wanted to feature it. Just the pictures of regarding The Fighting Essex Soldier conference the move are awe inspiring – well done Martin that was held back in 2014. In advance of the and all concerned with safeguarding such an conference Jenny guest curated a display of important brass and keeping it on public display. fourteenth and fifteenth century documents that Let us hope that it is a final move for the venerable highlighted various aspects of life on the home front brass of Sir Thomas Stapel. in Essex during the Hundred Years War. I assisted Richard Harris kicks off with a piece on a by ordering up the documents and then producing thirteenth century seal that has to be seen to be them to the Searchroom for Jenny to assess. An believed. It is so small yet so fine and so old – enjoyable hour or two was had listening to Jenny how proud Sir Andrew Blund must have been explain the documents with an incredible lightness of it. Great to feature Dr Christopher Starr, a of touch. What appeared to me impenetrable Latin contributor to my very first edition of the EJ back was read without any difficulty: ‘This is the earl of in 2007. Will we ever know the identity of the Oxford going on pilgrimage to Bury [St Edmunds]’, priest commemorated – who knows what archival Here’s a payment of 6d’ and so on. Out of this material is still out there that might help with document display came an article in the Spring answering that. 2016 issue of EJ which featured Jenny on the Gloria Harris looks at the history of Baddow cover: ‘Dr Jennifer Ward discusses Essex and the Park, one of many parks in Essex which demonstrate Hundred Years War’. A few months passed and that there is still much to be discovered about their at another ERO event Jenny was very pleased to history, not all has been written about yet. Martin tell me that she had been booked to give a talk Stuchfield brings his truly encyclopaedic knowledge on the strength of this cover after it had been seen of brasses to discuss those that survive in the county on display. Jenny reported that the person who from the fourteenth century that commemorate invited her to give the talk said that because she women. was on the cover of the EJ then she must be a To finish off we have articles by Dr Michael ‘proper historian’ – how we laughed. I’m just Leach and Ken Crowe looking at aspects of pleased to have played such a part in Jenny’s religious houses and the reformation. What a development as a historian! treat. As ever a selection of book reviews before I know from liaising with all the contributors the issue ends with the ‘Twenty Questions’ piece that they are all profoundly appreciative of her which features Brenda and Elphin Watkin. I’ve inspiring research as well as the support that Jenny had the pleasure of assisting ‘Team Watkin’ at has generously given over the years, myself included. ERO and it is always lovely to see them and hear On more than one occasion in our communications their opinions in stereo. What a wonderful finale regarding the content of this issue a comment along to this issue and a first for EJ with not one, but the lines of ‘If only I could ask Jenny her opinion two respondents or as Brenda said when we of this’ has been said. I just hope that we have all were discussing this, ‘BOGOF’ and on that done Jenny justice. In the absence of being able to note I will! ask Jenny her advice, the eagle-eyed among you will notice that in several of the articles the name Cheers, of Dr Christopher Thornton, editor of the Essex VCH, appears. I’m sure the contributors will be Neil in agreement with me when I thank Chris for all his advice and input in to not only the EJ but in many historical topics across the county. Thank

EssexJOURNAL 59 British Association for Local History awards for Essex Journal and Historical Journal

s reported in the last issue of Essex Journal one of our contributors, Andrew Emeny, Awon The David Hey Memorial Article Award 2018 presented by the British Association of Local History (BALH) for his article titled, ‘When Bill Sykes junior came to visit: the rise of juvenile crime in Southend during the Great War’ which appeared in our Vol 52, Spring 2017 issue. The presentation of a certificate to Andrew Emeny was made by Professor Caroline Barron, President of BALH at their Local History Day held at York on 2nd June 2018. Andrew attended with his wife Rebecca and I represented our Editorial Board. The Local History Awards were introduced by Jane Howells (Awards Secretary) and Dr Alan Crosby (Editor of The Local Historian). BALH has been making awards for publications since 1999 and all the judges had quite independently voted for Andrew’s article to be given first place. There had been more unanimity among the judges than for any previous article, which was quite unprecedented. Andrew was congratulated upon his excellent article which was very analytical, contained descriptive moral structure, considered contemporary policy making and whether Southend was typical of other locations. The Editorial Board would like to congratulate Andrew upon the Award, which was a great achievement and fully deserved. Above, cover of The Local Historian which Two awards were also made to contributors contains Andrew’s article and, below, Andrew of Saffron Walden Historical Journal. The first was to and Rebecca Emeny at the award ceremony in Kevin Davey for his article ‘The Hadstock arrests York. of 1661: Quaker radicals encircle Saffron Walden during the Protectorate’, which appeared in the spring 2017 issue. The second award was to Jacqueline Cooper, who was the winner of the short articles category, for her article ‘Murder at Clavering 1862: new documents’ which appeared in autumn 2016. The authors were congratulated upon well researched articles. It was a triumph for Local History in Essex that three out of nine research and publications awards were presented to authors of county journals.

Adrian Corder-Birch Chairman of the Editorial Board

EssexJOURNAL 60 News fromPlume the Essex Library Record Office

his is my first opportunity to introduce not only the records it preserves for the future, myself to you as Essex Record Office but also the difference it can make to individuals, T(ERO) Manager. It is particularly pleasing communities and places in the present. to do this in an issue dedicated to Dr Jennifer Ward It has been a year of change for our staff. We to mark her 80th birthday. Dr Ward won the have been through an organisational redesign, Young Essex Historian Award (formerly the and at the same time some staff have decided Emmison Prize) for her history of Old Thorndon to leave, either for retirement (long serving Hall (ERO, T/Z 13/27) in 1956, so her relationship Searchroom staff, Gloria Harris, Meriel Kennedy and with the ERO has been a long one – and one which Grahame Harris) or to pursue other opportunities. has continued. For example, we were grateful for We thank them for their service and hope they her support in generously assisting with The Fighting will remain part of the ERO ‘community’. But Essex Soldier Conference in March 2014. The this has enabled us to welcome some new recruits ERO wishes Dr Ward hearty congratulations. to the team. Considering such a long association with the I would like to highlight some of the successes record office (and I know there are others who can experienced recently. In July the ERO became boast the same or similar), makes me feel very much an Accredited Archive Service under the scheme like the ‘new boy’ – even though I am not new to administered by the National Archives. This the ERO at all, having been responsible for the represents significant work by a number of people Sound and Video Archive for 15 years. It reminds to submit the application. But more importantly it me that when someone takes that first (sometimes reflects the high standards and quality underpinning tentative) step through the door we should consider the activities carried out every day within the it not as a simple interaction but as the start of a service. relationship. This summer saw the end of our project You It also makes me feel a weight of responsibility, Are Hear: sound and a sense of place. In this project we particularly as the ERO has itself reached its 80th digitised almost 1,650 sound and video recordings to anniversary; a sense of wanting to keep up the good better preserve them and make them more accessible. work of those who have gone before. But as we We then put them online and took them into every develop the activities of the ERO we must be corner of Essex, encouraging the development of a mindful of the changing times and the particular sense of place by increasing appreciation for the challenges they present. sounds of Essex, past and present. This model of Sustainability is of paramount importance taking collections out into the county and placing now. We need, therefore, to further develop the them ‘where people are’ is one I want us to return services which generate income to support our to and develop further. other activities. And we need to take a more The success of the project was due largely to the planned, focussed approach to fundraising. But staff who delivered it. I am pleased to say we have our sustainability also depends upon our relevance – been able to retain them both. Catherine Norris, is to Essex County Council, of course, but more now one of our Archive Assistants and Sarah-Joy fundamentally to the people of Essex and beyond. Maddeaux has taken on the role of Sound Archivist For this reason I intend the ERO to keep in mind which I recently vacated. I should also say that the project could not have been delivered without the generous support of volunteers as well as helpful relationships with groups throughout Essex. The ERO is supported by volunteers in a variety of activities, from cleaning and repackaging architectural plans to listing library items, marriage licences and sound recordings, not to mention cataloguing by former members of staff. We are grateful to them all. As we face the challenges ahead, we will need help from a variety of supporters. This means more opportunities for volunteers to help on projects, but also for individuals and groups to assist with advocacy, partnerships and fundraising. Together we can ensure both a more sustainable and a more relevant future for our past. Please do not hesitate to get involved if you would like to help us as we enter our ninth decade of service.

Martin Astell Essex Record Office Manager

EssexJOURNAL 61 Clacton VCH Group Discovering Dad’s Army in the

o the sounds of Tendring Brass, three Home Much of the Tendring coastline was defended Guard re-enactors headed a small procession, by a barrier of scaffolding along the beach. Pillboxes Tincluding the Chairman of Essex County guarded the cliff top, with the seafront buildings Council, Councillor John Jowers and his wife, and completing the physical barrier. the Chairman of Tendring District Council, Manned road blocks, but with provision for Councillor Mark Platt, to arrive at a surviving everyday traffic, were numerous and sited where Second World War concrete pillbox in the centre existing buildings and narrower areas would make of Great Oakley village. Here, about one hundred the block difficult to avoid. Spigot mortar positions people were waiting. The occasion was the unveiling and a pillbox often completed the defence. The of an information board detailing this World War entrance to any pillbox was opposite to the expected Two pillbox and the village defences, and honouring direction of attack, and this type of knowledge was the service of the Essex Home Guard, 1940-44. key to understanding some locations which the The event was the culmination of a Clacton VCH group visited. Group one year grant funded project titled Additional defences identified ranged from ‘Discovering Dad’s Army in the Tendring District.’ gunsites, defensive trenches, barbed (Dannert) One of the aims was to survey and record sites, wiring, poles and wiring over fields to prevent using contemporary documents and images, where glider landings, to ammunition shelters. Tendring the local Home Guard were ready to defend our District additionally had a major anti-tank ditch land in the event of an enemy invasion, which in system from the river Stour southwards to Holland the summer of 1940 was thought to be imminent. Brook. The creation of this range of anti-invasion Tendring Anti-invasion defences measures was a great feat of construction, often Of all the eight districts in the county, Tendring hampered by shortages of timber, for shuttering, had the greatest number of anti-invasion defence and cement. sites, indicating its vulnerability to invasion. The The outcomes of the project which have all been survival rate for the Tendring District is also above achieved, are survey results for the Essex Heritage the county average. Some places inland from the Environment Record, oral recordings for the Essex coast were particularly well defended, Great Oakley Sound & Video Archive, a public information board, and Little Clacton being examples, while other and an exhibition. places had few defences. The range and type of the defences was Roger Kennell, considerable; their purpose was to slow the advance Chairman, Clacton VCH Group of the enemy, and thus allow the regular army to group and respond. The unveiling ceremony of the Clacton VCH, Essex Home Guard information board at the Great Oakley pillbox. (Photograph Clacton VCH Group)

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A new homePlume for Library a medieval knight by Martin Stuchfield

ssex claims the distinction of being one of the most important counties in the EUnited Kingdom for the number, quality and importance of its monumental brasses. Essex is fortunate in that seventeen fourteenth century brasses survive. Of this number ten are effigial, excluding a heavily mutilated half-effigy of a priest at and a small head of a lady at . From this period the brasses at , Bowers Gifford, Chrishall, Pebmarsh and Wimbish are of national importance. To this list can be added the significant brass commemorating Thomas Stapel, Serjeant-at-Arms to Edward III, dated 1371. The Stapel brass has endured a chequered history having originally been laid down in the now demolished church at Shopland,1 moved to Sutton2 church and transferred to its latest home at St. Andrew’s church, on 17th April 2018.

Thomas Stapel – the person Thomas Stapel, or de Stapel, as recorded in his Inquisition Post Mortem, held extensive properties and rights in Essex, principally in the Rochford Hundred. In addition to the manor of Shopland3 he held Canewdon4 (Apton Hall except the marsh of Acres-fleet), Hadleigh, Hawkwell, Botlelersham in Highwood (north Essex), Prittlewell5 (Botelers Hamstall), , Shoebury Magna, Thundersley, and Wakering (Bluets). Stapel also held the honours of and Rayleigh and the Baileyship of Rochford Hundred for life. He married Margaret (or Margery), a daughter of Robert Lord Fitzwalter. At his death, on 2nd March 1371, he was succeeded by a son, Richard, who apparently died childless.6 Stapel served as Serjeant-at-Arms in the household of Edward III. Otherwise, very little is known about his background.

Thomas Stapel – Serjeant-at-Arms The office originated in medieval to serve the Sovereign in a police role, much like a bailiff in more recent times. Indeed, Serjeant-at-Arms constitute the oldest Royal bodyguard in England, dating from the time of Richard I (c.1189). Thomas Stapel, The Serjeant-at-Arms was a personal attendant Serjeant-at-Arms to Edward III, 1371, upon the King, especially charged with arresting Rochford (formerly at Shopland and Sutton). those suspected of treason. Richard I had 24 with (© Author photograph) him on the Crusades. They were formed into The original responsibilities of the Serjeant-at-Arms a 20-strong Corps of Serjeants-at-Arms by included ‘collecting loans and, impressing men and Edward I in 1278, as a close mounted escort. ships, serving on local administration and in all sorts In 1399, Richard II limited the corps to of ways interfering with local administration and 30 serjeants, and Charles II had 16. The number justice.’ Around 1415, the House of Commons was reduced to 8 in 1685 and since then it has received its first Serjeant-at-Arms. From that time gradually declined. onwards this has been a Royal appointment.

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highest and most important rank of household esquire. By virtue of this position they were constantly in the presence of the King, riding before his person when he travelled and accompanying him on military campaigns abroad. In order to fulfill these duties Serjeant-at-Arms were ‘sufficiently armed’ and given three horses each. A grant of 12d a day wages was made to Thomas Stapel in 1359 as a Serjeant-at-Arms. However, it appears that he had previously served as a ‘yeoman of the household’, indicating that Thomas entered the household shortly after 1353. He appears to have performed the role so well that he was promoted to the rank of Serjeant. Three brasses depict Serjeant-at-Arms. The earliest commemorates Thomas Stapel, Serjeant to Edward III, dated 1371. The second at Wandsworth7 Shopland church before demolition. (formerly Surrey and now in the Borough The formal role in modern legislative bodies of Wandsworth) portrays Nicholas [Maudyt], is to keep order during meetings, and, if necessary, Serjeant-at-Arms to Henry V, 1420. This is an forcibly remove any members or guests who exceptionally worn brass with Maudyt (head lost) are overly rowdy or disruptive. Nowadays, shown in armour with mace. A mutilated marginal Serjeant-at-Arms are invariably retired soldiers, inscription also remains with four shields lost. police officers, or other officials with experience It is currently affixed, in its original slab, to the in security. The Serjeant-at-Arms of the House north wall of the chancel. Finally, a sizeable of Commons has general responsibility for certain composition at Broxbourne8 () administrative and custodial functions, as well as shows John Borrell, Serjeant-at-Arms to Henry VIII, security within the chamber of the House. 1531, in armour holding an elaborate mace with a In the Royal household of the fourteenth century crowned head – an ornamental rather than a useful the Serjeant-at-Arms was considered to be the weapon! The Effigy (with legs lost) was discovered

Interior of Shopland church with Thomas Stapel brass (right).

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when perfect. We were able to do this, however, only with the greatest difficulty; for the brass is crossed every 9 or 10 inches, by the joists carrying the boarding, which, of course, we could not remove.’12 In 1932 a fragment of the marginal inscription bearing the word ‘Thomas’ was recorded under the font but is now frustratingly lost. The church at Shopland was slightly damaged during World War II. It was not repaired and demolished in 1957. However, the Stapel brass was considered of such significance that it was moved to nearby Sutton church and mounted on a wooden board that was affixed on the south wall at the east end of the Nave. The slab was also transported to Sutton and laid face downwards in the churchyard, close The now redundant church at Sutton. 13 (© Author photograph) to the entrance gate. Derrick Chivers and Major Geoffrey Wheeldon, CBE, both members in 1892 in the private possession of Rev Francis of the Monumental Brass Society (MBS), instigated Burton Shepherd, MA at Rectory,9 proceedings for the brass to be reunited with Essex and returned. In addition to the upper portion its Purbeck slab. of the male effigy, only a group of three daughters The brass was relaid into the original slab by and one scroll bearing espoier en dieu remain of this Bryan S.H. Egan14 on 20th June 1971 with the Cambridge style brass. His wife Elizabeth, a foot stonework completed by Percy F. Smith & Son inscription, group of eight sons, representation of of Southend at a cost of £29 10s 0d.15 the Holy Trinity, seven other scrolls and two shields The impending redundancy of Sutton church have been lost. was brought to my attention by Paul Mardon and the late John Dobson, members respectively of the Thomas Stapel – the brass Essex Society for Archaeology and History (ESAH) The Stapel brass is a product of the London series B and the MBS, who occasioned upon an article that workshop (c.1360-1467). The renowned antiquary was published in the Southend Echo newspaper. John Weever10 recorded the brass in 1631 when it The parishes of Shopland and Sutton have been was complete save for the two shields. Importantly, linked to Rochford for a considerable period of he noted the Norman-French marginal inscription time with several memorials in St Andrew’s church that read: Tho. Stapel, iadis Seriant d’Armes nostre making specific reference to this close association. Seigneur le Roi, qi morust le secunde iour de Mars, A site visit with Rev Alun J. Hurd (Rector) and l’An de Gras Mil. CCCLXXI, gist ici. Diew de Clive Willson (Churchwarden) took place at s’alme eitmercy. Amen (Thomas Stapel, formerly Serjeant-at-Arms to our Lord the King, who died the second day of March 1371, rests here. God have mercy on his soul. Amen). Weever also describes a tomb although close examination of the slab does not support the liklihood that this memorial originally occupied a position on an altar tomb. Rev William Holman and Nathaniel Salmon11 both recorded that the marginal inscription had been lost at the time of their visits to Shopland church in c.1719 and c.1740 respectively. The memorial was covered for many years under boarding until the antiquary H.W. King (1816-93) of Leigh-on-Sea and Hon Secretary of the Essex Archaeological Society uncovered the upper part in 1850. It is interesting to note an account of the brass published in the Transactions of the Essex Archaeological Society, which stated that ‘Nothing further was ascertained with respect to it until recent years, when, as a result of several visits to the church and of having obtained permission to take up some of the floor-boards, we were able to Lifting of the Stapel brass and slab at Sutton. obtain a complete idea of what the brass had been (© Photograph, Simon Nadin, 16/04/2018)

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Rochford church on 7th July 2016. This resulted in References a proposal to move the Stapel brass and its slab from 1. M. Christy & W.W. Porteous, ‘On some brasses Sutton to Rochford. This was formally discussed at a in the churches of Great Bromley, Cold Norton, meeting of the Rochford Parochial Church Council Shopland, Stebbing and Wendens Lofts’, held on 11th July 2016 culminating in a unanimous Essex Review (ER), V (1896), pp.217-20; resolution ‘to receive and display the Brass of A. Hills, ‘The Third Earl of March and Ulster’, L (1941), pp.71 & 76; Thomas Stapel in St Andrew’s’. W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield & P. Whittemore, Application was made to the Church Commissioners The Monumental Brasses of Essex (London, 2003), Closed Churches Division confirming that the Rector p.636. and Churchwarden were agreeable to accepting the 2. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Essex pp.678-9. Stapel brass together with citing other precedents 3. L.E. Jerram-Burrows, The History of the Rochford for the removal of brasses. Five further salient points Hundred (Rochford, 1979), pp.1019-20. were also highlighted to justify the move from Sutton 4. P. Benton, The History of the Rochford Hundred, I to Rochford. Listed Building Consent was granted (Rochford, 1867-85), p.91. by Council on 29th August 2017. 5. P. Benton, The History of the Rochford Hundred, II Pre-application advice was received from Historic (1867-85), p.459. England on 6th November 2017 stating that 6. P. Morant, The History and Antiquities of Essex, I (London, 1768), p.309. relocation of the Thomas Stapel memorial ‘would 7. M. Stephenson, A List of Monumental Brasses in Surrey, not cause harm to the significance of the church. (London, 1921), pp.512-3; M. Stephenson, ‘On a brass Indeed, we welcome the proposal to mount the in Wandsworth Church’, Surrey Archaeological brass on north wall of the tower as it will assist in Collections, X (1891), pp.293-4. safeguarding the historic fabric of this memorial, 8. W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield & P. Whittemore, which is of national importance, for the future’. The Monumental Brasses of Hertfordshire, Finally a Faculty granted by the Diocese of (Stratford St. Mary, 2009), p.vi, 130, 132, 134-5. Chelmsford on 15th January 2018 permitted the 9. ‘Brass of John Borrell (1531)’, ER, I (1892), pp.231-5. fixing of the memorial in Rochford church that took 10. J. Weever, Ancient Funerall Monuments (London, 1631), place between 16th-19th April 2018 under the p.655. direction of Simon Nadin and his team from the 11. N. Salmon, History and antiquities of Essex (London, 1740), p.375. Skillington Workshop. 12. M. Christy, W.W. Porteous & E. Bertram Smith, In celebration of this momentous event a ‘Some Interesting Essex Brasses’ Transactions of the well-attended meeting arranged by the MBS, Essex Archaeological Society, XII (1913), pp.244-6. in association with ESAH, Rochford Hundred 13. L.E. Jerram-Burrows: Shopland (1979), pp.1024-5; Historical Society and the Rochford Town Team, Sutton (1982), pp.1189-90, 1192-3. was held at Rochford church on 14th July 2018. 14. B. Egan & M. Stuchfield, The Repair of Monumental Brasses (Newport Pagnell, 1981), p.27. Martin Stuchfield, MBE, JP, DL, FSA, FRHistS 15 Minutes of a meeting of Sutton PCC held on President of the Monumental Brass Society 07/12/1970.

