Herbert's the Temple

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• “In the hands and hearts of all true Christians”: Herbert’s The Temple (1633 – 1709) and Its Readers

Joel Swann King’s College, London London, United Kingdom

By the time Izaak Walton claimed in 1674 that “more than Twenty thousand” copies of The Temple had been sold in the preceding forty-one years, many responses to George Herbert’s book showed how its material presence played a key role in the devotional experience of its poetry.1 Even before it was printed, the importance of the book’s physicality was recognized by Nicholas Ferrar on his first reading of a manuscript copy, when he “embraced and kissed [it] again and again,” before claiming it ought “to be in [the] hands and hearts of all true Christians that feared God and loved the Church of England.”2 Crashaw later promised upon opening the book that “When your hands unty these strings, / Thinke you have an Angell by th’ wings,” lines in a poem that was transcribed (from print) into at least one copy of The Temple.3 Getting Herbert’s book into people’s hands was important, then, although doing so may have been a challenge. By late 1633 it was difficult to obtain in Cambridge, while as early as 1634 a copy was being sent to the East Indies; and another was among the devotional books that John Ferrar sent to the New World in 1649. Edward Johnson was so delighted to receive a copy in 1650 in Virginia that he claimed “at the opening of it I went into the Church and fell down on my knees to pray.”4 The striking appearance of texts like “The Altar” or “Easter Wings” occasionally capti- vated and inspired early readers, but the presence of the book itself was at the front of many readers’ minds when encountering the poetry it contained.5 At one time, bibliographic enthusiasm for specific copies of The Temple was driven by an interest in their possible links to Herbert’s social connections, formulated especially around the long-dispelled myth that some copies of the first edition were printed without a date, for “private circulation” among friends.6 By contrast, recent studies have shown how many aspects of The Temple’s materiality could influence its meaning for a much wider range of readers: whether in terms of its visually structured

Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 poems, the other works it was sometimes bound with, characteristics of different copies’ bindings, or the public and personal collections that acquired it.7 This article builds on previous work by describing more general patterns of ownership and readership of the book in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. The first half will discuss the presence or absence of The Temple in public and private libraries, arguing that the book’s genre — sitting between the binaries of profit and delight, use and recreation, sacred and secular — found its most amenable readership in private libraries that comfortably drew together theology with secular literature, exemplified by readers like Sir John Perceval and Anne Clifford. The second half of the article will discuss records of readership in surviving copies of The Temple. While many copies offer examples of the casual use to which readers put the material artifact, instances of sustained readership can also be found among the surviving copies. Some interven- tions are explained by early modern practices of commonplacing, while others take the text in different directions, suggesting close and attentive reading of the details of language and expression. A survey of this evidence offers ways of enhancing modern analysis of Herbert’s poetry, while providing a substantial case study for the growing body of scholarship on the historical reception of books in the period.

Categorizing The Temple

Although the poetry of The Temple participates in various generic categories, book historians are prone to identify its genre in different and contradictory ways: as an example of “recreational literature,” but also as “religious reading” or an “instructional work.”8 A tendency to categorize The Temple in these ways emerged as early as the 1650s, when advertisements by the booksellers Philemon Stephens and William London emphasized one or another dimension of The Temple’s genre. In a period in which booksellers made the choice between selling The Temple as a literary or as a religious work, the new public libraries seemed reluctant to actively acquire a devotional text that might be connected with secular literature. Yet for private book buyers from the 1630s onward, the generic ambivalence of The Temple appears to have been more of an attraction than a problem: readers like Thomas Bar- ington, John Perceval, and Anne Clifford were all capable of assessing the distinctive characteristics of work by a poet described by Francis Bacon as “divinitie, and poesie, met.”9 The booklists compiled in the 1650s by the booksellers Philemon