The Stapel brass and slab being hoisted into position in Rochford church. (© Author photograph, 17/04/2018)

EssexJOURNAL 66 Dr Jennifer Ward: an appreciation

t is with great pleasure that I have accepted The Middle Ages - and the fourteenth century an invitation to write a few words about in particular - is Jennifer’s special area of expertise IDr Jennifer Ward, MA, PhD, FRHistS, in and many of her books and articles relate to this this special issue of the Essex Journal dedicated to period in English history: for example Women of marking the occasion of her 80th birthday. As a the English Nobility and Gentry, 1066-1500 (1995), pupil of Brentwood County High School Jennifer Women in Medieval Europe, 1200-1500 (2002, 2nd attended the original Essex Record Office (ERO) ed. 2016). Women of England in the Middle Ages which was on the ground floor of County Hall in (2006). More recently (2014) Jennifer has returned Duke Street, firstly with a party from her school to the town of Clare and her doctoral thesis subject before she started doing original research. A few with the publication of Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady years later I found my own way to the same of Clare, 1295-1360. Back in Essex Jennifer has ERO Students’ Room to prepare a local history also written Brentwood: a history (2004) while project for my GCE O level geography. That also contributing many articles to local periodicals important first visit for each of us was a very long (including this one). She has recently contributed while ago! papers to The Fighting Essex Soldier (2017), as well I don’t think it was any surprise that Jennifer as co-editing that volume. became an historian as her mother, Gladys, was In her 80th birthday year Jennifer Ward is to already renowned in that field, being a tutor at be congratulated for her life of researching and Westfield College (now linked with Queen Mary writing about many aspects of medieval and College in London University). Incidentally, one Essex history, and encouraging others to follow of Gladys’ own students was Hilda Grieve who her example through her involvement in the went on to become the Senior Assistant Archivist Essex Society for Archaeology and History as in charge of the ERO Students’ Room and a its Past President and current Vice President. renowned historian in her own right; her official We hope that Jennifer continues to research, history of the devastating 1953 Essex floods was write and enjoy her domestic hobbies for many especially well known. I was also a local history years to come. student under Gladys Ward, and remember fondly her afternoon summer tea parties in the garden of Dr Maureen Scollan, MA, PhD. the family home in Brentwood. Gladys’ own book A History of Clare, published in 1928 under her maiden name of Thornton is still highly regarded. In 1956 Jennifer won the Emmison Prize for her research on the history of Old Thorndon Hall in ESAH 1993 AGM held at Priory Brentwood. This was an annual prize for senior with retiring President, the late John Appleby, school pupils using ERO resources and was and newly installed President Dr Jennifer Ward. funded by F.G. Emmison, first County Archivist (Photograph, J. Ward, 05/06/1993) of Essex. Jennifer graduated from Oxford and then completed her PhD at London University on the Clare family estates between 1066-1314, before teaching various aspects of medieval and women’s history at Goldsmith’s College in that university. Over the years Jennifer has published many books and articles on various aspects of medieval and women’s history. One essay warrants comment as it is entitled ‘Richer in land than inhabitants: South Essex in the Middle Ages’ and was included in An Essex Tribute the volume dedicated to F.G. Emmison published in 1987. In 1991 Jennifer wrote the well received and oft quoted work The Essex Gentry and the County Community in the Fourteenth Century as part of the Studies in Local History series that was produced jointly by the ERO and Essex University.

EssexJOURNAL 67 Face to face with a thirteenth century knight by Richard Harris

ust before the turn of the dealers’ catalogues are found over the more popular armorial Millennium, six decades’ with some of the items. style. Very wealthy men, includ- Jworth of the Essex Record John Horace Round, a relative ing the king himself, could have Office’s paper catalogues were of both of them, catalogued large seals that were both pictorial converted to electronic form:- much of the collection in 1896 and armorial. They showed a remarkable achievement. for the Historical Manuscripts themselves mounted, in armour, However certain compromises Commission. In his introduction and bearing their armorial devices had to be made. The new he describes finding it in a loft on their shields and their horses’ digital versions are sometimes over the stables at Birch Hall.1 trappers. The seal die of Robert inconsistent in layout, or contain The collection includes a group Fitz Walter survives in the British unnecessary duplication. of six items relating to the Blund Museum (Fig 3). Fitz Walter, Volunteers (including the family and the estate known as who died in 1235 was one of the author of this article) have been ‘Blunts’. greatest men in England, lord of revising some of these digital The item in question is a quit- the honours centred on Great catalogues, and at the same time claim issued by Sir Andrew Blund Dunmow and Baynard’s Castle correcting errors (of which there some time in the middle of the in London. In all he was lord are gratifyingly few) carried over thirteenth Century (Fig 1).2 It of over 90 knight’s fees.4 from the originals. The process of bears a small, but striking, seal, Perhaps pictorial seals were revision has occasionally brought about the size of a modern £1 available ready-made, requiring before us original documents that coin. This has clearly been made only the inscription to be added, are out of the ordinary run in with a high quality die (Fig 2).3 unlike seals showing coats of terms of physical quality and It shows, in profile, a man’s head, arms, which would require artistry, which we can admire for enclosed in a helmet which bespoke engraving for each their own sake, quite apart from incorporates a face mask. Under purchaser. Regardless of the the information contained in it he wears a chain mail coif. The reasons for it, the image of the their texts. One such document inscription reads SIGILL[UM ] armoured head speaks to us across occurs in the collection begun ANDREE BLVNDI. It is not a the intervening centuries in a way by Charles Gray of portrait; apart from anything else that heraldic devices do not. (1696-1782) and probably added his features are not visible, and Seals showing profile heads to by Charles Gray Round the helmet is of a common were quite common. The dies (1797-1867). This accumulation design, but the image is clearly were sometimes made from actual of about 500 items appears to intended to represent its owner. surviving classical intaglio gems.5 consist of a mixture of Round This is how Sir Andrew wanted However this particular seal can family archives and unrelated to be seen: - a knight in his only have been made in the material acquired, at least in part, fighting gear. He must have thirteenth century, when this by purchase, as cuttings from deliberately chosen this design type of helmet was in vogue. His helmet is typical of those 1. Sir Andrew Blund’s quitclaim. (All ERO images reproduced by courtesy of the Essex Record Office, D/DRg 1/8) in fashion in the early to mid century.6 It is almost cylindrical, with a flat, or only slightly dished, top, with a full face mask, with eye and breathing slots, which is fixed, and not capable of being independently raised. What appears to be a row of rivets down the side shows how it was put together from several pieces of sheet metal. Unlike the later development of the pattern, known as the ‘great helm’, the back of the helmet does not come down as far as the front, leaving the back of the neck protected only by the mail coif. The wearer could therefore move his head relatively freely, and

EssexJOURNAL 68 2. (Left) Enlargment of the seal of Sir Andrew Blund. (ERO, D/DRg 1/8) 4. (Right) Enlargment of the seal of Hammond Poreman. (ERO, D/DRg 1/6) Pound coin for scale.

the design must have been a normal at the time, which came civilian equivalent of Blund’s. It compromise between lightness to be known as a feoffment. This also shows a male head in profile. and adequate protection. In a suggests either a desire to keep It is a little worn, but the man mêlée of mounted knights, most the transaction private, or perhaps appears to be wearing the linen sword blows would be aimed at some more complicated financial coif popular with men of all ranks the head. The flat top would arrangement, such as a mortgage.9 and ages. This was a close-fitting seem at first sight to be less good His property comprised what item, covering most of the head, at deflecting a downward cut in later years became the manor including the ears, down to than the earlier conical and with the extraordinary name of the nape of the neck. Fashion rounded styles. However it Ging Joyberd Laundry, but which dictated that some hair should allowed space for a lot of padding in his time was regarded as two be visible peeping out around around the top of the head, adjoining manors, Ging Joybert the edges.13 under the steel, to cushion any and Ging Landry, named after The wording is slightly blow. It would not have been so earlier owners.10 These had been worn, but appears to include popular if it had not worked. part of the large settlement of Hammonds’s forename only. An Sir Andrew Blund died some Ginges, usually shortened to indication that this may have also time before July 1259.7 He ‘Ing’, which was subsequently been a standard product, adapted appears as a witness on other broken up. Other parts were for the customer, is that the men’s title deeds in 1246 and named after an early lay owner inscription does not occupy 1247.8 In the latter document he (Mountness Ing), or ecclesiastical the full circumference, the gap is described as a knight (miles). owners (Fryern Ing), the dedica- being filled by what may be At this date the term is still as tion of the church (Margarett just decorative patterns, or much a job description as a Ing), or a notable physical feature may perhaps be intended to be mark of rank. In the deed with (Ing at Stone). Joybert and dragons.14 On the other hand his surviving seal he gives himself Landry lay mainly in what Hammond might have made his no title. became the parish of Buttsbury, own seal die. Goldsmiths were Blund appears to have been but did not correspond to it among the groups of craftsman what would have been regarded precisely, so these names have who produced them.15 as a knight of the old school, not survived as those of a modern We do not have precise dates owning (or, as contemporaries parish.11 for either of these seals. Title would put it, ‘holding’) one Blund’s seal is neatly matched deeds at this period were not modest estate as his knight’s fee, by one of virtually the same usually dated, although it is for which he performed military size on a quitclaim issued by apparent from other kinds of service in person. Such text-book Hammond Poreman, goldsmith document that the ability to knights were already ceasing to of London, to another member of express and to understand an be the norm. He was not averse the Blund family, Hugh le Blund exact and accurate date was to improving his holdings by at, probably, a slightly earlier date widespread. In the same way, dealing in land for money. The (Fig 4).12 Interestingly Poreman deeds were not signed, but this deed that bears his seal relates has an English surname, rather was not because the parties were explicitly to a piece of land that than the Norman-French one necessarily illiterate.16 The seal he had previously bought. Its that might have been expected of authenticated the document, and format is that of a quitclaim, a wealthy London citizen. the witnesses would swear to its rather than the type of deed more Poreman’s seal is virtually a accuracy if called upon.

EssexJOURNAL 69 Deeds were small. The writing was neat, but no larger than was needed to be easily legible. No space was wasted. There is rarely any significant blank space. Unless the scribes had an unusual ability to predict the size of parchment that a deed would require, the documents must have been cut to length after they were written. Title deeds in the medieval period were authenticated by having seals attached (sometimes several, if the party issuing them comprised several individuals). 3. Seal-die of Robert Fitzwalter, c.1213-19. Diameter 73.5 mm. The lower edge of the document (Image ID: 00035025001 © Trustees of the ) was folded upwards and a slit cut through both folds, A ribbon-like Manuscripts (London 1896), twentieth century gentleman strip of parchment was doubled Appendix Part IX pp.1,2 wearing one, while acknowledg- through and the ends twisted 2. Essex Record Office, (ERO), ing its popularity. The coif together to form a tag. A ball of D/DRg 1/8. survived as the distinguishing 3. There is a semantic problem that accoutrement of Sergeants softened (but not molten) wax faces anyone who writes about at Law. was moulded round the tag, and seals. We tend (as did medieval 14. For a dragon on a seal, see the the seal die was pushed down man) to use seal to mean both the seal die of Robert Fitz Walter. into it. The wax was real bees’ imprinted wax that is attached to 15. McEwan, p.ix. wax, usually mixed with resin a document, and also the object 16. The ability to read was more and a pigment. It would not used to impress the design on common than the ability to adhere reliably to the surface of it. The writer has followed a write. The latter involved parchment, hence the need for common (but not universal) various physical skills, best left the tag. The quality of wax practice and called the latter the to professionals, as typing was varied. A large proportion of die. Matrix is an alternative. before the development of surviving early medieval deeds 4. M. Strickland, ‘Fitzwalter, personal computers. (I am Robert’, ODNB, https:// indebted to Professor P.D.A. have lost their seals, although doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/9648, Harvey who pointed out this the tags usually survive. The two (25/09/2018) analogy many years ago.) Mixing seals referred to here are both 5. J.A. McEwan, Seals in Medieval a quantity of ink, and cutting a made from the best quality wax. London (Woodbridge, 2016), p.ix. quill pen, just so that someone This has been heavily loaded 6. Gravett, Plate A [p.32]. could sign a deed, would have with green pigment, to give a 7. Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem been regarded as more trouble medium that is hard and almost (CIPM), I (London, 1904), than it was worth. black, unlike the natural or red- entry 447, p.123. coloured waxes that are more 8. ERO, D/DP T1/1553, Grant, Acknowledgments commonly found, and which 1246 & D/DP T1/611, The author would like to thank seem more fragile. As a protec- Quitclaim, 1247. Katharine Schofield of the ERO 9. The feoffment procedure for suggesting to him the task of tion, deeds were usually folded involved a handover on the updating the catalogue of the into a neat package, writing side property, attended by the parties, collection in which these two inwards, and the seal tucked or their representatives, and fine seals appear. inside. Although many medieval witnesses. It was thus difficult to deeds in record offices have been keep such transactions private. The Author flattened in recent times, the folds The deed was (or purported to Richard Harris worked at the Essex are still usually visible. be) written and sealed after this Record Office from 1979 to 2008, This, and the fact that both event, and merely confirmed it, retiring as Archive Service Manager. are quite small, has enabled and was not strictly necessary. He has always had a great liking for these two seals to remain firmly 10. CIPM, p.123. Medieval history and literature since attached to their documents, and 11. P.H. Reaney, The Place Names of taking an MA in Medieval Studies Essex (Cambridge, 1969), p.243. at University. The remarkably un-worn for over 700 12. ERO, D/DRg 1/6. working life of a local archivist years. 13. I. Brooke English Costume of the always entails spending the greater Early Middle Ages (London 1936) part of one’s time with more recent References p.62. Brooke is scathing about records, so the chance to go back to 1. RCHM, Fourteenth Report of the ‘ludicrous’ appearance of the the thirteenth century as a volunteer the Royal Commission on Historical coif, no doubt imagining a mid- has been greatly appreciated.

EssexJOURNAL 70 ‘The portraiture of a man cut in wood’: the fourteenth century effigy of a priest at St John the Evangelist’s church, Little Leighs by Christopher Starr

he small rural parish of in which lies the rare wooden Little Leighs was a poor parish Little Leighs lies north effigy of a priest which appears assessed at a mere £2.0s.0d. of Chelmsford and is to be older than the tomb, and when Great Leighs was assessed T 1 co-terminus with the parishes dated about 1280 (Fig 2). at £13.6s.8d. and at of Felsted, Great Leighs and Much of what is known £32.0s.0d.5 Great Waltham. The church, about the history of this church It appears that by the date of dedicated to St John the is entwined in the history of the 1254 taxatio or soon after, the Evangelist, was built in the Little Leighs priory (later known priory appropriated the rectory twelfth century; a century later, as Leez priory) which was built of Little Leighs; that is, appointed the chancel was taken down some two miles away. The priory a vicar or deputy in place of the and rebuilt, probably to conform was founded at the end of the rector, to be responsible for the with changing liturgy, however twelfth century for Augustinian cure of souls.6 The prior was the nave survives as a twelfth Canons and dedicated to the henceforward responsible for century-structure. Early in the Virgin Mary and St John the the appointment of vicars at fourteenth century a tomb recess, Evangelist.2 The founder was Little Leighs, subject only to which projects into the graveyard Ralph Gernon, scion of a local the approval of the bishop. In (Fig 1), was built in the north gentry family, whose pious deed the case of nearby Matching, the wall of the chancel. Extensive took place at about the same rectory was sold together with building alterations were carried time that the chancel of Little the Hall, to the cleric Hervey de out to the chancel in the Leighs church was reconstructed.3 Boreham in about 1260. Hervey eighteenth century but these There are few records of the gave it to the priory in 1274, proved inadequate and were priory’s early years, or indeed of but it was many years before largely replaced when the church its foundation, but the original the priory appropriated it.7 Some was restored in 1895. This endowment is known to have monasteries kept their benefices modest church still retains included lands in Boreham and disappropriated until they some of its medieval furnishings, Little Leighs. According to presented one of their own including the font, some oak Richard Newcourt, principal canons or an influential priest benches and the south door. registrar of the diocese of that they considered would be Most notably however, in the London, writing in 1710, Little particularly useful to them. north wall of the chancel is the Leighs rectory was ‘all along’ The tomb recess at Little lavish tomb recess of about 1300, in the gift of the priory and it Leighs was first recorded by the is therefore likely that the advowson of Little Leighs church formed part of the endowment, together with the manor of Little Leighs of which Ralph Gernon was apparently then lord.4 Even though the rectory was given to the priory, the rectorial property or part of it, may have been retained by the donor. The 1291-92 taxatio, an assess- ment for taxation, ordered by Pope Nicholas IV, shows that 1. (Left) The tomb recess projecting into the graveyard. 2. (Right) The tomb recess as seen from the chancel. (All images, unless otherwise stated, by Susan Clark-Starr, 11/08/2018)

EssexJOURNAL 71 3. Description and sketch by Richard Symonds of the effigy following his visit of 24th July 1640. (Reproduced by permission of the Kings, Heralds and Pursuivants of Arms, MS Symonds Essex Vol.3 f.320) EssexJOURNAL 72 4. Samuel Dale’s 1718 letter to fellow antiquary Rev William Holman. (Reproduced by courtesy of the Essex Record Office, D/Y 1/1/57/20) Essex soldier and antiquary physician of Braintree, in a letter The Rev Frederick Spurrell Richard Symonds (1617-60) (Fig 4) dated 23rd September (1824-1902), rector of of Black Notley, who visited 1718 to his fellow antiquary Faulkbourne, wrote a paper the church on 24th July 1640 the Rev William Holman (1669- which was published in the and wrote: ‘In the north wall 1730), non-conformist minister Transactions of the then Essex within an arch lies the portraiture of , which refers to ‘Lees Archaeological Society, in which of a man cut in wood, at his Parva’ church as follows: he described the tomb and effigy feet lie 2 dogs, the arches are in detail.10 Frederic Chancellor adorned with oaken branches In this church is neither (1825-1918) diocesan surveyor, sans semblance of arms. It is inscription nor coat of published his Ancient Sepulchral most like to the form of a priest’ arms, the only monument Monuments of Essex in 1895, and (Spelling modernised).8 Symonds, that is here is in the north it gave not only a description of who visited Little Leighs church wall of the chancel where the tomb, but measured drawings about a hundred years after Little in an arch lieth the effigies of it.11 Leighs priory was acquired by Sir [sic] of one of the priors of To put the effigy in context, Richard Rich, also made a rough the monastery but who he the tomb recess in which it lies sketch of the effigy (Fig 3). was is not known there is in the most sought-after burial The next known reference to being neither inscription place in the church, that is within the tomb and effigy is by Samuel nor arms to assist. (Spelling the north wall, close to the Dale (1659-1739), apothecary and modernised).9 east wall. In this position it

EssexJOURNAL 73 5 & 6. Two views of the recumbent effigy of a priest in full Eucharistic vestments. represented not only the right which lie outside the chancel, filled with oak leaves and acorns hand of God but was a constant said to have been brought to and on the west with stylised reminder to the priest at the Little Leighs church from the leaves. The hood of the ogee Eucharist to say prayers for the priory, but there is no evidence arch has large crockets comprising commemorated person’s soul.12 for this. They are mentioned oak leaves connected by acorns. Prayers were said in the hope of by Samuel Dale in his letter to The ogee terminates in a large reducing the amount of time a William Holman so they have lavishly carved finial, decorated soul spent in Purgatory. This been in situ for at least 300 years. with the representation of small tomb is similar to another (of Dale also mentions the ‘tradition’ human faces. about 1310) in the same position which ‘makes them to be of On each side of the tomb at nearby Great Leighs church; some of the priors’.14 Stone is a buttress, terminating in a not as ornate, but associated coffins were invariably set in the richly decorated pinnacle; each with a richly decorated sedilia floor of the church (usually the buttress rests on a shaft with a and piscina in the south wall chancel) with lid visible and the carved capital. The style of this opposite.13 The Great Leighs rest buried beneath the surface. tomb and more particularly recess does not surround an Many coffins which survived the naturalistic foliage which effigy, perhaps it never did. The until the nineteenth century, decorates it, suggests a date of possibility exists that it was an were lifted and placed either construction of about 1300, but Easter sepulchre, but it is some- against a wall of the church, or there can be no precision in this times very difficult to distinguish were deposited outside when matter without more evidence. a tomb from a permanent Easter restorations took place. In its original state, the interior sepulchre. The parish priest at The tomb in the north wall of the tomb would probably Great Leighs in the early four- of the chancel at Little Leighs have been painted, perhaps teenth century was John de consists of an arched recess about with brightly coloured religious Boreham (he first occurs in six and a half feet wide and two images. If so, they have not 1306), well connected with local feet deep, within which lies the survived, unless they are beneath gentry and apparently a man of recumbent effigy of a priest in full the layers of whitewash which means, and this may have been Eucharistic vestments(Figs 5 & 6). cover the tomb. his burial place, as some of his This recess projects one foot What do the symbols on successors are buried in the outside the chancel wall. The the monument signify? To begin chancel beneath floor slabs set arch is a flattish ogee, six feet with there is little to suggest that with monumental brasses. At high and carved into a cinquefoil, the tomb is associated with a Great and Little Leighs an strikingly cusped and sub-cusped, priest, neither is there anything Easter sepulchre is most likely to with large spandrels. to link it to the church’s have been a temporary wooden Within the two central dedication to St John the structure used for only three spandrels are sculptured heads Evangelist, his symbols being an days a year in the manner of a surrounded by beautifully worked eagle and a serpent. What then Christmas crib, rather than a foliage – the head on the east side is the significance of the acorns permanent stone structure. being that of a man, on the west and oak leaves? What about Associated with the Little side being either a lion or more the evil-looking long tongued Leighs tomb recess are two likely a devil mask (Figs 7 & 8). creatures on the buttresses – are thirteenth-century coffin lids The outer spandrel on the east is they there just for decoration?

EssexJOURNAL 74 The two central spandrels of the tomb arch. 7. (Left) The west side being either a lion or a devil mask. 8. (Right) The east side being that of a man. Hawkwood.15 It may also be that the mason at Little Leighs was given the freedom to carve what he wished. Not until the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries did ‘green men’ (such faces were not so described until 1939) More significant perhaps, what is appear in parish churches in effigy of Archbishop Peckham in the meaning of the Christ-like large numbers. Canterbury Cathedral. Despite human face on the eastern As has been said, an this, it has been repeatedly assert- spandrel and the juxtaposed identifying name or coat of arms ed that the Little Leighs effigy is devilish face of the one on the is conspicuously absent from the the only wooden one of a priest west? Do they perhaps represent tomb. The graffiti scratched on in England. good and evil? The human face the inside of the tomb arch give At Clifford, the wooden effigy is in the form of what in the last no further clues, but at least one of a tonsured priest in Eucharistic 90 years has become known as of them appears to be a mason’s vestments, also appears to date the Green Man symbol, whose mark. There is no tomb chest; from about 1280 and it is locally meaning is still very little under- perhaps, as was often the case, considered to represent one of stood. the effigy was originally placed the Cluniac monks, possibly On closer examination, the at floor level. The monument is the prior, from nearby Clifford foliate head, a so-called Green in excellent condition, especially priory. Again there is no evidence Man, on the east has a long- the carvings in the spandrels and for this and it may well com- haired bearded face – eyes wide the excellent quality of the tomb memorate a parish priest, possibly open, natural, Christ-like, teeth indicates a high status burial, the last rector before the rectory bared, leaves spouting from his perhaps a cleric of more senior was appropriated in 1292. open mouth. On the west a rank and importance than a parish Coincidentally the chancel at devilish, short-haired figure with priest. Clifford like the one at Little pointed ears, large nose, piggy Turning now to the effigy. Leighs, dates from about 1300 eyes and a huge pointed tongue, There are ten remaining medieval and the font is also of a similar disgorging from his mouth a bush wooden effigies in Essex, the date to the font at Little Leighs. with five roses. Although the highest number for an English The wooden effigy of Archbishop Green Man image on the east county except Northamptonshire Peckham in Canterbury could be purely decorative, it which also has ten. The Essex Cathedral is of about 1300 and has long been thought that in effigies are located as follows: is in the north wall of the north the Middle Ages, this face came Little Baddow two, Little transept, close to the site of to symbolise sin, but there are Horkesley three, Little Leighs Becket’s martyrdom. many possible interpretations. one, Danbury three, and Why then were effigies made Generally, as here, the Green Elmstead one, of which six of wood, which appears to be less Man appears in semi-hidden are military, and two represent durable than stone and not as places and at the margins of women. It is known that at least easily worked? It seems that medieval buildings. However, another five wooden effigies wooden effigies occur mainly in it is impossible to know what were destroyed in Essex during areas where stone was in short the mason intended or, more to the eighteenth century.16 This supply, especially East Anglia; the point, what the man who compares with the number of wood being much lighter than commissioned the tomb wanted medieval stone effigies (freestone stone it would have been easier to portray. Perhaps it was the and alabaster) surviving in Essex, to transport: it was cheaper too. conflict between good and evil, which is 25 excluding incised However, it appears that cost was perhaps an Easter theme of death slabs.17 Countrywide in England not the determining factor, as and rebirth. Such carvings are and Wales, 96 wooden effigies wooden effigies were made for sometimes in the form of a rebus survive (24 others are known to high status individuals who could – a sort of visual pun such as are have been destroyed) of which have afforded stone. It must have on the tomb at only three represent priests: the been the characteristics of wood which has hawks and foliage effigy at Little Leighs, another at such as well-defined grain that representing the name of Sir John Clifford in Herefordshire and the gave it its appeal. Wood gave

EssexJOURNAL 75 and supported by two small foundation in the twelfth century figures, one of which has had and the taxatio of 1254. Shortly its head neatly sawn off. The after this date it was appropriated small figure’s undamaged partner, by the priory and a vicar appoint- which is rather indistinct inside ed at Little Leighs. It remained the recess, is a tonsured priest appropriated until at least 1333 which is almost a miniature when the prior of Little Leighs mirror-image of the effigy, presented Robert Kere to the certainly not an angel, as it has vicarage.20 It is not known when been many times described. the church was disappropriated, Carved from a single block but it was probably in the early of oak the effigy is remarkably part of the fourteenth century. well-preserved, apart from a crack However, it was never a valuable extending downwards from the benefice and cannot have been an figure’s knees, and the deliberate attractive prospect for a priest, it but inexplicable mutilation of is therefore surprising that it has the priest holding the cushion. such a sumptuous tomb in the It is likely that the effigy was chancel. hollowed out at an early stage Assuming that the effigy was of its production and filled with carved and the tomb constructed 8. The feet in long pointed shoes resting close to a charcoal, this was to absorb water during the time that the benefice lamb and a lion. and prevent serious cracking as was a vicarage, the most likely it dried out. If the wood was individual to have been buried way to alabaster from about 1350 well-seasoned by the time it was in the tomb is one of the vicars when alabaster became generally carved, the charcoal served as an of Little Leighs. Records of available for the first time.18 extra precaution against unsightly incumbents are incomplete and The effigy is of a well-built cracking.19 Dendrochronology only date from 1333; as the priest man, mature but not elderly, would give us the date that the commemorated probably died some six feet tall. He is lying on timber used to make the effigy about 1280 it is not possible to his back in repose, his face almost was felled, but so far no such tests suggest a name. As the benefice serene, despite his damaged nose. have been undertaken. The Rev was in the prior’s gift, the priest However, in the fourteenth Spurrell described the effigy as commemorated by the tomb century the concept of portraiture being covered in white paint in may be one of the canons at on an effigy would have been 1863, this must have been done the priory, only one of whom is virtually unknown. His arms are long after the effigy was originally known. He was the sub-prior, a folded and his hands are in an painted. Much of this white serial adulterer named Roger de attitude of prayer. He is dressed paint still survives, as do smaller Colne who received dispensation in Eucharistic vestments, the folds amounts of red and blue poly- for his sins from the Bishop of which fall horizontally rather chrome, mainly in the folds of London in 1319 when his than vertically, as though he of the priest’s clothing. Other adultery with Margaret, wife was standing upright. His robes wooden effigies have lost their of a certain William of Little consist of a linen hood or amice; original paint, and others, like Leighs, came to light, along an alb or linen robe reaching the effigy of a man at Much with similar offences against down to his feet; a long stole Marcle, Herefordshire, have been canon law.21 round his neck, tied at the waist restored and repainted in recent However, the priest whose with a cord; a linen maniple years. The place of manufacture effigy lies in the chancel at over his left wrist; and over all, a of the Little Leighs effigy is not Little Leighs may simply have chasuble of embroidered silk. The known. been from another benefice but cleric is wearing a skull cap, his Who then was the priest deemed worthy of appointment hair is medium length, cut in a commemorated at Little Leighs? as vicar of Little Leighs by straight line below his protruding There is no definitive answer the prior, or perhaps a priest ears. He is closely shaven but, to this question as records are considered useful to the priory. because he is wearing a skull incomplete or non-existent. The outstanding candidate in cap, it is not clear whether he is Furthermore, it remains an this latter respect is Hervey de tonsured. He wears long pointed open question whether the tomb Boreham whose relative John shoes with no visible laces and recess and the effigy are in fact de Boreham was vicar of Great his feet rest close to a lamb and coeval. Leighs church in the early four- a lion, perhaps intended as It is clear that the rectory of teenth century, and who may Christian symbols (Fig 9). His Little Leighs and at least part of have been buried there.22 The head rests on a thick pillow its income were transferred to the Boreham family had a long placed diagonally under his head priory at some time between its association with Little Leighs

EssexJOURNAL 76 priory by the time Harvey was We may never know the Monuments in the Middle Ages ordained; his parents were buried name of the priest commemorat- (Oxford, 2009), p.164. in what became known as the ed, but as long as his effigy 13. Bettley, pp.412-13. Boreham Chapel in the priory, survives we should treat this 14. ERO, D/Y 1/1/57/20. and Harvey made elaborate great treasure with due reverence 15. C. Starr, Medieval Mercenary arrangements for the welfare of and care, and hope that one day (Chelmsford, 2007), pp. 59-68. 23 16 A.C. Fryer, Wooden Monumental their souls. It is also clear that his identity may come to light. Effigies in England and Wales he was wished to be buried with (London, 1924), pp.15-16. them.24 The Boreham family References 17. RCHM, An Inventory of the were lords of Old Hall, Boreham 1. J. Bettley & N. Pevsner, Historical Monuments in Essex, IV from at least the twelfth century, The Buildings of England, Essex (London, 1923), pp. 272-5. and they chose the priory as (London, 2007), pp.557-8. 18. S. Badham, ’The rise to their last resting place because 2. P. Morant, The History and popularity of alabaster for the clergy there could be relied Antiquities of the County of Essex, memorialisation in England’, on to pray for their souls in II (London, 1768), pp.99-103. Church Monuments, 31, (2016), perpetuity, so as to shorten the 3. R.C. Fowler, ‘The religious pp.11-67. houses of Essex’ in W. Page & time their souls spent in 19 Saul, pp. 71-3. 25 J.H. Round (eds) The Victoria 20. Newcourt, p.387. Purgatory. In return, the History of the of County of Essex, 21. R.C. Fowler, Registrum Radulphi Boreham family gave the manor II (London, 1907), pp.155-7. Baldock, Gilberti Segrave, Ricardi of Old Hall in Boreham, as 4. R. Newcourt, Repertorium Newport et Stephani well as other property, to the Ecclesiasticum Parochiale Londinense, (1318-1338) (London, 1911), priory.26 II (London, 1710), pp.386-7. p.211. Harvey, who was clearly far 5. T. Astle, S. Ayscough & J. Caley 22. Newcourt, p.384. more important than a mere (eds), Taxatio Ecclesiastica Angliae 23. R.C. Fowler, ‘Little Leighs parish priest, appears to have had et Walliæ Auctoritate p. Nicholai IV Priory’, TEAS, XIII (1915), an outstanding dual career both as (London, 1802).The priory of pp.200-17. a priest and as an administrator. Little Leighs was, however, well 24. R.E.G. Kirk, Essex Feet of Fines, endowed. J. Denton et al., In 1268 he was chancellor to I, (Colchester, 1899), p.278. Taxatio (2014), HRI Online, 25. The National Archives (TNA), Earl Gilbert de Clare; by 1271 Sheffield University, E 42/65, Grant of land in a canon of Hereford cathedral; www.hrionline.ac.uk/taxatio. Boreham, 1275. archdeacon of Shropshire by 6. W.E. Lunt, The Valuation of 26. This eventually resulted in 1278 and canon of St Paul’s Norwich (Oxford, 1926), p.145. litigation in the Court of cathedral by 1272. In 1274 he See also N.J.G.Pounds, History Common Pleas: TNA, was appointed Dean of St Paul’s of the English Parish (Cambridge, CP 40/562, rot. 307, (1401). and in 1276 he died whilst being 2004), p.50. 27. D.E. Greenway (ed), ‘Deans of investigated by the Archbishop 7. Essex Record Office (ERO), St Paul’s’, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae of Canterbury for pluralism.27 D/Dew M1, Court Roll, Manor 1066-1300, I (London, 1968), If Harvey was indeed buried at of Matching Hall, 1307-94. pp.4-8. 8. College of Arms MS Symonds Leigh priory beside his parents, 28. The prior of Little Leighs at Essex Vol.3 f.320. Church notes the time of Hervey’s death was it is possible that an effigy may Little Leighs. Simon de Eylaunde, so named have been on his tomb and was 9. ERO, D/Y 1/1/57/20, Letter in an charter of 1280, rescued and brought to Little from Samuel Dale to Rev ERO, D/DP T1/111. In 1536 Leighs when the priory was William Holman 23/09/1718. the site of the priory was granted destroyed following the See also ERO T/P 195/9/22, to Richard Rich, chancellor of Dissolution.28 Possibly there was Rev William Holman’s notes on the Court of Augmentations. an empty tomb recess in Little Little Leighs church and ERO, Leighs church that perfectly fitted T/P 196/12 Henry King’s notes Acknowledgements his removal there. If none of this on the same church. It gives me great pleasure to pay was the case, Hervey de Boreham 10. F. Spurrell, ‘Notes of a wooden tribute to Dr Jennifer Ward whose effigy of a priest in the church may, simply for his own reasons, fine scholarship I greatly admire. I at Little Leighs’, Transactions of would also like to thank her for the have arranged his own burial and the Essex Archaeological Society unstinting assistance and encourage- commemoration at Little Leighs (TEAS), II (1863), pp.167-72. ment she has given me since I began having been appointed to the 11. F. Chancellor, ‘Essex Churches to study Essex history long ago. living by the priory (it is clear XIV: St John the Apostle and he was a collector of benefices Evangelist, Little Leighs’, Essex The Author and was under investigation for Review, IV (1895), pp.146-56 & Dr Christopher Starr is a retired pluralism), an appointment which F. Chancellor, The Ancient Army intelligence officer with an had been kept open for such an Sepulchral Monuments of Essex interest in Essex history, particularly eventuality. (London, 1895), p.340. the Essex gentry in the fourteenth 12. N. Saul, English Church century.

EssexJOURNAL 77 Shaped from the Landscape: Great Baddow’s medieval deer park by Gloria Harris

eer parks were a look at just one example – during that century. The first common feature in Baddow Park in the parish indication that a park existed in Dthe English landscape of Great Baddow (Fig 1). Great Baddow was in 1291 when during the medieval period. Traditionally, research on William the parker of Badewe Across England, 35 parks were medieval deer parks has had a and John de Galingal of recorded at Domesday. Two local focus, and this article follows Colchester, were taken and of these were in Essex; one in in that tradition. However, there detained in the Ongar, known to have existed is a growing interest in the nature for breaking the king’s park at before the conquest, and the and development of parks in a Langham, Essex and carrying other at Rayleigh. By 1300, wider context, including subjects away deer.4 Sometime before when parks were in their heyday, such as when did parks appear, 1304, Robert Bruce the elder, numbers in England had risen where in the local landscape were appointed William the parker to around 3,200.1 Anyone could they sited, what was the purpose of Great Baddow as keeper of create a deer park if they were of a park and did they change his parks and warren in Writtle. wealthy enough. The biggest over time? Mileson’s work on William was also granted a house initial expense was enclosing Medieval parks provides a frame- in the park of Writtle for life, an area of a lord’s estate with a work for this study and although but in 1306, following the Bruce wooden pale, or fence, in which evidence for Great Baddow’s rebellion in Scotland, the manor deer were kept and just replacing medieval deer park is thin, of Writtle, and many others in or repairing the park pale enough has been found that can Essex, was taken into the king’s involved a long-term financial answer some, at least, of these hands.5 William’s fate is unknown commitment. However, it was questions.2 but as Great Baddow and Writtle a commitment that increasing were historically connected (they numbers of wealthy landowners Baddow Park – both shared manorial organisation chose to make throughout the a chronological review and officials) he may have been medieval period, although there During the thirteenth century, a victim of politics, losing his may have been limitations on when new parks were being position and privileges as keeper the quantity and quality of land made or existing ones enlarged, of both parks when the manors available. Deer were the focus it had become necessary to obtain passed from the Bruce to the of any park where the pleasure a licence from the king to make Bohun family in 1306.6 of hunting went hand-in-hand these changes to the landscape.3 Although precise dating of with providing baronial halls No record of a licence for a deer the park has not been possible, with a luxury meat for the table. park has been found for Great it seems likely it was made some- However, some parks may have Baddow during the thirteenth time around the mid- to late- been more than a rich man’s century, so dating it is not precise, but thirteenth century. William the playground and this article will it seems that it was in existence parker was said to be of ‘Badewe’ 1. Extract from Christopher Saxton’s 1576 map of Essex showing Baddow Park with its pale. (Reproduced by courtesy of the Essex Record Office, MAP/CM/1/1)

EssexJOURNAL 78 and his position as keeper of the included enlarging his deer park. wills of successive kings or to Writtle parks and woods, prior to At this point, the size of the endow their queens.18 The park 1304, suggests that the original park is unknown, although we continued to function into the Great Baddow deer park may can guess (see below), but it sixteenth century and it was said have been created while both was extended when John took to contain 240 acres in 1582.19 Writtle and Great Baddow shared Burylie, a 29 acre field of the Bruce family as manorial demesne arable, out of production Where was Baddow Park? lords, if not before. It has been and enclosed it to create a laund, Throughout the medieval period, suggested that Writtle Park was an open grassy area, for the deer.11 no known existing contemporary created before Isabel Bruce was Following John’s death, his documents contain information granted the lordship of Writtle brother Humphrey inherited on the precise location of Great in 1238. Like the Great Baddow the manor of Great Baddow, just Baddow’s deer park. Place-names deer park, there is no record of a one of the Bohun’s vast estates.12 are always a useful pointer in licence to enclose the principal Very soon after, a survey was identifying features in the land- park within the manor of Writtle.7 made listing all Great Baddow’s scape and it would have been It is therefore possible that if demesne land and Adam the tempting to look no further than both parks were created before the parker is found among the list the sites of the, still working, system of licensing began then no of jurors, still in his position after Baddow Park Farm and Parklands record exists for the creation of 20 years.13 Farm (now in the parish of either park, and that they share Throughout the lordship but historically in a similar, early history. of John’s brother, Humphrey, the parish of Great Baddow) The transfer of manors from there is little known information and consider the task complete. one landowner to another was regarding the park except for an However, over time, the location often the result of political fall- incident that took place in 1342 of parks sometimes changed with out between kings and nobles, allowing a glimpse of what might a different owner and shifts in and events like the 1306 Bruce have been within the park pale. fashion. With the passing of eight rebellion, whilst far-removed Hugh de Badewe, knight, along centuries it can not be assumed geographically, often had unlikely with accomplices, broke into that the current farms with Park consequences of a more local several parks in Essex belonging names covered the same, or nature as new owners had new to Humphrey and carried away similar, ground as that of the ideas. Following the transfer from his deer. The gang also entered original medieval deer park. the Bruce family to the Bohun the free warren at Baddow, The earliest visual evidence family, Baddow Park underwent taking hares, rabbits, partridges of the Baddow Park appears on some changes. From 1306, the and pheasants before moving Christopher Saxton’s 1576 map manor of Great Baddow was held on to assault Bohun’s men and of Essex (Fig 1) where many by Earl Humphrey de Bohun and servants in Chelmsford.14 The Essex parks are depicted as small by 1319, Adam had superseded manor of Great Baddow contin- circular enclosures within park William as the new parker there.8 ued in the lordship of the Bohun pales. The drawings are not to It is under the Bohuns that we family until the death of Joan de scale so precise locations of have the earliest known written Bohun, widowed after the death parks is not possible but they reference to the site of the park, of her husband Humphrey in do provide a basis for a park’s 1320, when it was in the posses- 1373. Throughout this post existence.20 Baddow Park is also sion of Humphrey de Bohun. 1342 period there is no known shown on the Chapman and A grant of land was made, which information concerning the deer André map of 1777, again giving lay ‘between the park of Badewe park.15 a vague location, but Parklands and Kyngesho’.9 Three years Joan remained unmarried until is not shown.21 Earlier written later Earl Humphrey died, a her death in 1419.16 Her death evidence shows that Parklands rebel and a traitor, at the battle resulted in a partitioning of lands was in existence in 1594 and of Boroughbridge, resulting in his that formerly were held by her the abuttals place it in its current lands, including Great Baddow, husband Humphrey, between location.22 Evidence of the loca- being taken into the king’s hands. Henry V and his sister Anne tion of the park itself also rests For the next few years the Stafford. As might be expected, on it being referenced as an Bohun family fell from royal the king ‘had his choice’ which abuttal to other holdings and, like favour but their fortunes began to included the manor of Great Parklands, places it in its current recover when Humphrey’s son, Baddow, a park and two groves. location.23 John de Bohun, was restored to From 1419, these lands were Parklands and its relationship his estates in 1326. He lived for brought under the jurisdiction of with the park itself presents a a further ten years.10 During his the duchy of Lancaster.17 During problem. In 1419 a description relatively short time as Great the remainder of the fifteenth of the demesne land of Great Baddow’s lord, John made some century, duchy lands could be Baddow mentions, ‘Parkland in changes in his manor, which used to fulfil the provision of the the Netherfield and Parkland in

EssexJOURNAL 79 (Reproduced by courtesy of the Essex Record Office, D/DDw P23) D/DDw Office, Record Essex the of courtesy by (Reproduced 2. Robert Baker’s 1829 Baker’s Robert A Plan of the Park Farm Park the of Plan A .

EssexJOURNAL 80 ‘Park 2’, c.1330. Fig 3. Baddow Park boundaries. The possible extent of the park with de Bohun’s addition of Burylie? Approximatley 220 acres.

Parklands, was this ever part N of Baddow Park or just so called because it was adjacent?

‘Park 1’, c.1275. The ‘original’ park? 188 acres.

the Overfield’, each containing 1330s cannot be identified. Baddow Park. However the 27 acres of arable.24 This area Burylie has not been found to 1419 survey does provide some cannot satisfactorily be identified appear in any record other than clues as to how big the park with the ‘Parkeland’ recorded in the 1419 survey. By definition, was at various times in its history 1605, 1594 and 1548, when it any land brought into the existing (excluding Parklands). While the contained 30 acres at all three park to enlarge it, would have a survey does not tell us explicitly dates, and in 1605 was divided shared boundary with it, and where the park was is does reveal into 8 pieces’.25 Throughout four fields to the north-west that the circuit of the park meas- this 50 year period ‘Parkeland’ of the park, in later records, ured 701 perches over and above appears to have been cultivated, create an irregular shape to the the 29 acres of demesne arable as it was in 1419, but was half the circuit boundary as can be seen that John de Bohun had enclosed size, which suggests that it had in Robert Baker’s 1829 A Plan to create a laund.26 It was stated already been divided. If this is the of the Park Farm (Fig 2). This that a ‘Baddow perch’ measured same area of land, it may never does not conform to the typical 18ft when a standard perch was have been part of Baddow Park shape of a park which was, 16½ feet. This allows us to during the medival period or, if generally, rectangular with calculate the circuit of the park, it was, then it may have been rounded edges for economy possibly the original thirteenth converted from arable to pasture of fencing. However, this area century park as it was set out, and back again between the measures approximately 32 acres giving a length of 12,618ft (701 x 1330s and mid sixteenth century. and so presents a likely location 18ft). Using the Great Baddow It is doubtful that part of it was for the 29 acre laund. Evidence Tithe Map to identify the area converted to create the laund as that does exist for the location classed in 1838 as Baddow Park27 in 1419 the two Parkeland fields of the medieval park, in the form and then the very detailed 1st were recorded as part of the of an abuttal to other holdings, Edition 25” OS maps, we can demesne arable and that Burylie suggests that its original site trace the boundary of the park had been, but was now taken remained largely the same from area as it appeared in c.1875. into the park. This suggests its creation until the present day, From this we can measure the different parcels of land. On the even though the land usage has circuit as a comparison and doing other hand, where is, or was, the changed and the A12 has sliced so gives an approximate length of other half of the 1419 Parkland? into it on its boundary. 12,205ft, an error of less than 2% It is possible that it was never part from the 1419 survey. The area of Great Baddow Park and was so How big was Baddow Park? within this boundary, again called because of its proximity to As discussed in the previous para- using data from the Tithe Map, it. Likewise, the 29 acre field of graph it can only be speculation is approximately 188 acres demesne arable called Burylie, as to where and when additional (Fig 3, ‘Park 1’). This compares enclosed for the laund during the parcels of land were added to favourably with the average size