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Stephens (in London) and William London (in Newcastle) offer asser- tive statements about The Temple’s genre. When Stephens took over from Thomas Buck as printer of The Temple for its seventh, eighth, and ninth editions (between 1656 and 1667), he added the work to a sales list strong in theology and weak in literature. Stephens advertised using sheets at the end of books and on a separate booklist of around ninety items.10 Around seventy percent of these (sixty-five titles or so) are theological: treatises and sermons (e.g., items 4, 9), biblical commentary (8, 11, 14, 19), catechisms and didactic works (26a – b, 37, 38, 41, 43), historical writing on religious subjects (28, 71), and bibles (75). The remaining titles embrace a variety of genres more lightly, with a few texts on mathematics (56, 57, 58, 59, 70), geography (83), medicine (45), law (60), politics (50, 52, 85, 86), and history (44, 48). Vernacular and classical poetry are represented in a small handful of entries: Martial in Latin (62), Ovid in English (55), and the duodecimo volumes of Herbert’s Temple (32) and its imitation with which it was routinely bound, Christopher Harvey’s Synagogue (33). Whatever Stephens’s precise doctrinal temperament, The Temple finds a place here as another form of religious writing among many religious books collectively aimed at an imagined reader of theology rather than secular poetry.11 William London’s innovative Catalogue of the most vendible Books in England (1657) presents The Temple differently. London’s three thousand or so alphabetically organized titles are sorted under subject headings including “the Heads of Divinity, History, Physick and Chyrurgery, Law, Arithmetick, Geometry, Astrology,” as advertised on the title page. The Temple is listed among a hundred books of “Poems” within the bigger section “Romances, Playes and Poems.” London’s introduction disparages this category, claiming “I do indeed take less paines to promote their study though I hinder not their sale” and that “[t]hey are least usefull of any,” particularly attacking the love poetry which Herbert himself had criticized decades earlier.12 The list places The Temple with some religious authors (Bradstreet, Crashaw, Donne, Du Bartas, Quarles, Vaughan), metaphysical and Jonsonian wits (Cleveland, Corbett, Denham, Davenant, Herrick, Milton, Shakespeare, Suckling), and earlier Elizabethan figures (Drayton, Fletcher, Harington).13 London’s heterogeneous category of “Poems” is nonetheless unified around the literary qualities of the works included, a form of organization that is rare for the period. While Helen Wilcox has argued that The Temple sometimes took on a stature nearly equivalent to the Bible, London’s catalogue would invite no such comparison.14 Among books advertised for sale, then, The Temple’s blend of theol-

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 ogy and literature appears less marketable than its separate components of religion or poetry. The book’s mixed character may account for what looks like a reluctance to acquire the book among the new public libraries of the seventeenth century. It was not among the early acquisitions of Chetham’s in Manchester (founded 1653), the Thomlinson Library in Newcastle (1677), Wisbech library (1660), or Bedford library (1700).15 Nor was The Temple part of the significant bequests of library collections dispatched by the church- man and academic Barnabas Oley to poor parishes in the diocese of Carlisle between the 1680s and early 1700s; nor was it included in the similar work of parish library development in the early 1700s by Thomas Bray, one of the founders of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, although Herbert’s unambiguously didactic Priest to the Temple (1671) was included.16 Benefactors of similar institutions saw things differently. University libraries obtained copies of The Temple through gifts early in the eighteenth century.17 At a more local level, the cleric and book collector Thomas Hall listed copies among catalogues of his intended posthumous bequests for a library at King’s Norton in Worcestershire, which he ended up donating before his death in 1661. The Temple is featured in two lists by Hall (of 270 and 743 entries, respectively), placed in one alphabetically, and in the other located between Du Bartas and Quarles.18 Another copy of The Temple is found among the “Okes” books at Christ Church, Oxford, which were donated by John Okes to the parochial library of Wotton-under-Edge in Gloucestershire on his death in 1710.19 York Minster, too, received a copy in the 1680s as part of the 347 books left to the library by the late Archbishop John Dolben.20 The custodians of public collections may have seen The Temple as too literary for direct acquisition, but its enthusiastic reception from private readers led to its assimilation into those contexts. If the movement of The Temple into public collections suggests a recognition of its didactic and moral value amid its striking aesthetic characteristics, the eclectic character of private libraries created environments in which these different aspects of its appeal could be appreciated simultane- ously.21 Those contexts emerged early in the reception history of The Temple. When London bookseller Richard Whitaker billed Sir Thomas Barrington 1s. 6d. for The Temple on December 20, 1637, he did so as part of a transac- tion consisting of thirteen books that prioritized vernacular theology but also included a second folio of Shakespeare (for 18s.), Thomas Randall’s poems in quarto (3s. 6d.), and Fulke Greville’s poems in folio (6s.).22 The number of religious books Barrington acquired shows the importance of that context for his reading of The Temple, but the significant sums spent