EssexJOURNAL 81 of a medieval deer park, which It has been assumed that this mixed woodland and common may have been around one to enclosure was the creation of an landscape in the district of two hundred acres, with larger early park in Great Baddow.31 Galleywood, which was and ones covering several thousand However, this is doubtful. To still is, defined from its wooded acres and smaller ones, just 50.28 enclose any part of the Royal common landscape. The topogra- To put Baddow Park into Forest, required a licence whether phy of that area would have context, the de Bohuns had there was an intention by the provided the kind of landscape 1,475 acres of parkland in the landowner to make a park, or to typical of that in which many immediate vicinity of Pleshey.29 convert the land to agricultural parks were sited, which was Where was John de Bohun’s use known as ‘creating an assart’. often on high ground where soil 29 acres to extend the park with Licences to impark usually clearly quality was poor. This is borne additional laund? As mentioned say so and some specify certain out by the creation of Crondon above, Baker’s A Plan of the Park hunting rights. In the case of Park when the Bishop of London Farm shows an irregular shaped Cantilupe’s enclosure on the was granted a licence in 1204 to addition of four fields to what heath at Great Baddow, the enclose an area of Stock to make we think might have been the reference to cultivation is clear a park with a hunting lodge on original park (‘Park 1’) These but this was on condition that the higher ground than the often comprise approximately 32 acres, deer had free passage in and out damp and swampy ground of which could well be the 29 acres of the enclosure. According to in which his palace lay.35 of Burylie added by de Bohun Forest Law the condition went Crondon Park pales bounded an sometime during the 1330s. further, requiring assarts to be area of Galleywood common, This acreage combined with enclosed with such a small ditch which stands on high ground, the original park gives a total and low hedge that a doe and approximately 80 meters above area of around 220 acres her fawn might easily go in and sea level. Although set back from (Fig 3, ‘Park 2’). out over the fence and, it goes the heath, most of Baddow Park We also know that in 1582 on to say, ‘Such a fence ought covers a gentle rise toward the park contained 240 acres. not, according to the assize of Galleywood (Fig 4). The area The difference in the acreages the Forest, to be more than four of heathland that existed in the recorded between various docu- and a half feet high’. If an owner thirteenth century may have ments over several centuries is of Forest land was given leave been natural, or, more likely, of concern but hopefully within to make it into a park, then that the product of continuous over- acceptable limits. It has not been owner was bound to keep it well grazing of a once, more heavily discovered yet if small parcels of fenced against the deer, with wooded area. land were added or taken away inleaps or deer leaps being strictly The nature of the terrain over the years, which is possible, forbidden.32 Within Forest law, when the park was created is not or was it the result of differing a distinction was made between known, but it is assumed it was standards of measuring the land? land enclosed for any purpose wooded to some extent (Fig 5). other than making a park, and The site chosen was near to, but The landscape of land that was enclosed for the not next to, the heath, common Baddow Park express purpose of creating a and woodland. Galleywood itself Medieval deer parks were gener- park. Cantilupe’s licence to lay on the southern edge of the ally created in well-wooded areas enclose 60 acres of heath was Great Baddow parish boundary. and are almost always associated probably not a licence to create The wooded area of Galleywood with wood pasture where a park in Great Baddow.33 in 1733, contained 100 acres,36 growing trees and grazing deer Although most parks were but was destroyed in the early co-existed in a managed system. created from a woodland land- nineteenth century and converted However, not all park enclosures scape, generally they could be to farmland which became Wood were made from a wooded area, made anywhere. With the passing Farm.37 Parks were often sited on some were created from a moor- of eight centuries, since the high ground where soil quality land or heathland landscape. creation of the deer park in was poor and of limited use as to One such example of a heathland Great Baddow, land usage would what could be grown there. So enclosure occurs at Great have changed to meet manorial the park at Baddow may have Baddow in 1248. Soon after economic needs, or possibly on been sited where it was, based the system of licensing was intro- the whim of a lord. This makes it on consideration of conserving duced, Master Roger Cantilupe difficult to determine what sort of the existing resources available in was granted a licence, ‘to enclose landscape was enclosed to make Galleywood, heath and common with a dyke [ditch] and hedge Baddow’s deer park. Cantilupe’s when at times ‘the reduction and and cultivate 60 acres of heath in enclosure in 1248 took in 60 overuse of wood pasture was… [Great] Badewe which is in the acres of heath. The heath can be sometimes a cause of concern’, Forest of Essex, but so that the identified from contemporary and ‘men were worried about deer can freely pass in and out’.30 documents.34 It was part of a securing supplies of timber, fuel

EssexJOURNAL 82 park was important in the wider economy of the family’s estates. It is not clear whether the park and its livestock were maintained when the manor of Great Baddow was forfeited to the king following the battle of Boroughbridge. Certainly John de Bohun, during his relatively short time as Great Baddow’s manorial lord, enhanced the existing park by creating a laund for the deer and in some parks open launds, were interspersed 4 (Above). Part of the western boundary of Baddow with large trees, making the area Park taken from Barn Field more suitable for hunting and, looking toward The Wood or, possibly more aesthetically (Plots 14 & 16 on Baker’s pleasing.41 It is doubtful that 1829 map). there were initially many trees in 5 (Right) Possible surviving the laund, apart from surviving length of park bank taken hedgerow trees, as it had been from Little Mead (Plot 15) created from arable land. looking into The Wood. main purpose? Alternatively, The Bohun family held vast (Photographs, Bon Harris, were parks planned and laid out estates, including nearby Pleshey 27/08/2018) for visual effect to impress visitors Castle which had a park attached and fodder’.38 This would make on their approach to a lord’s so it was unlikely that the sense in the two centuries leading residence?39 While Baddow Park Baddow Park would be seen as up to the Black Death, when remained in the possession of the a preferred hunting ground. By population growth was rising Bruce family, during the 1342, while under the lordship of and there was increasing pressure thirteenth century and just Humphrey de Bohun, the park on woodland resources. beyond, it can probably be appeared to be well-stocked with assumed that it did not play any deer, and the warren with other The purpose of Baddow Park part in aesthetically enhancing small animals, which Hugh de For around 150 years, since its any lordly residence, sited where Badewe and his fellow gang possible creation, Great Baddow’s it was, away from the manorial members carried away.42 As the deer park had been under the centre and where there was no 1342 park raiding incident shows, lordship of just two families, great manor house. Assumptions Humphrey de Bohun had a the Bruces’ and the Bohuns’, about parks as recreational group of parks at his disposal, except for the periods when both hunting grounds for the Baddow being one of them. families were out of royal favour aristocracy have undergone a Although the manor of Great and Great Baddow was returned, review, in particular, because Baddow was a few miles distant temporarily, to the crown. The of the relatively confined area from Pleshey and did not have a creation and maintenance of a of many enclosures with some grand manor house, this does not park required a great deal of covering little more than 50 mean that the park was not seen financial investment, and wealth acres.40 However, if a park as part of the de Bohun’s lordly was something that neither family was not simply a ‘hunting park’, status, albeit on a much smaller lacked. Another common factor shaped and financially maintained scale than those parks in the was, both families were absentee as a micro version of a regal play- vicinity of Pleshey.43 These manorial lords. So, was this ground, then what was it for? private enclosures were visual another aspect that affected deci- Lack of evidence for the early symbols of lordly authority and sions concerning the management part of Baddow Park’s history power, stocked with deer that and use of the park? Discussions during the thirteenth century, may have been hunted but that surrounding the purpose of causes difficulties in gaining would eventually end up as a medieval deer parks include to insight into what might have luxury meat on the baronial table. what extent were they seen as been its original purpose. Close It was no coincidence then that practical or aesthetic enterprises. connections between Writtle parks were frequent targets of Were they just enclosures in and Great Baddow, while in the gang attacks. This was typical, which to keep deer, and where possession of the Bruce family, and there were many reasons for the pleasure of hunting, or when William the parker’s role them, including revenge, envy or provisioning of the tables in was divided between the two male rivalry. If the Bohuns’ did baronial halls were seen as their manors, show that Baddow’s enjoy the thrill of the chase in

EssexJOURNAL 83 Baddow Park, no evidence has construction of buildings in orchard and one croft of land been found. the wattle and daub process, called Parkers’. It was also said By 1419, when Baddow was valued at 6s.8d per year to be heriotable, which suggests was absorbed into the duchy which ‘they were able to sell’. that the site was of ancient origin. of Lancaster, the survey shows The custom of pig’s pannage, The location of Parkers can be that the park appeared still to a minor use in wood pasture, placed near the (current) junction be functioning. Compilers of the was, in theory, carried on within of Vicarage Lane and Brook survey drew on information from the park. Pigs of every customary Lane, close to The Chase which ‘the old extent’ but did not give a tenant were allowed to forage for leads into the land of Baddow date. If the retrospective informa- acorns in the park, for which a Park.46 tion came from the 1337 survey, payment was made to the lord The 1419 extent was made which is damaged, then it is un- for each pig, according to its age. following Great Baddow’s fortunate because, used together, Oak trees did not yield a reliable inclusion in the duchy of both might have provided an annual crop and so pig keeping Lancaster. For the remainder insight into the use of the park was not dependant on woodland of the fifteenth century and and its role in the manorial so it was recorded that ‘pannage beyond, the manor was held by economy, both before and after within the…park was not a succession of queens bestowed the catastrophe of the Black extended because seldom falls on them for their maintenance. Death which arrived in Essex due’. In the customs of the manor in the Spring of 1349. What this record suggests of Great Baddow, the queens, In the 250 years leading up to is that the park, in the early through the farmers of the the Black Death, population in fifteenth century, before 1419, manor, derived an income from England was rising, peaking was certainly playing a role in the wood on Galleywood Common around the year 1300. By then, manorial economy, but there is but also the park. In 1448, it was pressure on land and resources also a sense that its main purpose recorded that ‘there were in the was at its greatest. Interestingly, was provisioning the lord’s park and common of Gavelwood this increase in population co- household. Pasture in the park for the use of the lady Queen… incided with growth in the was used for the deer only and 1600 faggots…for which the number of parks and changes brought in no income from farmer was answerable’ and in the in land use. During the 1330s, pasture rents but there was some following year, ‘the court was when population was still high, potential revenue to be had from informed…there were in the demand for food great and land the sale of underwood. Certainly common of Gavelwood…800 was at a premium, John de during the Bohun family’s lord- faggots, and in the park of this Bohun decided to take 29 acres ship of Great Baddow, the park manor, 800 faggots’. Of these, of demesne arable out of produc- was close enough to Pleshey to 150 were assigned for tithes tion and enclose it to extend the cart additional produce from the and 300 for the farmer for his park. He was not alone in doing park, such as venison, fuel and firewood and for the officials’.47 this as ‘the imparking of arable underwood, back to Pleshey Without these snippets, the park’s seems to have been particularly Castle. Whatever the gains from history would be the poorer. It extensive in the 20 years or the park produce, there were also is not known if deer were main- so before the Black Death… expenses. From the entire value tained in the park after 1419, Significant numbers of parks took of the demesne lands in 1419, but it continued to provide an in land that was, or had been, which amounted to £41.5s.4d, income from the wood and as recently under the plough and deductions were allowed for seen above, was still functioning this land was overwhelmingly the wages of the parker and the until at least 1582. converted to deer pasture.’44 warrener, both of whom were How many people now, when The 1419 extent records all paid 4d per day. Wages of park passing the entrance to Baddow areas of the demesne land, and personnel were a considerable Park Farm, on the road to West its use, in the manor of Great part of park expenditure and Hanningfield, give a thought to Baddow. From the brief descrip- even humble parkers were paid the origins of its name, would tion of the park at that time, more than those who looked after imagine a deer herd roaming the it appears to have been wood livestock. They were supplied landscape or underwood being pasture, planted with oak, beech with sturdy lodges such as the gathered from the park for the and maple. house William was granted in maintenance of queens? The deer However, ‘the pasture of the 1304 in the park of Writtle.45 park has been virtually lost from land thus enclosed’ was worth No contemporary record has Great Baddow’s history and it is nothing per year above the been found for a parker’s lodge hoped that this work has gone sustenance of the beasts’ (deer). but later documents suggest that some way to recover it; that it Underwood, which had many there may have been one, which can add to the historiography of uses including logs, faggots, would be expected. Parkers, was medieval deer parks and show stakes, charcoal and in the described in 1617 as ‘a messuage, that they played an important

EssexJOURNAL 84 part in medieval life; that these 9. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1318- 24. TNA, DL 43 2/3 private enclosures were not just 1323 (London, 1895), p.329. 25. D/DWv M69, p.365. rich men’s hunting grounds. No Kyngesho’ may be a reference to 26. TNA, DL 43 2/3. evidence has been found that king’s Hoo, or Howe. A How(e) 27. ERO, D/CT 13B, the Baddow Park was created in the landscape is described as Great Baddow Tithe Map. specifically for hunting, or that a tumulus or natural mound. 28. Mileson, p.3. J. Richardson, The Local 29. J. Hunter The Essex Landscape hunting ever took place there, Historian’s Encyclopedia (New (Chelmsford, 1999), p. 79. but it is possible that it did. Deer Barnet, 1981), Section A. p.16. The parks were Littley, were certainly the focus of the Sandon Howe lay in the parish Absol, and the Great Park. park throughout the medieval of Sandon and was very close to 30. CPR, 1247-1258 (London, period but perhaps were farmed the Great Baddow parish bound- 1908), p.5. within the enclosure to provide ary and park boundary. In 1560 31. Rackham, p.126, quoting E.P. a succession of aristocratic owners the ’wood and underwood… Shirley, Some accounts of English with venison for the high table. called Howe alias Sandon Howe’ deer parks (London, 1867). Some of those owners, like contained 60 acres, ERO, 32. W.R. Fisher, The Forest of John de Bohun, made changes D/DAy T2/244, Deed, Essex (London, 1887), p.314. to the park either for aesthetic 20/12/1560. By the time of 33. I am indebted to Dr Thornton the 1st Edition 6” OS (1875) for his opinion on this. or practical reasons. The siting the wood had disappeared. 34. For example, D/DWv M69, of the park was not on the 10. J. Ward, ‘The Wheel of Fortune p.370. highest ground, like many parks and the Bohun Family in the 35. D.L. Jarvis, ‘‘Crondon Parke were, but it did occupy a gentle early fourteenth century’, in ye Hamlet of Orset’, a gradient toward the highest point. Transactions of the Essex Society for Chronological Survey’, Essex Its position was removed from Archaeology & History (TESAH ), Journal, XXVI (1991), pp.37-9. the wood, heath and common XXXIX (2008), pp.162-71. 36. ERO D/DE T81. landscape but, by the early 11. The National Archvies (TNA), 37. ERO D/DWv M73. The fifteenth century, was part of that DL 43 2/3 Duchy of Lancaster. wood existed in 1812 (date of woodland economy, supplying Baddow: Extent of survey of the the survey) but had disappeared faggots for the benefit of queens manor, 1419-20. by the Tithe 1838. 12. CIPM, VIII (London, 1913), 38. Mileson, p.59. and their officials. The research entry 55, p.26. 39. Ibid, Introduction. on Great Baddow’s deer park has 13. TNA, DL 43 2/3. 40. Ibid, p.5. not been exhaustive, for example 14. G. Harris, ‘Organised crime in 41. Ibid, pp.69-70. court rolls and estate accounts fourteenth-century Essex: Hugh 42. Harris, pp.71-2. have not been examined. For de Badewe, Essex soldier and 43. TNA, DL 43 2/3. A hall house now, though, this work lays gang member’ in C. Thornton, did exist on the site of the the ground for more to be under- J. Ward & N. Wiffen, The manor but it appears to have taken in the future. Fighting Essex Soldier: recruitment, been modest. Hunter, p.97. war and society in the fourteenth- 44. Mileson, pp.53-8. References century (Hatfield, 2017), pp.71-2 45. Ibid, p.78. 1. O. Rackham, The History of 15. This study has not been 46. This was determined by a series the Countryside (London, 1995), exhaustive. For example, no of document linking including p.123 court rolls or manorial accounts numbers 620 and 621 on the 2. S.A. Mileson, Parks in Medieval have been consulted. Great Baddow tithe map. England (Oxford, 2009). 16. J. Ward, ‘Joan de Bohun, 47. ERO, D/DWv M69, ‘Customs’. 3. Rackham, p.123. Countess of Hereford, Essex 4. Calendar of Patent Rolls (CPR), and Northampton, c.1370-1419: Acknowledgements 1281-1292 (London, 1893), family, land and social networks’, Thanks to Dr Christopher Thornton p.445. TESAH, XXXII (2001), for his invaluable advice both present 5. Calendar of Inquisitions Post Mortem pp.146-53. and past and to Dr Herbert Eiden for (CIPM ), IV (London, 1913), 17. W. Hardy, The Charters of his assistance. My son, Bon Harris, entry 220, p.141. Calendar Lancaster (London, 1845), for joining me for the field walking, of Inquisitions Miscellaneous, I pp.174-175. taking the photographs and process- (London, 1916), entry 1986, 18. Ibid, p.7 ing them. Finally thanks to the pp.536-7. 19. ERO, T/B 606/1, Catalogue Public Service Team at ERO 6. Calendar of Fine Rolls, I of the Verney Archive, Claydon for their hard work. (London, 1911), p.535. House, Bucks, ref. 2/1572. 7. K.C. Newton. The Manor of 20. ERO, MAP/CM/1/1. The Author Writtle: the development of a royal 21. Chapman and André 1777, Gloria Harris has lived in Great manor in Essex, c.1086-c.1500 Plate 18. Baddow for 50 years and the parish (Chichester, 1970), p.29. 22. ERO, D/DWv M69, Survey, is the focus of her research. She 8. Essex Record Office (ERO), manor of Magna Badowe by has an MA in Local and Regional T/A 564/1, Calendar of Lay John Madison surveyor, c.1617, History from the University of Subsidy Rolls 1319-1320, p.365. Essex and has recently retired pp.322-4. 23. Ibid, p.353. from the ERO.

EssexJOURNAL 85 Glamour in Brass: a portrayal of the fourteenth century lady in Esssex by Martin Stuchfield ennifer Ward is renowned as a specialist in the study Jof medieval women and has made a significant contribution to the subject through her extensive writings. Her publication record is formidable with the following titles of particular relevance: English Noblewomen in the Later Middle Ages (1992); Women of the English Nobility and Gentry, 1066-1500 (1995); Women in Medieval Europe: 1200-1500 (2002; 2nd edn, 2016); Women in England in the Middle Ages (2006); and Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady of Clare: 1295-1360 (2014). Whilst this last title, published by the Suffolk Records Society, relates to the neighbouring county this brief account is intended as a tribute to Jenny’s life and work in Essex and will concentrate on the fourteenth century. Essex contains a surprisingly large number of brasses commemorating women from this period. Twenty-seven examples can be attributed of which 6 brasses and 11 indents (stones that formerly contained brass) survive. A further 10 lost memorials are recorded from documentary sources in the churches at Feering,1 Great Waltham,2 Layer Breton,3 Liston,4 Pattiswick,5 Rochford,6 Shelley,7 Stifford8 and Widdington.9 In addition, Sir Thomas Wriothesley, Garter King of Arms (c.1460-1534) recorded a lost brass comprising an inscription and two shields to Sir John de R[h]odes, and wife Beatrice, daughter of John de Dunstantvile, 1380-1, at Walden Abbey.10 The indents at Lindsell,11 12 13 Shalford and Stebbing are Maud de Mortemer, c.1340, at . nearly effaced with those (rubbing: © Lack, Stuchfield and Whittemore, commemorated remaining (The Monumental Brasses of Essex)

EssexJOURNAL 86 anonymous. Examples at Hempstead14 (Dame Margerie de Basingge, early fourteenth century) and Wivenhoe15 (Margery de Suttone, early fourteenth century) are simple in design comprising a marginal inscription in early Lombardic lettering whilst slabs at Little Easton16 (Margerie, daughter of Sir Thomas de Lovaine, c.1310) and Tilty17 (Maud de Mortemer, c.1340) are additionally adorned with a floriated cross. A stunning indent at Birdbrook,18 dated c.1370, shows a lady on a bracket under a single canopy with four shields and a marginal inscription completing the composition. A perfectly preserved indent containing a fine late-fourteenth century lady in mantle with Alice, wife of Thomas Tyrell, c.1380, at Downham. canopy, inscription, four shields (rubbing: © Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, and a marginal inscription at The Monumental Brasses of Essex) Great Oakley19 was recorded as lost as long ago as 1639 by the In focusing on the brasses represented with long tippets antiquary Richard Symonds20 that remain it is necessary, for almost hanging to the ankle (1617-c.1692).Annoyingly, the completeness, to include the (Chrishall). A mantle slab is partly obscured by an altar inscription in French and shield is commonly shown fastened dais. Although John Weever21 bearing the arms of d’Adeleigh across the breast by a tasselled (1576-1632) noted the brass to (Chequy, or and sable) laid in cord and is usually worn over Margery, wife of [John de] memory of Alice, wife of the kirtle alone (Stebbing). Gildesburgh at Wennington22 Thomas Tyrell, dated c.1380.25 The headdress affords the most 1631 it was sadly lost when This was discovered under decorative feature on female William Holman23 (1670-1730) flooring in 1871 and thankfully brasses. The graceful and simple visited in 1719. The outline in survived the devastating fire that veil headdress is evident at the stone clearly indicates that engulfed Downham church in West Hanningfield. More common Margery was portrayed wearing March 1977. is the elaborate nebulé headdress the nebulé or zig-zag headdress Five effigial brasses survive in which the face is framed by and the cote-hardie. Finally, an at Chrishall, Hatfield Broad Oak, veils starched into wavy flounces, important indent was rediscovered Stebbing, West Hanningfield and and smaller flounces at the at Marks Tey by the Colchester Wimbish – all are products of the bottom of the veil are arranged Archaeological Trust24 in 2009. London workshop. on the shoulders (Chrishall). St. Andrew’s church is regarded By 1390 these frills are mainly as a ‘charismatic evangelical’ Female costume on brasses shown framing the forehead church and, in order to advance The depiction of female costume only, and not falling below modern doctrine, a Faculty was on brasses is numerous. Ladies eye-level (Hatfield Broad Oak). granted in 2006 to re-order the attire was generally simple in This form of headdress has also building substantially. An integral design with the exception of the been described as zig-zag from aspect of the works was the headdresses, which are often the manner of its representation, removal of the existing Victorian elaborate. All women are shown the undulations being expressed flooring in order to achieve a wearing the kirtle which closely in a less contracted form to give lower and consistent floor level fits the figure. The sleeves usually a zig-zag outline. throughout. A number of objects cover part of the hand if the form Widows are represented in were found under the old of a mitten and are invariably dignified but plain dress, its most floorboards including, at the profusely decorated with buttons distinctive feature being the west end of the chancel on the (Chrishall and West Hanningfield). plaited barbe covering the throat north side, a sizeable Purbeck slab The surcoat is commonly worn and chin. The head is covered commemorating Robert de Teye over the kirtle with two hand with a veil, and a plain mantle is and his wife, Katherine, 1360, slits or pocket holes (Stebbing). worn over the kirtle. The costume under a double canopy with In other examples the is indistinguishable from that of foot inscription. short-sleeved surcoat is nuns (Stebbing).