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 on secular poetry indicate a real enthusiasm for the literary achievements of Herbert’s work. Later in the century, the list of Sir John Perceval’s books made before 1686 shows how Herbert’s poems might have been appreciated as poetic texts even among a more sustained collection of theology.23 His library is made up predominantly of vernacular religious works — fifty-seven in total, over sixty percent of the library. By comparison, “literary” titles make up only eighteen of the titles, around twenty percent of his books. There are nine entries for drama, several of which bring together many works: volumes of “plays” by Dryden, Davenant, Beaumont and Fletcher, Jonson, Lord Orrery, a “Volume of tragedies,” and “of Comedies one volume.” A further seven titles are in verse: Samuel Butler’s Hudibras, “Herberts Poems,” “Cowley’s poems” (items 23 – 25), “Chaucers works” (35), “Philip’s poems” (37), and two song books (77 – 78). The title “Almahide” (65) refers to the romance by Madeleine de Scudéry, and “Cleopatra” (67) could be a romance or a play. Perceval’s list is not rigorously organized, but genres stick together: the drama titles (68 – 75, 84), medicine books (79 – 81), and cookery books (87 – 89) are all listed adjacent to one another. Poetry is a little more scat- tered, but titles still cluster, with The Temple lying between Hudibras and the Poems of Cowley (23 – 25). These non-devotional poetic texts accompany Herbert’s collection even in a library that included religious works that may have influenced the poet, and others which were in turn directly influenced by him.24 Such patterns may not have been highly deliberate, but they still suggest practices of storage and documentation connected with perceptions about the books’ style, form, and practicalities of usage. One of the most consciously provocative placements of The Temple among the records of a larger collection is in the famous portrait of Anne Clifford, The Great Picture (1646), a three-paneled painting that represents a reading practice that developed across Clifford’s life.25 The priorities of the teenage girl, represented by twenty-four neatly arranged books on the left panel, are contrasted with twenty-one more haphazardly placed volumes on the right, showing the mature woman’s “sombre” collection of books on more serious moral, philosophical, and sacred topics.26 Here, “literature” and “theology” both appear as potential categories for The Temple, while neither is quite adequate to describe the full spectrum of ways the text could be read. Rather, the painting’s attentive representation of the arrangement of books creates a context in which The Temple’s generic ambiguity allowed it to contribute to different forms of reading: leisured, devotional, literary, and didactic.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 The Temple appears in the upper right-hand corner of the picture, placed on the highest shelf, among thirteen books painstakingly painted in a state that Helen Wilcox has described as “the true jumble of a much- used collection.”27 The five books “tumbled” on the left side of the shelf include Jonson’s Works (1616) and Donne’s Poems (1633) in one stack, and in another, Sandys’s Paraphrase upon the Psalms of David (1636), Philippe de Commines’s History (1596), and John Moore’s Mappe of Mans Mortalities (1617) — a varied collection in which biblical text and theological commentary mingle with highlights of secular scholarship and imaginative literature. If there is any central organizing principle even to this set, it is not clear: the labeling of Donne’s poems as “Mr. John Dunn his Poems, whoe was after Deane of Pauls” stresses its theological content and may connect it with Sandys’s Psalms and Moore’s Mappe of Mans Mortalitie, although this would still leave out Jonson and de Commines.28 In this grouping, urbane wit, medieval history, and biblical devotion all circulate together. The upright books on this top shelf present similar questions of organization. The Temple stands in the middle; on its left, a religious work by Henry Cuffe, The Dif- ference in the Ages of Mans Life (1607), “another presentation of the theme of decay of nature”; on its right, John Barclay’s Argenis (1625), in a copy that still survives, showing that Clifford read the book very closely.29 The final book in the group of upright books is Marcus Aurelius’s Meditations (1634). The final three books stacked neatly horizontal on the shelf’s right side return to a more decisively religious tenor with Donne’s Sermons (1623) and William Austin’s Meditations and Devotions (1635), next to Marcellinus’s Roman Historie (1609).30 While Clifford’s personal social contact with Herbert may have motivated her to acquire The Temple, and the presence of his book on her shelves may have inspired the godly management of her household, she took an interest in his work for decades after his death.31 Her portrait shows how The Temple could have been read with rich and suggestive combinations of other works. Some of the shelved books make for natural pairings with Herbert: connections with the works of Donne, the Psalms, or other theological works need little explanation, and those connections would undoubt- edly be important for the mature woman pictured resting her right hand on the Bible. Comparisons with religious texts stand to be provocative, if unsurprising. For example, John Moore’s account of the human in Mappe of Mans Mortalitie — “Hee altereth and changeth euery houre; he tosseth and tumbleth, hee rageth, and is as restlesse as the troubled sea” — finds ready