EssexJOURNAL 87 her husband in the head of an octofoil cross the shaft of which rises from the back of a now lost elephant. A marginal inscription with evangelistic symbols at the corners originally completed the composition. Wautone was Sheriff of Essex and Hertfordshire on three occasions during the reign of Edward III. He established himself through service to the Fitzwalter family and to Elizabeth de Burgh.28 In 1322 he was summoned to perform military service against the Scots and fought during the early stages of the Hundred Years War being present at Crécy. His inquisition post mortem, indicates that he died on 31st December 1346, probably of dysentery during the siege of Calais.29

Isabel Clonvill and son John, 1361, at West Hanningfield30 This brass is the only example from the important London A workshop (c.1358-1410). Isabel is depicted in demi-pose with her son (now lost) and

Sir John de Wautone (d. 1346), and wife Ellen, at Wimbish. (© Author photograph)

The commemorated Ellen, wife of Sir John de Wautone (d. 1346), at Wimbish26 The earliest of our ladies and a product of the London (Hastings) workshop (c.1347-48), wears a plain mantle fastened by a broad band in front, over a flowing cote. The hair is uncovered, except for a curiously braided fillet. Ashdown in her book on British costume describes the headdress at “singularly quaint and graceful, and in marked contradiction to the unbecoming style which succeeded it. The method of doing the hair explains itself, but it should be mentioned that the plait passing over the head reached to a similar point on the right hand side of the head, although the medieval artist has portrayed it somewhat out of place”.27 This small effigy Ellen, wife of Sir John de Wautone (d. 1346), at Wimbish. (444 x 164 mm) is depicted with (© Author photograph)

EssexJOURNAL 8889 sports a rare representation of the It is probable that mother and an unusual feature also found gorget, or wimple perhaps son both fell victim to the plague on surviving brasses at indicating her status as a widow. that returned in 1361 causing the Dartmouth, St. Saviour (Devon),33 Note the sleeves of the buttoned deaths of at least 20 per cent of Draycot Cerne (Wiltshire),34 kirtle that end at the wrists. the population. Great Berkhamsted (Hertfordshire),35 The brass is located in the Herne (Kent),36 Little Shelford south aisle which it is thought Joan, daughter of Sir John de (two examples) (Cambrideshire),37 Isabel Clonvill erected in c.1330. Cobham by Margaret, daughter of Nether Heyford (Northamptonshire),38 A north nave window retains Hugh Courtenay, Earl of Devon, Owston (Yorkshire),39 Southacre fragments of medieval glass 1380; wife of Sir John de la Pole, ()40 and Trotton (Sussex).41 including a representation of the at Chrishall32 The elegant Joan is portrayed Clonvill family arms (Argent two The remaining three brasses wearing the nebulé headdress to chevrons sable, each charged with under consideration all emanate the shoulders and a close-fitting five nails or). from the London B workshop kirtle with sleeve-lappets. Her feet The male effigy was recorded (c.1360-1467). The brass at resting on a dog with bell-collar. as lost in c.1720 by Samuel Dale31 Chrishall is the largest and most This magnificent brass is (c.1659-1739). John Clonvill was spectacular of the series and, closely connected to the appointed to the commission of with Wimbish, is of national outstanding series at Cobham the peace for the county of Essex importance. The de la Pole (Kent) reflecting that Joan was the and the liberty of the Hundred memorial is also highly distinctive daughter and heiress of Sir John of Rochford on 21st March and in that husband and wife are de Cobham, 3rd Lord Cobham. 2nd June 1361. depicting holding hands – Lord Cobham (who himself is commemorated by a magnificent brass) founded Cobham College for a Master and five priests having received a Royal Licence from Edward III in November 1362. He was also responsible for the four sumptuous London A brasses at Cobham together with a number of London B memorials. Lord Cobham lived to a great age dying in 1408. It is highly probably that he also commissioned the Chrishall brass. Sir John de la Pole was the grandson of Richard de la Pole, a wealthy wool merchant from Hull and brother of Richard de la Pole. The de la Pole family made a huge fortune especially from lending to the Crown and in particular to Edward III. Both brothers were keen to establish themselves as gentry. This process was greatly enhanced with the inheritance of a number of manors in Bedfordshire, Oxfordshire, Norfolk, Northamptonshire and Suffolk, and Chrishall in Essex. The family was responsible for rebuilding the church. Sir John de la Pole (and his brother) were frequently away on active service especially against the French. In 1369 he was part of the expedition to Aquitaine with the Earl of Pembroke and served with Thomas of Isabel Clonvill and son John (effigy lost), 1361, at West Hanningfield. Woodstock to relieve the (© Author photograph) blockaded port at Brest.42

EssexJOURNAL 89 Sir John de la Pole, wife Joan, daughter of Sir John de Cobham, 1380, at Chrishall. (© Author photograph)

EssexJOURNAL 90 Head of a lady, c.1395, at Hatfield Broad Oak44 Finally, at Hatfield Broad Oak, the tantalizing head of a lady, dated c.1395 (98 x 72 mm), was discovered several feet below the surface on the site of the choir of the priory church in 1903. This fragment exhibits the later form of the nebulé headdress whereby the frills are shown framing the forehead and do not descend below eye-level. Instead the frills are replaced with a light kerchief with the ends falling upon the shoulders. The original effigy was probably some 560 mm in length and possibly commemorates Margaret, widow of Sir John Beryngton. This remarkable survival is now kept in the parish library located in the former south chancel chapel enlarged in 1708 for the purpose.

Lady in widow’s dress, c.1390, at Stebbing. (© Author photograph) Lady in widow’s dress, c.1390, extends only to the wrists. An at Stebbing43 elegant mantle, fastened by a cord Sadly the loss of the marginal with tasseled ends, extends to the inscription and three shields ground completing her attire. (in addition to a prayer scroll A small lap-dog with a belled- Head of a lady, c.1395, and four roundels) from the brass collar rests on the folds of her at Hatfield Broad Oak. of a large lady in widow’s dress gown. Regrettably, this graceful (rubbing: © Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, (1208 x 370 mm) at Stebbing figure is suffering significant bat The Monumental Brasses of Essex) renders the deceased unknown. damage with extensive spotting This graceful lady is portrayed evident. Unfortunately, bat urine wearing a wimple or gorget decays to form dilute ammonia, References covering the forehead, the cheeks which is chemically aggressive 1. W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield & and chin being tightly drawn causing pitting and unsightly P. Whittemore, The Monumental around the face. She also wears staining Brasses of Essex (London, 2003), a veil or coverchief with waved It is highly probable that this p.260. 2. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, edges, over her head that falls sumptuous brass depicts Margaret Essex, p.753; College of Arms MS upon the shoulders. The kirtle is (née de Percy), wife of Henry de Symond’s Essex (Symonds), 3 vols., simple in design with tight-fitting Ferrers. She survived her husband III, pp.399-400. sleeves and no buttons to the who held the manor of Stebbing 3. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, sleeves whilst the plain cote-hardie and died in 1371. Essex, p.447; Symonds, I, p.253.

EssexJOURNAL 91 4. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, 22. TEAS, VIII (1901), 36. M.W. Norris, The Memorials, Essex, p.472; J. Weever, Ancient pp.282-3. (1978), fig.93. Funerall Monuments (London, 23. Essex Record Office (ERO), 37. W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield & 1631), p.627. T/P 195/14. P. Whittemore, The Monumental 5. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, 24. K. Orr, ‘Off to church . . .’, Brasses of Cambridgeshire (London, Essex, p.541; Symonds, I, p.360. The Colchester Archaeologist, no. 20 1995), pp.208-10. 6. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, (Colchester, 2007), p.27; 38. M. Norris, The Craft, Essex, p.579; Weever, p.606. H. Brooks & K. Orr, ‘Marks Tey, (London, 1978), fig.204. 7. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, St. Andrew, the re-ordering in 39. F.R. Fairbank, ‘Ancient Essex, p.628; Symonds, III, p.113. 2006’, Transactions of the Essex Memorial Brasses Remaining in 8. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Society for Archaeology & History, the Old Deanery of Doncaster, Essex, p.668; N. Salmon, History XXXVII (2006), pp. 173-4; The Yorkshire Archaeological and and antiquities of Essex (Salmon, Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Topographical Journal , XI (1891), Essex) (London, 1740), p.290. Essex, p.689; Transactions of the pp.91-2. 9. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Monumental Brass Society 40. Norris, Craft, fig.161. Essex, p.808; Salmon, Essex, p.107; (MBS, Trans.), XVII (2007), 41. Norris, Craft, fig.178. Symonds, II, p.181. pp.503-6. 42. N. Saul, Death, Art, and Memory 10. Bulletin of the Monumental Brass 25. Chancellor, pl.54; M. Christy in Medieval England: The Cobham Society, 55, pp.466-7; Lack, & W.W. Porteous, ‘On Some Family and their Monuments Stuchfield & Whittemore, Essex, Interesting Essex Brasses’, 1300-1500, (Oxford, 2001), p.616. TEAS, VII (1898), pp.7-8; p.206. 11. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, 43. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Essex, p.471. Essex, pp.224-5. Essex, pp.659-60; M. Christy & 12. British Library (BL), Add. MS. 26. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, W.W. Porteous, ‘On some brasses 17460, f.302v; F. Chancellor, Essex, p.814, 816, 818; in the churches of Great Bromley, The Ancient Sepulchral Monuments M. Christy & W.W. Porteous, Cold Norton, Shopland, Stebbing of Essex, (Chelmsford, 1890), ‘Some Interesting Essex Brasses’, and Wenden Lofts’, ER,V (1896), pl.82; Lack, Stuchfield & Reliq. and Illust. Arch.,XIV pp.220-1. Whittemore, Essex, pp.624-5. (1908), pp.39-41; N. Saul, ed., 44. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, 13. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Fourteenth Century England, I Essex, pp.334-5; Christy, Essex, p.662. (2000), p.170, 184, 186, 188-93. Porteous & Bertram Smith, 14. British Museum, Add. MS. 5806, 27. C.H. Ashdown, British Costume ‘Some Interesting Essex Brasses’, f.85v; Lack, Stuchfield & during XIX centuries (London & TEAS, XII (1911), pp.234-5. Whittemore, Essex, p.348; Edinburgh, 1910), pp.106-7. M. Christy, W.W. Porteous 28. C. Thornton, J. Ward & N. Wiffen, & E. Bertram Smith, ‘Some eds., The Fighting Essex Soldier: The Author Interesting Essex Brasses’, Recruitment, War and Society in Martin Stuchfield, MBE, JP, DL, Transactions of the Essex the Fourteenth Century (Hatfield, FSA, FRHistS. is President and Archaeological Society 2017), p. 44. Conservation Officer of the (TEAS), X (1907), pp.201-2; 29. N. Saul, ‘Commemoration of the Monumental Brass Society. Salmon, Essex, p.175. War Dead in Late Medieval He is also a consultant on 15. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, England’, MBS, Trans., XIX monumental brasses to the Essex, p.827; Symonds, I, p.410. (2018), p.389. Chelmsford, Norwich and 16. BL, Add. MS. 17460, f.125; 30. Chancellor, pl.54; Lack, Stuchfield St. Edmundsbury & Ipswich TEAS, XII (1911), pp.230-2; & Whittemore, Essex, pp.320-1; Diocesan Advisory Committees. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, M. Christy & W.W. Porteous, Essex, p.240. ‘Some Interesting Essex Brasses’, He is a Trustee and Director of 17. R. Gough, Sepulchral Monuments Essex Review (ER), X (1901), the Rural Community Council of Great Britain, I, pt.1 (London, pp.88-89; MBS, Trans., XVI (2006), of Essex and the Stow Maries 1786), p.cxv; Lack, Stuchfield & p.195, 197-8. Great War Aerodrome. He is also Whittemore, Essex, p.714; 31. ERO, T/P 195/9/9, Holman’s Vice-Chairman and Hon. Secretary M. Christy & W.W. Porteous, MS. History of Chelmsford of the Friends of Essex Churches ‘On Some Interesting Essex Hundred: The Hanningfields, Trust; a Vice-President Brasses’, Reliquary and Illustrated c.1719. (President 2008-11) of the Archaeologist (Reliq. and Illust. 32. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, Essex Society for Archaeology Arch.), V (1899), pp.12-13. Essex, p.158, 160 and History and a former 18. M. Christy & W.W. Porteous, 33. W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield & Chairman of the Victoria County ‘On Some Interesting Essex P. Whittemore, The Monumental Trust. Brasses’, TEAS, VII (1899), Brasses of Devonshire (London, pp.209-11; Lack, Stuchfield & 2000), pp.96-7. He was appointed an MBE for Whittemore, Essex, pp.65-6; 34. Portfolio of the Monumental Brass services to Heritage, Charity Symonds, II, p.539. Society, VI (1964), pl.34. and the Community in Essex. 19. Lack, Stuchfield & Whittemore, 35. W. Lack, H.M. Stuchfield & He is also a Deputy Lieutenant Essex, p.517, 519. P. Whittemore, The Monumental for the County of Essex and a 20. Symonds, I, p.539. Brasses of Hertfordshire (Stratford member of the Court of the 21. Weever, p.601. St. Mary, 2009), pp.96-7. University of Essex.

EssexJOURNAL 92 Thoby Priory, its lands and its post Dissolution changes by Michael Leach and James Kemble

hoby Priory, a religious The formation of the priory’s western boundary but was never house of Augustinian landholding and wealth owned by the priory.3 Tcanons in , The lands which sustained the Further land was acquired south of Chelmsford, was never priory lay around the foundation, by gift, exchange and purchase, a great and powerful place, but initially one hide (perhaps 120 and included land outside was, for centuries, a spiritual acres) granted in c.1141 by Mountnessing. In 1276 Peter the haven (Figs 1 & 2). Today only Michael Chèvre for the souls of farmer owed the canons 12d in a small fragment of the ruined his mother, father and ancestors, annual rent for a tenement in church remains, surrounded by together with pannage for 40 Springfield.4 Simon, the prior a car breaker’s yard and a small hogs, tithes of their own hay of Leighs Priory, paid 2s rent industrial estate. The priory itself and mill, and sufficient wood to for a tenement in Boreham in was dissolved with papal consent be taken out of their wood of 1280.5 In 1346 the prior granted in 1525 to provide Thomas Ginges.1 His gifts of the church Isabel Spedis and her son John Wolsey with funds to endow two dedicated to St Giles (adjacent a croft called Pretescroft in educational foundations – his to Mountnessing Hall) and the Great Burstead.6 Two decades school at Ipswich and Cardinal Greate Woode of Thoby were later the same croft was tenanted College, later renamed Christ confirmed by Richard, bishop to William Clarke and his wife Church College, Oxford (See of London (1152-1162).2 The Alice for 12d per annum.7 article below by Ken Crowe). monastic buildings were sited Occasionally the priory came This article will examine three in the centre of the demesne into some easy income. In 1358 aspects of Thoby Priory. Firstly, estate on rising ground of glacial the body of a man murdered by it will look at its landholdings in boulder clay at the 65m contour, robbers was found in a ditch on the Middle Ages, as far as these protected from the west wind by the canons’ demesne. Edward III can be identified from surviving the Greate Woode, bounded by ordered that the barons and records. Secondly, it will attempt the lane from the King’s highway sheriff to whom the death had to reconstruct the arrangement to Blackmore on the south, and been reported should desist of the demesne lands surrounding the small river Wid, a tributary of from demanding from the the priory at its dissolution. the Can, to the east and north. canons the £8 in gold which Finally, it will describe the subse- Michael Chèvre held the manor had been found on the dead man, quent changes to its buildings and of Chevers in Doddinghurst, doubtless a verdict welcomed by the surrounding landscape. which lay close to the parish’s the priory.8 1. Thoby Priory, midway between Brentwood and Ingatestone as depicted in Bowen & Kitchin’s 1749 An Accurate Map of the County of Essex. (Reproduced by courtesy of the Essex Record Office, MAP/CM/23/3)

EssexJOURNAL 93 2. Engaving of the ruins of Thoby Priory from Suckling’s Antiquities & Architecture of the County of Essex. (M. Leach) Disputes about ownership Henry III had granted to as the selection of at least two were taken to the manor courts, Stratford free warren on their priors defaulted to the bishop, and sometimes elevated to the demesne land in Mountnessing, indicating that there were fewer higher courts. In 1239 the abbot Burstead and elsewhere. Thoby than the six canons required of St John’s Abbey, Colchester, had been granted the church of by ecclesiastical law to elect a was ordered to adjudicate a Mountnessing, and is recorded successor. By 1490 Thoby dispute between the priors of as having the manor of housed the prior and only three Blackmore and Thoby about Mountnessing Hall which, canons and, by the time of its ownership of tithes due on an after the Dissolution, came to dissolution, it had shrunk further assart.9 Because of the proximity Sir William Berners, and later to the prior and two canons.15 of Blackmore to Thoby priory, to Lord Petre.12 There was also The beginning of the end less than four miles to its east, this friction between the priory and came in September 1524 with probably related to the wooded the vicar of Mountnessing over the delivery of a papal bull from area on the parish boundary near tithes, requiring a negotiated Clement VII. This authorized the Greate Woode. In 1225 the agreement in 1503 to determine the suppression of 22 of the court directed that the right of which dues could be claimed by smaller religious houses in tithe of the manor of Cowbridge the vicar. This agreement was England to provide funds for in Mountnessing belonged to the itself the source of intermittent cardinal Wolsey’s educational abbey of Stratford Langthorne, litigation between the Petres and foundations - a new college at and that the abbot should pay the occupiers of Thoby between Oxford University and a new 42d annually to the prior of 1739 and 1797.13 school at Ipswich. Of the six Thoby.10 Some 40 years later Ultimately the priory obtained houses to be suppressed in Essex, another dispute with the same its income from its own manor, Wix was the richest, worth just abbey over a tenement and land and from the manors of over £92 per annum, Thoby in Mountnessing resulted in the Mountnessing and Bluntswall, as was valued at about £75 per abbot paying the prior three well as from other properties and annum and Tiptree was the marks in silver.11 over 3,500 acres of land scattered poorest with just under £23 The disputes with Stratford across more than a dozen other per annum. Within two weeks, Langthorne abbey were no doubt parishes.14 In spite of Thoby’s royal assent had been granted the result of confusion over the relative wealth it does not appear and Thoby surrendered to rights which had been granted to have flourished during the Dr John Aleyne, an agent of to the two houses. In 1253 latter part of the fifteenth century, Wolsey, on 15th February 1525.16

EssexJOURNAL 94 An inquisition before John the dean until June 1527. Two house or in his country residence Strangeman, the King’s escheator, years later matters were further at Flamstead, Hertfordshire at Chelmsford on 8th August complicated by Clement VII’s (another former monastic site). 1525 recorded that the prior authorization to transfer part It is not known when Thoby’s had died since the surrender, and of the Oxford endowments buildings were dismantled but, that the remaining two canons (including land from Thoby) to in these early dissolutions, it had been transferred to other the Ipswich school which was was often several years before the religious foundations.17 The priory by then in serious financial buildings were stripped of their must have been empty at this difficulties.19 On 9th October saleable assets, as discussed by Ken point, perhaps in the hands of a 1529 Wolsey was indicted for Crowe below. The grant of the caretaker to discourage pilfering. praemunire, (the early medieval reversion of Thoby to William The buildings were probably not offence of asserting or maintain- Berners and his wife, dated 24th stripped immediately, as it was ing papal jurisdiction in England, April 1539, referred to ‘all the not until October 1527 that a contrary to the supremacy of church steeple or belfry & payment of 13s 4d was made the monarch) and, following his churchyard of the said late for taking down the priory bells admission of guilt a fortnight monastery’ so it may well be that and carting them to London.18 later, all his college and school part of the priory church was still Though the site of Thoby had endowments were forfeit to the standing. The west range of the been granted to the dean of crown. priory buildings was adapted for Wolsey’s Oxford college early By December 1530 the priory secular use at an unknown date, in 1525, the legal processes site had been granted for life but this had been completed by of surrender to the crown, to Sir Richard Page, a career 1556 when an inventory reveals establishing and settling liabilities, courtier, though Thoby does a substantial house with hall, conveyancing to the cardinal, not appear to have become his buttery, parlour, pantry, kitchen, taking seisin, and settling the residence. After he had been cellar and 14 chambers, as well property on the beneficiary were banished from court and briefly as various domestic offices.20 In slow and complex. At least two imprisoned in 1536, he retired to 1670 it was the largest house in bags of ‘evidences’, which had his ‘poor cabin’ at West Molesley the parish, taxed on 18 hearths. been collected in the summer of in Surrey and, when he died in The RCHM survey, published 1525 from Thoby, did not reach 1548, he was either at his London in 1923, concluded that the fabric

3. Sketch plan of Thoby Priory & its surrounding fields reconstructed from the ‘Extent of Monastries’ MS. (The authors/C. D’Alton)

EssexJOURNAL 95 of the hall was fifteenth century, the demesne lands surrounding Longeponde to the east of the with an extension to the south the priory, as well as its scattered main buildings. Two crofts, both (still probably on the priory foot- holdings elsewhere in the parish, with ponds, were immediately print) of mid sixteenth century by field name, abutment and area. to the east side of the priory date. There were later undated Though there are some confusing precinct. A small stream, shown extensions to the south and east.21 inconsistencies23 (arising perhaps on modern maps flowing east- from errors in commission wards from the site to join the The demesne lands at the or transcription) Suckling’s River Wid, is not mentioned in Dissolution description provides sufficient Suckling’s description. However, In 1845 Rev Alfred Suckling detail of the priory site and its if the cloisters and dorter were to printed a transcript (in its original surrounding demesne to draw the north of the church (as seems spelling) of the priory lands in up sketch plans of both (Figs 3 probable) this would have been Mountnessing from the ‘Extents & 4). conveniently placed for flushing of Monastries’ (sic).22 He gave The site of the priory itself, of the reredorter and its channel neither the date nor the source just over ten acres, contained ‘the may have been specifically cut of this MS which must have place, the Churche and Churche or re-aligned for this purpose. been compiled either at Wolsey’s yarde, the Orcharde, Gardeyn, It may also have served as the acquisition in 1525, or the Yarde and utter Houses’ (out- precinct boundary ditch as later surrender to the king after the houses) and an unspecified maps show that it had a right- cardinal’s fall in 1529. It described number of ponds, including angled extension to the south.

4. Sketch plan of the Thoby Priory demesne reconstructed from the ‘Extent of Monastries’ MS. (The authors/C. D’Alton)

EssexJOURNAL 96 Though there is enough infor- use of wind power and it is more had been divided up into smaller mation to locate the larger fields likely that the first monastic mill units, and a number of new small with reasonable certainty, it is would have been driven by water fields are created. The Greate less easy to do so with the smaller somewhere on the River Wid Woode had been enlarged to fields and woods. There was which runs nearby.24 about 75 acres, roughly its size a linear cluster of these small North of Postonfelde, with before it was felled in the mid- enclosures running north and Blackmore wood to its west, twentieth century. The Ordnance south, just to the east of the lay the 14 acres of Whyth Survey surveyors’ map of 1799 priory precinct and its access crofts, curiously described as suggests that further subdivisions lane from the Mountnessing/ ‘thre(e) Crofts with cartayne had been made, but the regular Blackmore road. The largest Hedgerowes’. It is uncertain why field boundaries that they recorded was a 17.5 acre grove called these hedgerows were specifically appear to have been schematic.27 Hogingrove, possibly managed mentioned. Later nineteenth century OS woodland to provide fuel and The total area of the priory maps show a significantly timber for the priory and its demesne amounted to just over different pattern of irregular estate. Towards the northern end 396 acres. The rest of Suckling’s field boundaries and these of Hogingrove was an unnamed transcript lists the priory’s lands survived unchanged until Thoby field of 3.5 acres containing scattered elsewhere in the parish, Wood, along with many of the two pounds, presumably for amounting to slightly over 203 hedgerows, were grubbed out impounding animals that had acres, some leased by indenture, after the Second World War. wandered onto priory land. the rest by copyhold. Though The other striking feature To its north was another grove acreages and abutments are given, of the ‘old account’ was that a (Fregrove) of 14 acres, adjoining together with tenants’ names, it park of 30 acres had been created a hoppit and a small meadow has not been possible to locate surrounding the house that had (Panmede) of 2.5 acres. Beyond them. An Essex Record Office been built on the site of the the northern end of Fregrove was manuscript marked ‘Thoby: note priory buildings. This was three a 2 acre field called Rayshotte of the manor boundaries 1739’ is times the area of the priory and two further hoppits, totaling only a list of the manorial roads precinct, and some of the extra 2.5 acres adjoined Fregrove. and wastes scattered throughout land required may have come Though the abutments in the parish, and does not help to from the felling of Fregrove Suckling’s description are difficult identify the scattered leasehold which had disappeared by the to reconcile, it is probable that and copyhold lands. The 1839 time the ‘old account’ was Brykkylfelde of 4.5 acres and a tithe map and apportionment compiled. By 1824 the park had ‘felde called twentye acres’ lay at are of no assistance either, as been reduced to 22 acres, and the southern end of Hogingrove. monastic property remained tithe there had also been a reduction Brykkylfelde may have been exempt after the Dissolution and in the overall size of the estate, where bricks and tiles were the former priory’s landholdings probably from piecemeal sale of made for the priory’s use. appear only as a blank on the land to adjoining farmers.28 Most of the remaining fields map.25 A number of the priory’s were considerably larger. other landholdings in the parish Postonfelde of 61.5 acres, and Subsequent changes to the were subsequently acquired by Sir Barnefelde of 7.5 acres, lay Thoby demesne land William Petre. These included between the priory and the Amongst a bundle of Petre papers the manor of Bluntswall in Great Greate Woode. This wood of 29 in Essex Record Office is an Burstead (described in a valuation acres abutted Blackmore wood to undated sheet, giving an ‘old of 1544 as ‘late of Thoby the north, but was considerably account’ of the Thoby lands on Priory’29) and by 1550 he had larger when mapped in 1777 one side, and a ‘new account’ on added the advowson and rectory by Chapman and André. the other.26 The two lists contain of Mountnessing. In 1560, he Knightsfelde (67.5 acres) lay to field names and approximate purchased the wardship of its south, and Hokys (25 acres) acreages though the ‘new William Berners junior, the to its east. Another large field account’ omits all the woodland. underage son of Sir William of was Mellesfelde (66.5 acres) in The MS is in an early eighteenth Thoby priory. This would have the south east corner of the century hand, suggesting that the given him control of the estate demesne. At its southern tip there ‘old account’ dates from some until William’s majority. Later he is still a windmill, rebuilt in about point in the seventeenth century. had further involvement with the 1807 and first documented in Many of the field names from family through his guardianship 1581. Though it is possible that both these accounts can be of Griselda, daughter of William this was the site of the windmill identified in Suckling’s list. Berners junior.30 Relations granted to the priory by its The table (Fig 5) lists the fields between the Petres and the founder in c.1141, this would mentioned in the three accounts. later owners of Thoby were not have been a very early date for Many of the large demesne fields always harmonious, judging by a

EssexJOURNAL 97 5. Thoby priory land & field names 'Extent of monastries' 1525/9 ‘Old account’ ?C17 ‘New account’ ?early C18 (Suckling) (ERO, D/DDw L1) (ERO, D/DDw L1) the place, crofts, orchards &c Park enclosed with pale Park 10a 1r 30a 0r 0p 20a Hogingrove Hodgkins, Hodgkins meadow & no match 17.5a meadow adjoining 27a 3r 30p Mellesfelde Gt Millfield 2 pieces 55a 0r 5p Millfield 66.5a Lt Millfield 2 pieces 10a 0r 12p 20a another felde called 20 acres 20 acre pasture no match 28a 3r 31a 1r 8p Cokks Medowe piece adjacent (to Millfield) voc. Cocks no match 12.5a Meadow 12a 1r 14p Brykylfelde no match no match 4a 1r 20p two littell hoppetts ?hoppet no match 2.5a 6a Fregrove no match (woodland omitted) 14a felde called [blank] ?4 acre meadow no match 4.5a 16p 4a Postonfelde Posterns Posterns Gt 25a. 61.5a 47a 0r 16p Posterns Lt 16a Rayshotte Ryshots Gt Ryshots 20a 30.5a 37a 0r 5p Ryshots Parva 20a medowe called Panmede Pan meadow no match 2.5a 20p 6a 1r 0p Thre Crofts called Whyth crofts Whites Croft 3 pieces Whites Croft 13a 19a 0r 26p 19a Barnfelde Barnfield no match 7a 20p 9a 3r 21p Greate Woode of Thoby part of wood voc Thoby wood 48a (woodland omitted) 29a Residue of Thoby Wood 27a 0r 0p felde called Hokys Hither Hooks 19a 0r 6p Hooks Gt 15a 25a Farther Hooks 13a 1r 5p Hooks Parva 10a felde called Knyghts felde Hither Knightsfield 34a 1r 10p Knightsfield 25a 67.5a Farther Knightsfield 37a 1r 0p Knightsmead 11a

no match no match Plains 2pc 5a

no match no match 4 acre meadow 4a

no match no match 12 acre mead 12a

no match no match Wheat Each 11a

no match no match 2 fallows 12a & 8a

no match no match Dovehouse croft 10a Total: 468a 3r 38p Total: 261a Total: 397a 1r 16p (correct total 464a 3r 38p) (correct total 273a)

EssexJOURNAL 98 series of disputes about tithe with a western limb and a central Though it remained in the payments and conflicting claims island (doubtless the ‘canal’ of ownership of the Blencowe to the copyhold tenancy of the 1824 description). Further family, the house appears to Malbrooks and Bacons Farm, north is a slightly irregular oval have been tenanted for much both of which had been part of track, and to the east is a small of the nineteenth century. the original Thoby estate. These rectangular enclosure, possibly a There was a serious fire on 13th were not finally resolved until the fenced garden. Immediately south August 1893 and comparison of latter part of the eighteenth of the remains of the priory an engraving of 1818 with an century.31 church, is another enclosure early 1900s photograph suggests which, by the twentieth century, that it was the northern half Thoby Priory garden and was the vegetable garden. In the containing the monastic core park south west corner of the site is that was damaged. Most or all The first cartographic glimpse of a pear-shaped pond, partly of the medieval woodwork this area is the two inch to the concealed in a serpentine belt was lost, but the building was mile Chapman and André map of woodland. A lodge is shown subsequently reconstructed and published in 1777, but surveyed at the junction of the access given a distinctive Victorian three or four years earlier. It drive with the Mountnessing/ facade.39 During World War I appears to show a double line of Blackmore road.35 Belstead School appears to have trees to the west of the house, The 1895 Second Edition been relocated from Aldeburgh with an orchard or regular edition of the 25” OS map shows in Suffolk to Thoby but this did plantation projecting from the a similar picture, except that the not prevent the owner, Mr H.P. SE corner. It is impossible to pear-shaped pond has been filled Blencowe, from inviting a large know whether this representation in and the buildings of Thoby party of members of the Essex is accurate or schematic. An Farm inserted into the south west Archaeological Society to visit indenture dated 10 years later corner of the park, screened from the house and the ruins, and to refers to a shrubbery and gardens the mansion by an extension of provide them with lunch in the adjoining the house, as well as an the serpentine woodland belt. garden in June 1916. orchard. Meadows and pasture The park also appears to have In 1940 the contents of the lands named Upper Mead, been extended by incorporating a house down to the last jam jar Dovehouse Mead, and Calaies field to the north east; its eastern and hot water bottle cover were were excluded from the lease of edge was planted with a mixed sold by auction over two days,40 the mansion, presumably because conifer and broadleaf plantation the army took over the house they were in separate tenure.32 and contained a small pond.36 and a prisoner of war camp Another indenture in the same Images from the nineteenth for German (and later Italian) group of documents, dated 1824, and early twentieth centuries37 prisoners) was constructed. A gives a clearer picture. The house show that the remaining church searchlight and ack-ack gun with its plantations, canals and wall, with its two arches, was were installed in a field behind offices occupied just over an a prominent garden feature on the farm. Later in World War II acre. There were separate stables, the south side of the lawn to it was used as a training centre a two acre lawn, an acre of the east of the house. One for the Land Army, taking its last orchard, as well as two fields arch was surmounted by a trainees in 1948. The mansion, previously excluded from the weathervane. doubtless by then in a very sorry lease – The Callas of two acres The New Series 25” map of state, was demolished in 1953 and Dovehouse Croft of 11 1920 shows no significant change. and the site has subsequently acres. The origin of the first name The 1919 sale catalogue mentions been used for workshops and remains obscure, the second is a tennis court and bowling green, industrial storage, and as a car self evident and is probably the surrounded by a herbaceous breakers yard.41 The one surviving 10 acre field listed in the ‘new border, a glasshouse with vinery, standing wall of the priory account’.33 The owner retained two smaller glasshouses, and an church, heavily overgrown possession of 120 acres of the extensive kitchen garden with with ivy and shrubs, is in very surrounding farmland, and nearly good fruit walls. It also notes poor condition and by 1999 100 acres of wood (‘abounding that the grounds of a little over one of the two surviving arches in game’) – presumably the 27 acres were separated from had collapsed, with its debris expanded Thoby Wood (which the ‘park’ (i.e. the surrounding remaining in situ.42 In the 1950s probably, by that date, included farmland) by a sunken fence, Thoby Wood and most of the Blackmore Wood to the north).34 which may be the narrow double hedgerows in the surrounding A sketch plan on the back of line shown on the north and west landscape were grubbed out in a lease of 1861 shows that the boundaries on the 25” OS maps.38 the interests of modern farming house had been extended to the It is possible that this was a relic practice. north. To the north west lies a of the priory precinct boundary rectangular shaped piece of water ditch.

EssexJOURNAL 99 Recent evaluation Summary 6. ERO, D/DP T1/183, grant by Suckling noted the discovery of Most of the scattered properties William prior of Thoby, 1346. six oak coffins of the ‘dug-out acquired by the priory in the 7. ERO, D/DP T1/184, grant by type with pegged lids’ in the medieval period passed into Thomas prior of Thoby, 1370. ‘north west angle of the cloisters’, different ownership after the 8. ERO, D/DP T1/1487, mandate as well as slip-decorated floor Dissolution, but the majority of to sheriff of Essex, 1358. 9. ERO, D/DP T1/286, dispute tiles in the chancel area, and the demesne lands (albeit divided between priors of Blackmore and the lower portion of a damaged up into smaller fields) remained in Thoby concerning tithes, 1239. stone figure of a knight templar. the hands of the Berners family 10. ERO, D/DP T1/1235, agree- A stone coffin containing a and their successors by marriage ment between the abbey of skeleton was found by workmen or inheritance into the twentieth Stratford Langthorne and Thoby in 1934.43 century. The area immediately priory on tithes on Cowbridge Since the late 1990s there surrounding the medieval priory manor, 1225. Cowbridge was have been various planning remained as gardens and a small owned by Stratford Langthorne applications for development of park for the mansion which had from an early date but this the site for housing, the latest of incorporated part of the west agreement has led to an which obtained outline consent range of the monastic buildings. erroneous assumption that it had been part of Thoby’s holdings. for 87 residential units on 21st This house, enlarged in the 11. ERO, D/DP T1/131, agreement 44 July 2015. Approval was subject nineteenth century, was severely between abbot of Stratford and to various conditions, including damaged by fire in 1893. Though prior of Thoby about ownership archaeological evaluation. subsequently repaired, it suffered of tenement in Mountnessing, After an earlier application, from the gradual decline typical c.1266. the Essex County Council Field of many country houses in the 12 VCH II, pp.130 & 163. Archaeology Unit had dug a twentieth century, and was 13 ERO, D/DP T1/242, ratification number of trial trenches under demolished in 1953. The former of agreement between prior of difficult conditions in November/ priory demesne also underwent Thoby & vicar of Mountnessing December 2001. The cutting major changes, with the removal about tithes; ERO, D/DP L20/ of some trenches was frustrated of the whole of Thoby Wood, 1-6, briefs & other papers relating to dispute between Petre and by large quantities of dumped most of Blackmore Wood and owners/tenants of Thoby, reinforced concrete, steelwork the majority of the field 1739-91. and modern rubbish. Others were hedgerows. The priory site is 14. Morant II, p.45; Letters & Papers, quickly flooded before reaching currently used for commercial Foreign & Domestic, Henry VIII the natural. Most of the very and industrial purposes. Over the (L&P), IV, p.1964. limited finds were scattered post years there have been a number 15. J.E. Oxley, The Reformation medieval domestic and building of applications for residential in Essex (Manchester, 1965), material, with a few late Iron development and, if the most pp.282 & 284. Age/Roman and medieval recent one comes to fruition, 16. L&P, IV, pp.697 & 1137; Mill Green ware sherds from there would be an opportunity Oxley, p.70. a ditch fill. The northern and for an extensive archaeological 17. VCH II, p.163. 18. Oxley, p.74; L&P, IV, p.3536. southern arms of the pond evaluation of the small medieval 19. D. O’Sullivan, ‘The Little (and its central island which priory and its subsequent use. Dissolution of the 1520s’, Journal had formed a garden feature References of Post Medieval Archaeology, 40 to the north west of the house) 1. W. Page & J.H. Round (eds), (2), 2006, pp.228, 236, 239; were identified in one trench; The Victoria History of the County Oxley, p.76; L&P, IV, pp.990 the southern section was nearly of Essex, II (London, 1907), & 5304; J. C. Dickinson, ‘Early 10m. wide, twice the width of pp.162-3; P. Morant, The History Suppressions of English Houses the northern section, and was & Antiquities of the County of of Austin Canons’ in V. Ruffer about 2m. deep.45 Essex, II (London, 1768), p.45; & A.J. Taylors (eds) Medieval In 2002 further evaluation J.H. Round, ‘Thoby Priory Studies presented to Rose Graham and Fryerning’, Transactions of trenches were dug to the south (Oxford, 1950). p.70. the Essex Archaeological Society 20. O’Sullivan, p. 245; ERO, west of the site of the church. (TEAS), XIV (1917), p.360. D/DP L20/2 translation of grant These revealed 29 graves, 2. Essex Record Office (ERO), of 24th April 31 Henry VIII to assumed to be contemporary D/DP T1/1471, confirmation Sir Richard Page with reversion with the priory, the fill of two charter of grants by Michael to William Berners & his wife; of which yielded medieval Capra, 1152-62. ERO, D/DP L20/2: C. Davies, pottery. The well-preserved 3. Morant, p.43. ‘Page, Sir Richard’, ODNB, remains of the post-Dissolution 4. ERO, D/DP T1/11, rent due https://doi.org/10.1093/ manor house and the medieval to Thoby priory, 1276. ref:odnb/70795, (26/01/2018); foundations of the priory 5. ERO, D/DP T1/111, indenture ERO. D/DP E1, inventory of church were located. The of agreement by Leighs priory, Tobye by Leonard Bernard, 1280. 20/09/1556. Of the 14 human remains were left in situ.46

EssexJOURNAL 100 chambers, five were well boundaries on OS surveyors map Priory furniture & effects furnished with beds, testers, were schematic rather than sale catalogue, 1940; painted cloths, another five representational. www.google.co.uk/search?q= ( judging from their names) 28. ERO, D/DDw T37, deeds of thoby+priory+images, were intended for servants and Thoby Priory mansion house, (26/01/2018). Belstead School contained basic bedding only, the 1787-1859. website states that the school remaining four were intermediate 29. ERO, D/DP M1429, valuation moved to Thoby for the between the others. One of the of Bluntswall late of Thoby Second World War but this is best rooms was named ‘the priory, 1544. incompatible with the typography prystes chamber’. 30. R. Newcourt, Repertorium of the poster announcing its 21. L&P, IV, 6803 & V, 1514; Ecclesiasticum Parochiale wartime move, or priory’s Morant II, p.45; Oxley, p.80; Londiniense, II (London, 1710), requisition by the War Office. C. Ferguson, C. Thornton & p. 429. Oxley, pp.266-7 & 304. F. Chancellor, ‘Thoby Priory’, A. Wareham, Essex Hearth 31. ERO, D/DDw L1, papers TEAS, XIV (1916), pp.244, 262. Tax Return Michaelmas 1670 relating to disputes over Thoby 41. http://www.thisisessex.co.uk, (London, 2012), p.447; tithes; ERO, D/DP L20/3-5, (11/11/2017); private collection, RCHM, An Inventory of the legal papers relating to tithe Thoby Priory demolition sale Historical Monuments in Essex, IV dispute 1781. catalogue, 01/10/1953. (London, 1923), p.93. More 32. ERO, D/DDw T37, deeds of 42. Typescript: E Heppel, Thoby could have been learnt about Thoby priory mansion house, Priory Archaeological Desk the reuse of the priory structure 1787-1859. Based Assessment (ECC Field when the house was demolished 33. The derivation of Callas from the Archaeology Unit, Dec 1999). in 1953, but no record appears Greek word for ‘beauty’ has been 43. Suckling, pp.41-2; Chancellor, to have been made. suggested. Thoby was tenanted p.244; G. Austin, Another Miller’s 22. A. Suckling, Memorials of the in the late eighteenth century Tale (Mountnessing, 1994), p.10. antiquities, architecture, family history by an impoverished minor poet, 44. Brentwood Borough Council and heraldry of the county of Essex Rev Henry Rowe (d.1819), planning application no: (London, 1845), pp.43-8. who might have been responsible 15/00527/OUT. 23 Some errors are obvious. for such a classical reference. 45. Typescript: T. Ennis, Thoby Mellesfelde is variously written D. Rivers, Literary Memoirs of Priory Archaeological Evaluation as Mellefelde and Wellefelde. Living Authors, II (London, 1798), (ECC Field Archaeology Unit, Brykkylfelde is also Krykylfelde. pp.226-7; private collection, Dec 2001). More significantly, the letter from Rowe to his 46. Essex Historic Environment abutments of Brykkylfelde publishers dated 26/2/1798. It is Record No: 5301: B. Barker, with Hogingrove, a field called also possible that it was named ‘Excavation at Thoby Priory’, Twenty acres and the two after the French port as an ironic Transactions of the Essex Society for hoppetts are particularly difficult reference to its distance from the Archaeology & History, XXXIV to reconcile, as are the very small farm. (2003), p.242. acreages of the fields flanking the 34. Morning Chronicle, 20/12/1822, east side of the large field called p.1, c.3. The 1919 sale catalogue Acknowledgements Postonfelde. (ERO, SALE/B8) shows that The authors are very grateful to 24. ERO, Q/SR 77/42, Quarter Blackmore Wood had been Ken Crowe for his support and Session records, 1581; pers. inf. added (at an unknown date) advice with earlier drafts of this from John Bedington, millwright to the estate. article, and to Jill Plater of Essex & historian. 35. ERO, D/DU 197/7, lease of Gardens Trust for invaluable 25. ERO, D/DDw L1, papers Thoby priory mansion, lodge information from the EGT relating to litigation between and 27 acres, 1861. folder on Thoby Priory. Petre & Prescott families over 36. 2nd Ed 25” OS, sheet 59-8, tithe payments, 1479-1741; 1895. The Authors ERO, D/CT 245A & B, 37. ERO, I/Mp 246/1/1, image of Michael Leach is a retired GP Mountnessing tithe Thoby Priory, drawn & engraved with a life-long interest in local apportionment & map. by T. Higham, 1818; Suckling, and regional history. He broke into 26. ERO, D/DDw L1. p. 40; TEAS, IX (1903), p.186 a privately owned abbey ruin on 27. ERO, T/M 564/8, Ordnance & XIV (1917), p.242; ERO, the Kent/Sussex border in his early Survey surveyors map, 1799. SALE/A307, 1919, Thoby Priory teens, assisted at the excavation of a This map shows very regular sales catalogue; RCHM, IV, p.96. Franciscan site in Cambridge, and rectangular fields whereas later 38. NS 25” OS, sheet 71-3, 1915; has been fascinated by monastic sites maps (such as 25inch OS map ERO, SALE/B8. Thoby Priory ever since. of 1895 and ERO SALE/B8 of estate sale catalogue, 1919. James Kemble studied archaeology 1919) show a different and a 39. Yorkshire Herald, 19/08/1893, at Cambridge and London, and took much less regular pattern. It is p.7, c.5; image of Thoby Priory, a degree in Archaeological Science. difficult to accept that the field drawn & engraved by T. Higham, He has taken part in excavations in boundaries were reorganized in 1818; photograph of Thoby Chelmsford, Colchester, Beeleigh, such a way during the course of Priory by F. Spalding, undated; Oxfordshire, Wiltshire and else- the nineteenth century and it is RCHM, IV, pp.92-3. where. He is Coordinator of the much more likely that the field 40. ERO, SALE/B194, Thoby Essex Place-names Project.