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 dramatization in poems like “Giddinesse” and “The Pulley.”32 Yet although a text remote from the style and purpose of The Temple, like Barclay’s Arge- nis, presents fewer obvious opportunities for comparison, evidence suggests Clifford would have been able to read this meaningfully next to Herbert’s poems.33 In the copy of Argenis once owned by Clifford, an annotation by someone following her instruction carefully marked one passage “of poetry / worthy to be noted.”34 There, the character Nicopompus (identifiable with Barclay himself), gives a sympathetic critical response to some flattering verses, explaining that “[b]ecause the liberty of poesie is such, that they may erre beyond the limits of truth, to please the itching eare,” this is more “a matter of an innocent iest, then of a shamelesse lye.” This point of view can be readily contrasted with the numerous comments on the nature of poetry in The Temple, especially in the “Jordan” poems. The heterogeneous collection of books on Clifford’s shelf might seem puzzling upon initial view, until we imagine Clifford taking an active role in organizing her books, seeking answers across topics like the subject at the center of Ramelli’s book wheel.35 The shelves of books provided resources for reading and examining the topics of her choice from a wide variety of authors. The place of The Temple in early collections suggests that its intellectual home was as much with Shakespeare, Barclay, and Cowley as with Quarles, the Psalms, and works of popular theology. Although the reputation of Herbert as an “Anglican saint” emerged swiftly after the publication of The Temple before being “enshrined by Izaak Walton,” readers in the seventeenth century could readily approach the book in terms of its rela- tionship to other texts that were themselves innovative in their language, form, and expression, even if those texts had little explicit engagement with religious discourse.36 While one of the considerable achievements of twentieth-century literary criticism has been to assert Herbert’s importance for a tradition of “literature” as much as (if not more than) for religious devotion, we can now see that pairing The Temple with secular texts would have been unsurprising to the early buyers and readers of Herbert.37 Jeffrey Todd Knight has shown what it might mean to read Herbert alongside the Roman historian Quintus Curtius in a volume that binds the two together.38 The private libraries described here demonstrate a wider historical validity to Knight’s approach. What we know of the earliest material contexts of The Temple’s reading offers empirical justification for analyzing the book in response to any number of unpredicatable pairs and groups.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Marking The Temple

The acquisition of The Temple even by highly engaged readers does not always lead to meaningful records of their engagement with the text within the bounds of the material book. For example, a copy that appears to have been owned by Elizabeth Lyttleton, who read extensively to her father Sir Thomas Browne, bears no deliberate marks of annotation beyond the inscription of her name.39 To better understand the reception history of this book requires us, then, to turn away from the identifiable readers described so far, and toward the often anonymous and sometimes nebulous evidence in the hundreds of copies of The Temple that survive in modern libraries. In that spirit, the following section offers an “object study” of the book based on 120 copies of The Temple printed between 1633 and 1709.40 In common with Emma Smith’s approach to the First Folio of Shakespeare, my account of The Temple recognizes all forms of the book’s “use,” while prioritizing evidence that informs us about what can reasonably be described as moments of “reading.”41 Early modern interest in The Temple is generally signaled in the material volume’s presentation and use, but evidence in margins and flyleaves shows how some readers found specific poems appealing for a “commonplacing” mentality important in the period. Other annotations show readers trying to make sense of wider themes, words, and details in Herbert’s complex literary texts. Many early modern responses to The Temple speak simply to the high esteem in which the material text was held, as seen in the deluxe trade bindings for the 1709 edition, which might have been the work of publishers or booksellers.42 Other deluxe bindings could well have been commissioned or undertaken by early owners, such as a copy associated with Little Gidding that Kathleen Lynch describes as “a little jewel of the bookbinder’s art,” or another that was bound in the 1660s by the noted publisher and bookseller Samuel Mearne.43 Two modest bindings of the 1633 edition that feature the simple centerpiece of a heraldic cherub suggest an impulse to present the book as elegantly as possible within limited financial means (see fig. 1).44 Numerous copies across editions were enhanced by the placement of rul- ing red lines around each printed page of text prior to binding.45 The value invested in the book extended to its frequent status as a gift from men to women, women to men, and older generations to younger.46 Yet however highly regarded The Temple was as an object, it was also often a crucial part of its readers’ everyday life: copies with simple bindings and numerous owners tell of a book that was in danger of being destroyed