EssexJOURNAL 101 Dismantling the Monasteries by Ken Crowe

he aim of this article is to attorneys, has been fully described walls of the churches, steeples, examine two aspects from elsewhere, and need not be cloisters, fraters, dorters, chapter Ta much wider research repeated here.2 However, it may houses, with all other houses project on the history of Essex be of interest to examine in a saving those that be necessary monasteries and monastic build- little detail an aspect of one of for a farmer.’6 He goes on to ings following the dissolution the monasteries suppressed at this say that, since the cost of the of the first half of the sixteenth time, the Augustinian house of demolition work could in no century. Using archaeological and Blackmore. Standing adjacent to way be defrayed by the sale of archival/documentary sources it the monastery was a building the stone and other materials, it will examine the evidence for now known by the name of would be better, surely, to strip the physical process of taking ‘Jericho Priory’. and sell lead and bells, pull down down the monastic buildings, Morant tells us that this the roofs, but let the walls stand the workmen involved, the was one of Henry’s ‘Houses of as a quarry for any who wanted order in which the buildings Pleasure’ in which his mistress, to come and remove the stone, were removed and the general Elizabeth (Bessie) Blount gave for which they could be charged. chronology of the process. One birth to his illegitimate son, If the King insisted on the of the questions it is hoped to Henry Fitzroy.3 The contempo- Commission being carried out address concerns the factors rary chronicler, Edward Hall to the letter, this would be done, that determined the scale of (1497-1547), who makes no but it would take a long time, destruction, in particular cases. mention of Blackmore Priory or since, this being harvest time, The second aspect tackled in Jericho, describes the boy as ‘a few men were around to help.7 this paper relates to the evidence goodly manne child, of beautie Leaving the matter of costs for the re-use, or recycling, of like to the father and mother.’4 involved for now, and the monastic materials and, again, an The story has been repeated, removal of lead and bells which attempt will be made to answer and embroidered, many times in shall also be dealt with a little some questions relating to this, at recent years, but with rarely any later, we must now turn to least as far as Essex monasteries reference to an original source. evidence for the actual process are concerned (Fig 1). Many of the authors agree, of demolition. The only detailed however, that it was through contemporary documentary Wolsey’s ‘Little Dissolution’ Wolsey that arrangements had source relating to the process of of the 1520s been made with the prior of demolition of an Essex monastery In 1525, having obtained papal Blackmore, Thomas Goodwyn, is that relating to . authority, and royal agreement, for Bessie Blount to have use of Barking, the earliest and largest Wolsey embarked on a pro- the building at this period.5 If this of the Benedictine foundations gramme of dissolving a total is so, then Wolsey presumably in Essex was, at the Dissolution, of 20 small monasteries in the had personal knowledge of the the third richest nunnery in the south east, the revenues from priory, which perhaps influenced country, and surrendered to which houses were to be directed his decision to include it among Dr William Petre (c.1505-72, towards the founding and support those to be dissolved in 1525. ancestor of the current Lord of his new (Cardinal’s) College at It is also interesting to note that Petre) in November 1539.8 Oxford. This was followed a few John Smyth (the attorney) was The monastery was taken into years later by the dissolution of granted Blackmore in 1540, the King’s hands together with seven more monasteries for the following its final dissolution. We other monastic sites in the support of his school at Ipswich. shall be returning to Blackmore, Thames valley with the intention The choice of which monas- and these other monasteries a of using their materials for the teries to close seems to have little later in this paper. rebuilding and refurbishing of been based on geographical and royal residences, including the administrative criteria rather than Taking Down the Buildings conversion of Dartford Priory.9 solely on their size, and included In August 1538, John Freeman, The site of Barking Abbey, six monasteries in Essex: Tiptree, who had been given instructions with its demesne lands, were Blackmore, Thoby, Horkesley, to demolish the monasteries in later granted to Edward, Lord Stanesgate and Wix.1 For Thoby Lincolnshire (following the 1536 Clinton.10 James Needham, see article above by Michael ‘Lincolnshire Rising’), wrote a surveyor of the King’s Works, Leach. The process of dissolution, letter to Cromwell in which he kept meticulous accounts of the overseen by Thomas Cromwell stated that he had been instructed demolition work.11 and John Smyth, as Wolsey’s ‘to pull to the ground all the The lead and bells having

EssexJOURNAL 102 been removed,12 demolition work 1541 the number of miners fell to carters’ work depended on the began in June 1541, taking about seven, and by February-March of industry of the miners and 18 months to complete. A total 1542, to 3 or 4, after which no labourers, their work being of 128 men worked on site over more miners were employed on concentrated in the first seven this period (although never more site. months, with a maximum of 14 than 70 at any one time). There The labourers were the most being on site in any one month; were just three carpenters, paid numerous of the workmen on thereafter five carters were paid at 7d a day; all three worked for site, with between 16 and 24 for most months, and just three the first month, and then two working in the first six months. in the last couple of months. for the next four months. They Over the following year there Many (possibly most) of the removed the timber work from were about 11 on site, and seven workmen on site were tenants of the cloisters, steeple and else- in the final two months. Paid at Barking Abbey.14 It is also clear where, and also made barrows the rate of 4d or 5d a day, their that several men from the same for the labourers and hafted pick- jobs included separating the families worked on site, including axes and mattocks for the miners. ‘rubbish stone’ from the best the Clerke family (Henry and Eighteen miners in total were stone to be used at Dartford, William), Thomas and William employed, their work being using the former for mending Sparrow and Henry, John and principally to ‘undermine’ the and levelling the roads for the William Uppnaye, all of whom walls. They began with the two wagons, and helping to load the were carters. Very few of the round towers of the church, stone into the carts for transport labourers and carpenters were being careful ‘in lyke man[ner] to the water side and then recorded as tenants; most were providing the ffyrest coyne loading the stone into the vessels probably sub-tenants, and there- stones and other cayne stone for transport to Dartford. fore not recorded. None of the for the lading of lighters to be The carters were the most miners was recorded in the ymployed at the Kings man[or] highly paid (16d a day) of the Ministers Accounts as a tenant. of Dartford.’13 The final principal Barking workmen, the reason for However, the reason for this task for the miners was to under- this being that they must have may be that, being specialists, mine the steeple, in the last provided their own heavy carts they might have been brought quarter of 1541. From the end of (called ‘courts’) and animals. The in from further afield. Indeed, 1. Religious houses in Essex. (K. Crowe/C. D’Alton)

EssexJOURNAL 103 five of the 18 miners recorded at but probably between 1539 glass remained in situ until Barking also worked at Dartford, and 1542; in the latter year the the walls were taken down.23 suggesting that some, at least, reversion of the property had However, it appears that all figu- travelled from site to site.15 been granted to Antonio Bonvix, rative work in the widows had Excavations can also some- and Mildmay, having acquired been smashed in the first phase times provide evidence for the manor of Moulsham, began of demolition in a deliberate the process of demolition, as in building Moulsham Hall.20 spate of iconoclasm, while the the case of Chelmsford Friary, The first of the walls to be windows remained in place. which was subject to detailed dismantled were those of the Indeed, loose glass sherds were archaeological investigation at nave and part of the chancel of rare, suggesting that the remain- various times between 1968 the church, the men working ing glass was carefully removed, and 1977. These located the from scaffold platforms, erected perhaps to be salvaged for sale monastic church and east between the piers. Following the or use elsewhere. The lead was claustral range, with reredorter, demolition of the nave, large also salvaged, and was melted undercroft and chapter house.16 amounts of brickearth were in hearths on site. The transept The friary had been surrendered dumped here to level the site. walls, in contrast, appear to have to Richard, Bishop of Dover in Following the clearance of the been pulled down, and much of December 1538, and leased to weeds and scrub from the area, the painted glass and lead from Thomas Mildmay the following scaffolding was also used in the the windows in this area were July.17 Between the surrender cloisters, where some of the walls dumped in a pit.24 of the house and the grant to were taken right down to the By the end of the sixteenth Mildmay, the site appears to natural, while other walls were century, as John Walker’s map have been left derelict following left as stubs.21 Other walls had of 1591 indicates, all traces of the removal of the roof of the been left standing for some time; the friary had disappeared except church; the floor tiles and the last to be taken down being for the gatehouse (Fig 2) and gravestones had also been those forming the rest of the kitchen.25 It is likely, in fact, that taken up in this first phase of chancel,22 while much of the area most of the site had been cleared dismantling,18 a layer of silt having was covered with a large amount by 1551 when the precinct was accumulated on the mortar floor. of demolition material, including occupied by a school, possibly in Undergrowth and scrub were (mostly broken) floor tiles. the converted refectory or hall.26 cleared by fire before the process The impression at Chelmsford Deidre O’Sullivan suggests of dismantling the walls could is that the walls of the nave and that the demolition of the some begin.19 When the actual process chancel, in general, were carefully of the houses suppressed by of dismantling began is uncertain, dismantled, and that the window Wolsey in 1525 may have begun 27 2. Painting by W. Brown of the gatehouse by the end of that decade. to Chelmsford Friary, 1885. However, there is no evidence (Reproduced by courtesy of Chelmsford Museum) for this in the case of the Essex monasteries. Although the Guest House at Tilty continued to be occupied by the Marchioness of Dorset’s family into the 1560s, documentary evidence suggests that demolition of the rest of the abbey buildings had begun by 1536, but was certainly not completed here, nor at Dunmow nor Castle Hedingham by the end of the following summer, when plumbers were stripping lead from the roofs.28 Indeed, some lead had remained at Dunmow until September 1538, when Francis Jobson, Receiver for the Augmentations collected it at a cost of £2 7s 11d, possibly suggesting that demolition by that date was nearing completion.29 Demolition of Blackmore Priory is often said to have taken place in 1543, based on witnesses statements taken at the

EssexJOURNAL 104 Archdeacon’s Court 40 years usefully terms these ‘yard-sales’), Hatfield Broad Oak. In 1921 the later.30 Geoffrey (Galfridus) Wyatt as noted on copies of the monas- Royal Commission recorded the of Blackmore, one of the witness- tic inventories. Although these presence of fourteenth century es before the Archdeacon’s court records vary in the amount of slip tiles with a geometric pattern in 1583, speaking of the priory detail recorded, several examples in the chancel of the church, there, stated that he ‘did se it from Essex help to illuminate this re-set from the site of Priory pulled downe’ by Sir Brian very interesting and important (Fig 3).40 The presence of the Tuke.31 That happened, he said, aspect of the story of the disposal tiles, and their identification, has along with the other witnesses, and re-use of monastic materials been confirmed by Paul Drury.41 about 40 years previously. in the immediate post-dissolution In 1538 the churchwardens of However, Oxley may be correct period. ‘Payd for lyme, in suggesting that the demolition At the Blackfriars, Chelmsford, sand and for fechyng iiijxx paving at Blackmore took place before much of the building material tyle from Tylty xjd.’ and ‘Payd the suppression of Waltham and furnishings were sold to to Richard Barker for laying the Abbey (in 1540; following cover the extensive debts of the foresaid pavyng tyle in the church Wolsey’s fall Blackmore had been house. These items included the vjd’.42 Unfortunately the flooring granted to the abbot and convent ‘pathement’ (floor tiles) from the does not appear to have survived, of Waltham in 153232), and its cloister, chapter house, chapels perhaps being removed or subsequent grant to John Smyth.33 and church, together with iron covered over in the nineteenth This would possibly account for and glass from the same buildings, century. It is also likely that some the fact that the grant, in Letters and gravestones from the church of the tiles in the chancel of Little Patent to John Smyth in that and chapels.37 The sale of this Easton church may have come year, makes no mention of any material presumably indicates that from Titly.43 Paul Drury is of the buildings on the site of the there was a ready market for such opinion that it was as a result of Priory.34 items. The removal of tiles was the suppression of the monasteries confirmed during excavations that such ‘exotic’ tiles reached The Re-Use of Monastic on the site, with the discovery parish churches, citing Springfield materials of light brown silts covering and Writtle as other examples.44 The lead from the roofs (and mortared floor surfaces where In 1538, again, Robert Noke probably elsewhere) together tiled floors had once been.38 (vicar of Hatfield) was paid 20s with the bells were normally At Hatfield Regis (Broad Oak) by the churchwardens of (though not invariably) reserved a Mr Noke was recorded as the Great Dunmow for a tabernacle for the king, and valued as such purchaser of the ‘tyle stones in ‘bowght at Hatfield’.45 This at the time of the suppression. the Church and Cloystre. The was almost certainly among These elements were also grave stones alter stones and the the contents of the ‘Quire’, normally the first to be removed stalles in the Quy’.39 This was ‘St. Kathrynes alter’ and the from the monastic buildings, Robert Noke, the vicar of ‘Lady Chappell’, and elsewhere, the lead being melted down and converted into ingots on site 3. Medieval tiles in Hatfield Broad Oak church. by the crown’s plumbers, using (Author photograph, 20/06/2018) timber from the buildings as fuel. While much of the lead was destined for export by contractors (or sub-contractors) some, as that removed from Dunmow, Tilty and Castle Hedingham was to be used in the king’s buildings, in this case, Westminster, St Giles and Chelsea.35 Presumably the lead from these buildings had been ear-marked for this particular purpose, and so these buildings were not demolished earlier. Bell metal, also exported under licence, was valued for another purpose, conversion into canon.36 A considerable amount of building material and other items were bought by local people at the on-site sales (O’Sullivan

EssexJOURNAL 105 purchased by Noke at the ‘yard sale’ at Hatfield Broad Oak.46 Perhaps further research would reveal details regarding the dispersal to other parish churches and perhaps private chapels, of similar devotional or liturgical items from the dissolved monasteries. Other materials recycled from the suppressed monasteries include timber work. A sixteenth century moulded beam in Church Street Cottage, Blackmore, may have originated in the monastery.47 There are also local traditions of re-using roof timbers, and possibly entire roofs, from monastic buildings in local churches and other buildings. church and Rochford Hall are both said to have roof timbers from the dissolved Prittlewell Priory.48 Several re-used timbers in houses in St Osyth’s may have been recycled from the abbey.49 Now we come to the question of the re-use, or recycling, of the most abundant of the materials from the demolished buildings – the stone. There is no documen- tary evidence in Essex for the sale of stone from the dissolved 4. Bourne Mill, Colchester. (Author photograph 06/06/2018) monasteries.50 Where the best stone from the dismantled build- It was built in 1591 (perhaps on was the case, perhaps it was to ings was used in any quantity the same site as the medieval mill) be used in Mildmay’s new brick- it appears mostly to have been by Thomas Lucas as his fishing built mansion of Moulsham Hall? employed by the site’s new lodge, using stone from the ruins However, the presence of owners either for converting of St John’s Abbey, together with recycled monastic stone visible buildings on site to another use other materials.52 Rochford Hall, above ground level in standing (which is beyond the scope of near Southend, was rebuilt about (domestic) buildings, beyond the this paper) or for erecting a new 1550, possibly using some stone monastic precinct is quite unusual (high status) building, using the from the recently demolished in Essex.56 This is principally materials close at hand. The most church and east cloister range because the traditional building impressive surviving example in of Prittlewell Priory.53 materials in the county for Essex of the re-use of monastic Monastic stone was also used, domestic structures have been stone in a new building is the on occasions, in the walls of timber and brick.57 Stone used so-called Abbot’s Tower at near-by churches. The walls of below ground level, on the St Osyth’s, built by the Darcys. Blackmore church, originally the other hand, is another matter. Thomas Darcy had been granted nave of the monastic church, A survey of buildings in St Osyth’s (in 1550) following display a large amount of stone St Osyth’s for the Victoria the fall of Thomas Cromwell. from the demolished monastic County History identified The tower features blocks of buildings, presumably used here recycled monastic stone used in re-used ashlar alternating with to repair the walls of the building, the cellar of a property in Mill knapped septaria, in chequer- which are principally of flint Street.58 There are probably other board fashion.51 Another building rubble.54 At Chelmsford, there similar examples waiting to be constructed in the post-dissolu- is evidence that the majority identified.59 tion period using considerable of the stone from the friary Stones from demolished quantities of monastic stone is was converted on-site to lime, monastic buildings have also been Bourne Mill at Colchester (Fig 4). possibly for lime-mortar.55 If this used as foundation material. At

EssexJOURNAL 106 Barking, in the 1960s and ‘70s, quite quickly. Instead, stones during demolition and clearance were taken from the ruined walls of properties in Heath Street, of the remaining structures over to the south of the abbey site, the years, and were still being quantities of carved stone were removed into the nineteenth found; these had probably been century (though for what purpose used in the foundations of the is unclear) according to the vicar post-medieval buildings.60 There of , who gave a talk to is also documentary evidence Cambridge Antiquarian Society suggesting that stone from the on the subject.67 The vicar recited abbey site was used as foundations a legend that stated if anyone for a large building known as removed stones from the ruins of ‘Cobbler’s Hall’ in Barking.61 Tilty Abbey they would be dead Observations and limited excava- within a month. And, of course, tions at Hatfield Broad Oak in when a steward from the Grange the early 1990s at the rear of the removed stones from the walls, Cock Inn recovered a group of he died within the month. And medieval architectural fragments the same thing is said to have originating from the near-by happened to another member of monastery, which had been used the same family some years later. in foundations.62 At the We can only speculate about footings of a post-dissolution the use made of these stones from building on the site of the Titly. However, evidence from dissolved Carmelite friary elsewhere in the county suggests contained a small quantity of a likely answer. During the re-used Caen stone, including a dismantling of Barking Abbey, fragment of window tracery.63 one of the labourers’ tasks was The lower courses of the to use some of the ‘rubbish’ post-medieval wall surrounding stone for ‘making and mynding gardens on the site of the Maldon of the heyways and in lyke manner Friary are made almost entirely leveling the grownde for the land from re-used monastic stone. carr’ of the said stone from the There is a report of dressed Abbey to the water syde’.68 stone (probably from the abbey) Road mending appears to have in a wall in Chapel Lane, St been one of the principal uses Osyth’s, but this was demolished of monastic stone that was not quite recently.64 At Thaxted a earmarked for any other use. post-medieval boundary wall This would have included the at Park Farm (Park Street) flint and other material used for contains carved stones, headstops the core of the walls, together and other stone of probably with broken and decorated fourteenth century date thought stones. In the days when the to have originated from Tilty manor and, later the parish, was Abbey.65 responsible for maintaining the At Tilty Abbey itself, roads, such a source of material 5. Gate post, Flagstaff Road, Ferdinand Malyn, who had would have been a useful supple- Colchester been employed by its new ment to the usual gravel dug (Author photograph 22/05/2019) owner, Henry Maynard, to from pits or collected from the The recycling of monastic survey the site, stated that the beach or stones collected from stone has continued into modern existing ‘mansion house’ was farm fields by women and times where the material has spacious yet ‘ruinous’ and that children.69 Where a monastic been available although, one ‘the ruyns of the Abey will yeld site had been left as a ruin, as at hopes, no longer taken from the both ffrestone & other stone’ for Tilty, the buildings would have monastic sites. At Tilty Grange the building of a new house.66 been used as a quarry. And at and possibly Lamb Farm in A new house was not built from Bicknacre, for example, ‘For St Osyth’s, monastic stone forms the ‘ruins’ of the abbey, and there many years the roads in the elements in garden features. At seems to have been no deliberate vicinity have been mended with Tilty Grange, again, two sections attempt to demolish all of the stones taken from the ruins; at of column have been used to monastic buildings, although this time the small remains of mark either side of the drive way the church and chapter house the [priory] church are suffering into the property, while in probably had been dismantled reduction for the same purpose’.70 Flagstaff Road, Colchester,

EssexJOURNAL 107 monastic stone has been used in construction it tended to be Rawlinson MS. D.782. See also to ‘decorate’ a pair of gateposts employed by the site owners as J. Oxley, ‘The Account for the which are, presumably, twentieth a ready source of material for Destruction of Barking Abbey, century in date (Fig 5). Fragments high status projects. Elsewhere, 19 June 1540 – 10 Dec. 1541’, of carved stone from monastic stone was used for repairs and Barking Historical Society churches and other buildings in foundations and for the Transactions, I, (2) 1961. 12. VCH II, p.120. can still be found on site. For construction (or as elements in) 13. Bod, Rawlinson MS. D.782, f.2b. example, at Blackmore several boundary or estate walls in the 14. The tenants of the Abbey were pieces of carved stone, which immediate post-dissolution recorded in the Ministers’ must have come from the period. There is also some Accounts for 1540, translated monastery, have been piled evidence for its use internally and transcribed by J. O’Leary, against the north porch of the for cellar walls. One of the most the manuscript volume being church, while at Bourne Mill, common uses of monastic stone, deposited with the Valence in Colchester, fragments of which continued to be taken House Local Studies Centre, and decorated stone lay on the from the ruined buildings now used as the basis for this section. floor in one of the rooms. At used as quarries, was for road 15. Bod, Rawlinson MS. D.83. Prittlewell, Southend, the path mending and, into the modern 16. This section is based on the unpublished report by leading to the south porch of the period, for garden and decorative A.P. Harris, Chelmsford Priory, parish church is partially lined architectural features. 1969-1977 (Draft Report, 1987) with decorated stone from the References in Chelmsford Museum. I am near-by monastery, although 1. D. O’Sullivan, ‘Little Dissolution grateful to N. Wickenden for these may have been recovered of the 1520s’, Post Medieval providing access to this report. during excavations on the site of Archaeology, 40, (2) 2006, p.247. 17. Letters & Papers, Foreign & the monastery in the 1920s. 2. See especially R.E. Oxley, Domestic, Henry VIII (L&P), Reformation in Essex to the Death XIII (2), p.1021. Conclusions of Mary (Manchester, 1965); Ibid. 18. See P. Drury, ‘The Tiles’ in Where evidence survives it 3. P. Morant, The History and Harris, p.73-4. The tiles and Antiquities of the County of Essex, appears that many monastic gravestones from the church II (London, 1768), p.57. and chapter house were sold buildings were dismantled with 4. E. Hall, The Lives of the Kings: following the suppression. some care. At Barking this may The Triumphant Reign of King 19. Harris, p.29-30. have been, partially at least, Henry VIII (London, 1904). 20. H. Grieve, The Sleepers and the because of the need to preserve 5. These works include B. Murphy, Shadows, I (Chelmsford, 1988), the best blocks of stone for the Bastard Prince: Henry VIII’s Lost pp.93-4. By 1551 Mildmay had King’s work at Dartford. At Son (Stroud, 2001); H. Hobden’s the freehold of the Friary site. Chelmsford most of the walls also Tudor Bastard: Henry Fitzroy, 21. Ibid, pp.30-33. appear to have been taken down Duke of Richmond and Somerset 22. Ibid, p.134. carefully, partly, perhaps to avoid and his Mother, Elizabeth Blount 23. Ibid, pp.132-3. Regarding the damage to surrounding buildings (Lincoln, 2001); J. Guy’s dangerous nature of the work of The Children of Henry VIII in this urban setting. In both dismantling the monasteries, see (Oxford 2013). Stephen Gunn, ‘Everyday Life cases, however, it is certain 6. G.H. Cook, Letters to Cromwell and Fatal Hazard in Sixteenth that the potential dangers of and others (London, 1965), p.181. Century England’ at www.tudor demolishing large stone buildings The final part of this injunction accidents.history.ox.ac.uk. I am were fully realized. probably relates to that part of grateful to Dr C. Thornton for It is quite clear that on many the 1536 Act which stated that bringing this research to my sites, while some of the monastic there was to be kept ‘an honest attention, and to Dr Gunn for buildings had been converted to continual house and household providing the findings from his secular uses, the other buildings in the same site or precinct.’ research relating to fatal accidents were left as ruins. While there (From J.R. Tanner, Tudor on monastic sites. appears to have been a ready Constitutional Documents 1485- 24. Ibid. 158-65. 1603 (Cambridge, 1955), p.63). market for structural elements 25. Essex Record Office (ERO), 7. Cook, pp.181-2. D/DM P2, ‘A trew platt of such as floor tiles and timber, 8. W. Page & J.H. Round (eds) the mannor and hamlett of iron and glass, together with The Victoria History of the Moulshum’, 1591. furnishings and fittings, in a County of Essex, II (London, 26. Grieve, pp.36, 52. county where there was no 1907), pp.84, 120. 27. O’Sullivan, p.245. immediate use for stone as a 9. H. Colvin, Essays in English 28. D. MacCullogh, Thomas building material, it would have Architectural History (London Cromwell: A Life (London, 2018), been regarded as a needless 1999), pp.60-1; H. Colvin, p.309; Oxley, pp.96, 117; expense to demolish surplus The History of the King’s Works, L&P, XII (2), p.329. monastic buildings. IV (London, 1982), p.68. 29. L&P, XIII (2), p.313. In the rare cases where 10. Colvin, King’s Works, p.120. 30. For example, A. Smith, Blackmore, 11. Bodleian Library (Bod), high-quality stone was used a Short History (Blackmore, 2006).

EssexJOURNAL 108 31. ERO, D/AED 2, f.32r, ER, XXI, (1912), pp.77-8. Maldon Archaeological Group, Archdeacon’s Depositions. Felix 46. Galpin, p.344. Underground Maldon (1998). Hull identifies Brian Tuke as 47. M. Medlycott, Blackmore Historic 60. Information from L. Westwood, among those connected with the Village Assessment (Chelmsford, . Some court who had received lands in 2002), p.6. of the stones are displayed in the Essex, especially in the southern 48. W. Rodwell, The Archaeology of museum. half of the county; ‘Agriculture Churches (Stroud, 2012), p.59. 61. I am grateful to M. Watson of and Rural Society in Essex, 49. C. Thornton email, 12/05/2017. Valence House Museum for this 1560-1640’, PhD thesis, 1950, 50. Unlike, for example, at reference; an eighteenth century pp.254-5 (ERO, T/Z 561/1/4). St Augustine’s Canterbury; see manorial survey records that 32. VCH II, p147. D. Sherlock, ‘The Account of Cobbler’s Hall was built on 33. Oxley, p.74. Blackmore had George Nycholl for Augustine’s stone foundations. been granted to 1552-1553’ in Archaeologia 62. H. Brooks & A. Harris, ‘Hatfield following Wolsey’s fall. It is Cantiana, XCIX (1984), Broad Oak, Cock Public House’, possible that Brian Tuke was pp.25-43. TESAH, XXVI (1995), p.254. acting as John Smyth’s agent. 51. D. Andrews, ‘The Buildings 63. Morgan-Shelbourne, 34. ERO, D/DQ 55/36, copy and of St. Osyth Abbey’, report of ‘Investigations at New Street, translation of Crown Grant, Essex Historic Buildings Group Maldon: Early Iron Age 1540. Where monastic buildings meeting, 24/07/2015. occupation and remains associated formed part of the grant it was 52. J. Moore & J. Mallinson, with the Carmelite Friary’, normal for these buildings, or ‘St. John’s Abbey, Colchester’, TESAH, VII (2016), pp.285-90. some of them, to be mentioned Colchester Archaeological Group 64. I am grateful to M. Roberts for in the Letters Patent. Bulletin, 56, (2016), p.25. See also this information. 35. J. Youings, The Dissolution of historical report by C. Thornton, 65. Steer, pp.95-100; R. Clarke & the Monasteries (London, 1971), www.nationaltrust.org.uk. M. Stevens, ‘Tilty Abbey: A most p.113; Oxley, p.117, from L&P, 53. D. Andrews, ‘Lord Rich’s beautiful and opulent abbey’ in XII (2), p.329. Mansion at Rochford Hall’ in Saffron Walden Historical Journal, 36. For example, William Clifton, Transactions of the Essex Society for XXXIII (2017), pp.2-7, 18. merchant tailor of London was Archaeology & History (TESAH ), 66. ERO, D/DWv M197, Survey licensed to buy and export XXXIV (2003), pp.69-90. of Tilty, 1588. Presumably by 120,000 lbs. of bell metal in June 54. J. Bettley & N. Pevsner, this date the ‘mansion house’ 1538 (L&P, XIII (1), p.1309). The Buildings of England: Essex was unoccupied 37. R.C. Fowler, ‘Essex Monastic (London, 2007), p.141. 67. Bury and Norwich Post, Inventories’ in Transactions of 55. Harris, pp.132, 134. N. Wiffen 30/08/1887, p.3. the Essex Archaeological Society tells me that another possible use 68. Bod, Rawlinson MS. D.782. (TEAS), X (1909), p.16. was in the tanning industry. 69. I am grateful to Dr M. Leach 38. Harris, p.29. 56. The consideration of the for his advice on this section. 39. F.W. Galpin, ‘The History of conversion of monastic buildings For the responsibility of the the Church of Hatfield Regis or to secular use, and the survival parish, see Tanner, pp.495, 498- Broad Oak with some account of monastic period structures in 500. of the Priory Buildings’ TEAS, those buildings, is largely beyond 70. J. Storer & I. Greig, Antiquarian VI (1898), p.345. the scope of this present paper. and Topographical Cabinet 40. RCHM, An Inventory of the J.C. Dickinson believed that (London 1807), p.1808. Historical Monuments in Essex, II demolition of the monasteries in (London, 1921), pp.116-22. the south east took place fairly Acknowledgements 41. Email, 23/01/2018. rapidly after the dissolution, Thanks to M. Stevens (Tilty); Rev 42. ERO, D/P 11/5/1A, because of the scarcity of building Dr N. Wormell ( Hatfield Broad transcript of Great Dunmow stone in that area; that may have Oak); Churchwardens and parish- Churchwardens’ Accounts. been the case in counties such as ioners (Blackmore); G. Worriker 43. F. Steer, ‘A Short History of Kent and Sussex (and Norfolk), and J. Bishop (Bicknacre); Dr C. Tilty Abbey with an account of but, for reasons stated here, this Thornton (Bourne Mill and various some excavations on the site in was not the case in Essex. See sources) & Dr M. Leach for his 1942’ in Essex Review (ER), LIX, Dickinson, ‘The buildings of the good humoured support and excel- 1950, p.95; R. Clarke, Tilty English Austin Canons after the lent suggestions for improvement. Abbey, Essex: detailed survey Dissolution of the Monasteries’, Thanks also to the staffs of ERO of a Cistercian Abbey and Journal of the British Archaeological and Chelmsford Museum. investigation of its wider Association, XXXI (1968), land-scape setting, Oxford pp.60-95, esp. p.62. The Author Archaeology East report no. 57. Bettley, ‘Introduction’. Ken Crowe retired as Curator 1203, (2011) p. 20; RCHM, 58. I am grateful to Dr C. Thornton of Human History at Southend An Inventory of the Historical for this information in advance Museum in 2014 after 30 years of Monuments in Essex, I (London, of publication. looking after its collections. His 1916), pp.180-4. 59. It is interesting to note, however, research on the history of Prittlewell 44. Drury, ‘Floor Tiles’, pp.73-4. that a survey of the cellars in Priory sparked his interest into the 45. ‘Church Affairs at Great Maldon failed to identify any fate of other monastic buildings in Dunmow (1547-1559)’, re-used monastic stone. See the post-dissolution period.

EssexJOURNAL 109 Book Reviews Anthony Goodman, Having married Europe’s most eligible bachelor, and Joan, the Fair Maid of Kent, now princess of Wales, Joan pp.xviii & 244, ISBN 978-1-78327-176-4. seized the opportunities Boydell Press, 2017. £25.00. which came her way. Based in Bordeaux, Edward and oan Plantagenet, the Fair Maid of Kent, otherwise Joan established a glittering Jprincess of Wales and Aquitaine, countess of royal court, and spent huge Kent and baroness Wake, apparently a woman of sums of money on luxuries outstanding beauty and charm, is comparatively and patronage of the arts. In little known today. This excellent biography by the Edward’s absence fighting late Professor Anthony Goodman will undoubtedly England’s wars, Joan acted as restore Joan to her rightful place in the pantheon unofficial regent in Aquitaine. of remarkable medieval women. Importantly, Joan had two more Joan was born about 1328, the daughter of sons Edward (who died aged six) Edmund, earl of Kent, sixth son of Edward I. and Richard who, after the successive deaths After her father was executed for treason, the of his father the Black Prince in 1376, and infant Joan was probably brought up in the royal his grandfather Edward III in 1377, became household in the care of Queen Philippa, wife of king. Joan’s cousin Edward III. As a girl of about 12 Joan never remarried, but devoted herself or 13, she voluntarily entered into a clandestine instead to the upbringing of her son Richard and marriage with the personable but penniless knight the administration of her inherited estates in Essex Sir Thomas Holand, who not long afterwards left and elsewhere. She gradually intervened in national the country to fight in foreign wars. In Holand’s politics, an emollient influence between her head- absence, Joan’s mother obliged her to marry strong young son and the nobility. At the same William Montagu, son and heir of the earl of time she earned the respect and even the love of Salisbury, either ignoring or being unaware of the common people. Although her will shows Joan’s earlier marriage. Holand later returned to that her religious beliefs were orthodox, she was England having made a fortune from the ransom nevertheless patron of the dissident priest and of a French nobleman, only to find his wife had reformer John Wycliffe, and several of her been forced into a bigamous marriage. Before household knights were Lollards. long he successfully (and expensively) petitioned The noblewoman described by Jean Froissart the Pope for an annulment of Joan’s marriage to as ‘the most beautiful lady in the whole realm of Montagu. England’ died in 1385 after a long illness, it says Thereafter, Joan and Sir Thomas Holand much that at the end she chose to be buried beside resumed their marriage, and before Holand’s death Sir Thomas Holand rather than beside the Black in 1360 had five children. Just six months after Prince. Holand’s death, despite being a twice-married Having read Anthony Goodman’s book we widow with four (surviving) children, she married will remember Joan as an empowered, charismatic Edward, prince of Wales (the Black Prince) to and no doubt beautiful woman who was courageous whom she was related within the prohibited and successful in a world of ruthlessly ambitious degrees for marriage. It was probably another men. love match, and one to which Edward III was quickly resigned, despite his plans for a dynastic Christopher Starr marriage for his son. John S. Lee, and the sources which have been , used. The book continues with a The Medieval Clothier chapter describing the process of pp.xix & 365, ISBN 978-1-78327-317-1. cloth making, before the author Boydell Press, 2018, moves on to the marketing of £25. cloth and the evolution of the clothier or cloth merchant. A his addition to the Working in the Middle Ages chapter on identifying clothiers Tseries is a survey of the cloth trade in England includes maps showing the from c.1350-c.1550. It begins with a brief summary distribution across the country of the trade in the early Middle Ages before based on the poll taxes of 1377- considering the circumstances of land, labour and 1381 and the plea rolls of 1453 and 1549 and capital essential for successful trade and reasons for considers area by area the local conditions which expansion from the late fourteenth century. There is allowed the trade to flourish. There are chapters a brief summary of the historiography of the subject on the government influence on the cloth trade,

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the role of clothiers in their local communities and in Colchester and the Stour valley. These are based a chapter on famous clothiers, including Thomas on the research of the late Professor Richard Britnell Paycocke of . The author also mentions and are taken from the court rolls of the borough the possibility that the Winchcombes of Newbury of Colchester. Placed in the context of similar in Berkshire may have originated from the Barking research in other areas of England, the Essex area. examples demonstrate the importance of the trade The appendices include details of cloths taxed in the north of the county and in turn its significance by county and by locality, a description of the nationally. The section on Thomas Paycocke draws different types of cloths defined by statute in 1552 on the work of Eileen Power in the early years and transcripts of the wills of significant clothiers of the twentieth century and more recently on including Thomas Paycocke, the originals of the research of Chris Thornton. which are all at The National Archives. There is The Medieval Clothier provides an interesting, also a helpful gazetteer of surviving buildings with accessible and well-referenced survey of the cloth a brief description of the links to the cloth trade trade in the late Middle Ages. It includes many which are still visible today. A glossary of cloth references to the trade and to clothiers in the making terms may be useful for reference purposes, north of Essex and places these in a national together with the extensive bibliography. The book context, highlighting both similarities and some is well-illustrated and indexed. specific local circumstances. It concludes with The book gives a useful overview of the cloth case studies of four famous clothiers, including trade and the cloth merchants or clothiers who Thomas Paycocke. came to prominence during the period. The author includes many references to the trade Katharine Schofield Kate J. Cole, more detailed than usual, , and is based on a very Brentwood & Around through Time adequate bibliography which pp.92, ISBN 978-1-44564-835-4. is provided at the back of Amberley Publishing, 2016, £14.99. the book. The only regret is that the last four pages are t first sight, this is one of the familiar and occupied by the publisher’s Avery popular ‘then and now’ photographic full page colour advertise- series. These are often poorly produced, and show ments for other books in less than adequate research in their scanty text. the series. Much more useful – This volume is definitely an exception to that both for local residents and norm. The quality of the photographs is excellent, researchers – would have and the modern views have been taken with been an index. Nevertheless, considerable care to establish the exact viewpoint those who know the area will of the historic image shown on the same page. be able to navigate the book without too much Another commendable feature is the provision difficulty, and it will provide a useful introduction of a date for each old photograph, sometimes for those unfamiliar with local history. derived from the postmark on the original card, more often from evidence deduced from the Micahel Leach image itself. In addition, the descriptive text is Michael Foley, their answers. For example , on page 30 the blue box Secret Brentwood relates to ‘fagging’ one of pp.96, ISBN 978-1-44567-817-7. the traditional aspects of Amberley Publishing, 2018, £14.99. public schools (remember Tom Brown’s Schooldays his is an attractively produced paperback book that many of us read in Tcontaining 96 pages and 100 mostly coloured our youth?). It seems more recent photographs as well as other sorts that fagging continued at of illustrations. After a short introduction to the Sir Anthony Browne’s communities which eventually became ‘Brentwood’, Brentwood School until the rest of the book is arranged by headings such September 1962! as ‘Local Events’, ‘People’, ‘Shops and Businesses’, Although I have never lived in ‘Crime and the Military’. Various pages throughout Brentwood I found the section about Warley the book include a blue box headed ‘Did you barracks and its development particularly interesting. Know?’ These blue boxes contain details of more In 1940 both my parents had joined the army at unusual local questions regarding Brentwood - and Warley barracks and wanted to marry before my

EssexJOURNAL 111 Book Reviews

father was posted to Burma. Originally a Roman bouquet to liven up her uniform; father’s family Catholic from Liverpool, he was not pleased to find broke with him too. that his application to marry in the Catholic Church The layout of this book makes it easy to dip in at Warley was refused because my mother was an and out of, so readers interested in the area might Anglican who did not intend to convert. They were find it suitable for bedtime reading! therefore married in uniform in Christ Church Warley, although she was at least allowed a white Maureen Scollan Lynn Haseldine Jones, of capturing the original. Though the book is similar The Golden Age of Buckhurst Hill to others of this type, the depicted in Postcards, author has taken the unusual pp.42, ISBN 978-1-905269-23-5. step of identifying some of & District Historical Society, the correspondents and the 2017. £7-50. recipients, and of printing some of the brief messages written on the back of the his book was inspired by the author’s purchase cards. Inevitably these only Tof the Buckhurst Hill section of a collection relate to minor personal matters of postcards, dating from between 1902 and 1930, but, like the Roman birch bark which had been amassed by a local enthusiast, Helen letters found at a site on Hadrian’s Kay. The author reminds us that, with four postal Wall, they connect us to the familiar daily deliveries a day in Buckhurst Hill at that period, concerns of a past generation. This book will be postcards could fulfil the function of today’s e-mail. mainly enjoyed by those familiar with Buckhurst The book has four images per page, each with a Hill, but the use made by the author of the written brief text identifying the location as well as providing messages on the original postcards is an interesting a little historical detail, and there is a useful index departure from the usual format of similar to help readers find a particular subject. As would publications. be expected, the images are atmospheric but are not always very sharp, perhaps reflecting the quality Michael Leach of the printed postcard or the technical difficulties John Garwood & Adam Brown, makers including a , portable by Davey The Philp Collection Special Paxman of Colchester. pp. 48. East Anglian Traction Engine One steam roller was Society, 2016, £3.50. from Essex County Available from: Springwell Farm, Little Chesterford, Council, which had Saffron Walden CB10 1UE operated it from new in 1917 until sold to Cyril Philp around 1962. Another roller, Clacton Queen, n 1909 the Philp family moved from Cornwall was in a very bad condition, but at least the Philp Ito Castle Hedingham, initially farming Priestfields family saved all these engines from being cut up Farm and then in 1920 moving to nearby Kirby for scrap. The book includes a brief history of each Hall. At that time ploughing the heavy clay was of these engines. with traction engines. It was contracted out until Following the death of Cyril Philp, the bulk of 1936 when S.J. Philp and Son purchased their the collection was sold in 1995, followed by further first ploughing engines. They were superseded sales in 2005 and 2014/5. One surviving engine, by a second pair in 1939 and from the late 1940s built in 1899, was restored by John Garwood from Cyril Philp began buying old traction engines 1977 and is driven by him in the Hedingham area. and farm machinery. This was the beginning He is one of the joint authors of this book and a of what became a very large and well known well-respected engineer and enthusiast. The book is collection. well illustrated with a colour cover and some 40 It eventually included six ploughing engines, black and white photographs. three portable, four steam rollers, a road locomotive and others. These engines were built by well known Adrian Corder-Birch

Your Book Reviewers are: Adrian Corder-Birch, Chairman of the Essex Journal Editorial Board and former President of the ESAH; Michael Leach, a retired GP and former Hon Sec of ESAH; Christopher Starr, historian and author; Katharine Schofield, Senior Archivist at the ERO, and Maureen Scollan, former Police Inspector, now a historian and author.

EssexJOURNAL 112 Brenda & Elphin Watkin

Thomas Elphin Watkin was born in Chelmsford in 1937 where his father was a lecturer at what became Writtle Agricultural College. The outbreak of war saw Elphin, his sister and mother move to family members in Wales. Elphin then schooled in Cardiff and only by chance chose to join an apprenticeship scheme with Crompton Parkinson (CP) in Chelmsford. After National Service in the RAF and a further period with CP he moved to design specialist sliding door gear at Harold Wood and finally worked in . The collapse of engineering at the end of the 1980s saw a major change Brenda and Elphin are involved with from part time hobby analysing the structure the Essex Historic Buildings Group, Herts & of historic buildings to main occupation. In Essex Architectural Research Society, Ancient 1992 Elphin was commissioned by English Monument Society, Vernacular Architecture Heritage (EH) to record the Spire of All Saints, Group, the Diocesan Advisory Committee, the Maldon and then to run the EH prototype Essex Society for Archaeology & History and bellframe survey for Essex. are great supporters of the Friends of Historic Brenda Brookes was born in Great Baddow Essex. Brenda and Elphin first met as teenagers in 1939 and attended Chelmsford County at the various sports and social clubs they High School. Wishing to study architecture, frequented in Chelmsford during the 1950s. the careers advisor suggested to Brenda They married in 1960 and have four sons, one that she should first obtain a degree in of whom died young, and three grandchildren. mathematics but instead, doing it her own They are still busily recording buildings and way, Brenda joined the County Council’s occasionally attempt to hang up their set Architects’ Department and the Chelmsford squares! School of Architecture in Market Road. Moving to Bristol with Elphin in 1960, Brenda joined a leading practice called Ivor Day & O’Brien working on everything from upmarket houses to Headquarters for an Insurance company. Back in Chelmsford and working from home, which they had designed and built in 1962, Brenda worked for architects and Savills. Becoming disappointed with modern architecture she joined the Countryside Brenda and Elphin (top) on a recent visit Section of ECC Planning Department and to the Essex Record Office Searchroom, eventually the Historic Buildings Section. and (above) in younger days. 1. What is your favourite historical period? me by my father on his return in 1945. B. Medieval closely followed by Victorian. E. The Trial of The Templars, by Malcolm Barber. E. Most likely the thirteenth/fourteenth centuries. It ended the historic rumours as to how terrible 2. Tell us what Essex means to you? they had been. B.A county mocked by most but those who really 5. What is your favourite place in Essex? know it can find deserted coastal walks, undulating B. St Osyth which has an amazing mix of landscape countryside, ancient woodland, wide open skies and and buildings. masses of vernacular buildings. E. Has to be the Cressing Temple site. E. A county where an enjoyable life has been made 6. How do you relax? although Wales still tugs. B. Working in the garden and enjoying travel to 3. What historical mystery would you most different parts of the world. like to know? E. What is that? A month in Sri Lanka when we B. Who really wrote the works attributed to have time. Shakespeare although I would hate to see Castle 7. What are you researching at the moment? Hedingham become the tourist attraction if it B. Having recorded the fifteenth century Cock Inn did turn out to be the Earl of Oxford. at Boreham I am now finding out more about the E. The true story of the Princes in the Tower. people involved with the building. 4. My favourite history book is... E. Boreham as we have studied the Cock Inn and B. Any volume of The House of History bought for now a WWII airfield building.

EssexJOURNAL 113 8. My earliest memory is... Marie Antoinette’s comment on hearing that the B. The embarrassing experience of my knicker peasants had nothing to eat. It reminds me how elastic breaking in first weeks at infant school. fortunate we are today. E. My sister pushing me down the garden in E. Churchill’s 20th August 1940 speech ‘Never was her pram and tipping me out! so much owed by so many to so few’ made during 9. What is your favourite song/piece of music the Battle of Britain which we heard recently in the and why? atmosphere of the Control Bunker at Uxbridge. B. The Arrival of the Queen of Sheba by Handel. 15. Favourite historical film? It takes me back to the Victorian church at B. The Bridge over the River Kwai, filmed in Sri Lanka Galleywood where after a successful choir where we have close friends. My father served in practise the organist would treat us to his Burma. rendition of this piece. E. The 1953 Julius Caesar with Marlon Brando. E. Purcell’s Trumpet Voluntary played by Harry 16. What is your favourite building in Essex? Mortimer. Recorded in the late 1940s and one of B. The church of St Mary the Virgin, Saffron the first records I bought and my sister sat on it. Walden, a large, prominent and striking medieval 10. If you could travel back in time which church of one build with the added connection to event would you change? King’s College, Cambridge through John Wastell, B. The birth of Adolf Hitler but how can we one of the most distinguished masons of his predict if the outcome would have been any better. generation. E. Stop Chelmsford Borough Council destroying E. Has to be Great Dunmow Maltings as it took 25 its historic core. years of my life to help save and restore it. 11. Which four people from the past would 17. What past event would you like to have you invite to dinner? seen? B. Christ, Buddha, Mohammed and Confucius B. Henry VIII’s Field of Gold. to ask them what they think of the present E. ’s address at Tilbury. interpretation of their ideals. 18. How would you like to be remembered? E. Gruffydd ap Cynan, Head of the 1st Royal Tribe B. As making a contribution, however small to the of Wales (My earliest recorded ancestor), Simon de future survival and conservation of the historic Montfort, King John and Edward I, to compare the buildings of Essex. politics of nearly 200 years – is it ever different? E. As someone who has tried to help others 12. What is your favourite food? understand what is around us. B. Ham, eggs and chips. 19. Who inspires you to read or write or E. Fish in various forms. research history? 13. The history book I am currently reading B. The many custodians of the historic buildings of is... Essex desperate to know more about their buildings. B. Child of Conquest, Building Battle Town an E. All the many people who still come on to ask Architectural History, 1066-1750 by David & Barbara questions that I can’t initially answer. Martin, Christopher Whittick and Jane Briscoe 20. Most memorable historical date? E. Boreham – History, Tales and Memories of an Essex B. 15th June 1215 the signing of Magna Carta. Village, by the Boreham Histories Project Group. E. Coronation Day 1937 – my birthday. I was never 14. What is your favourite quote from history? forgiven by my mother for her missing being able to B. ‘Let them eat cake’, the popular translation of be in London for the Coronation.

Friends of Historic Essex – supporting the Essex Record Office, Leave a gift in your Will to carry on research into the history of Essex. Your Legacy to the Past for the Future friendsof historicessex.org/contact/

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