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Figure 1. The binding of George Herbert, The Temple (1633) from the collection of Robert S. Pirie, currently for sale with The Manhattan Rare Books Company, New York. Reproduced by permission of Michael DiReggerio.

through overuse.47 Like many early modern books, The Temple was often handled with a pen nearby, as may be detected by inky fingerprints, attempts to copy out printed text for writing practice, and near-ubiquitous signatures and pen trials, some of which clearly show young writers still gaining refinement in the art.48 A 1677 engraving that portrays the poet Samuel Speed, with books by Herbert and Quarles at his left hand and writing equipment at his right (see fig. 2), is surely commemorating his most important influences; but the arrangement could equally well depict the setting in which many early modern readers engaged with The Temple.49 Attention to the words of Herbert’s poems in copies of The Temple that look more like “reading” include corrections to its printing, in which

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Figure 2. Frontispiece of Samuel Speed, Prison-Pietie: or, Meditations Divine and Moral (1677), Chetham’s Library, classmark 2.C.1.98a. Reproduced by permission of Chetham’s Library, Manchester.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 moments of print-shop weakness in a mostly well-printed book are dealt with conscientiously.50 On the left-hand side of “Obedience” in one copy, a scribe has completed the imperfectly inked imprint; elsewhere, another reader adds a single missing word on a line in “Dotage”; and a problem in another copy with the foliation of “Easter-wings” leads a reader to note, “Turn over ye leafe to Fo: 33. / Easter /.”51 Even where the printing is unproblematic, some intended features of the page invite intervention: in “The Sacrifice,” one reader corrects what the poet and printer leave blank, adding to the line of inexpressible despair, “My God, My God — ,” the biblical conclusion “why dost thou thus forsake me.”52 Such examples show how readers could pay careful attention to the details of the book’s presentation without providing a separate commentary of their own. More extended responses to the poems of The Temple follow from an interest in “commonplacing” widespread in the period, shown by particular interest in quotable and reusable aphorisms, maxims, and sententiae.53 Herbert implicated The Temple in that mindset by using poem titles from commonplace book headings, and by writing poems like “The Church- porch,” “Providence,” and “The Church Militant” (three of Herbert’s most popular poems in the period) that were particularly appropriate for reading in terms of their topical import.54 Such texts are full of precise moral ideas from which the poetry can be stripped away, leaving a set of “notions in garrison,” ready to be deployed in new situations.55 The divine John Bryan illus- trates this technique clearly in his 1670 sermon Dwelling with God, where the already succinct lessons of “The Church-porch” are reduced to statements of just a few words: “Be thrifty, but not covetous”; “Play not for gain, not sport”; “Be Sweet to all”; and so on.56 Herbert’s significance to a reader like Bryan was as a compiler of especially good formulations of sententious ideas, rather than as the author of “sweet” devotional lyrics. While plenty of copies of The Temple show readers making marks throughout the volume, the importance of commonplacing is clear in volumes that prioritize “The Church-porch” over other poems.57 One reader of a well-thumbed copy marks that poem four times and no other poem; a copy that had several seventeenth-century owners has dashes next to eleven points in the poem and none elsewhere; one offers forty-six marks on “The Church-porch” followed by a handful on “The Sacrifice”; another shows how far the volume was read through by a mark next to “Faith,” the only mark in the volume other than nine marks on “The Church-porch.”58 Gen- eral wear and tear suggests these volumes were read from start to finish by

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 early readers, who nonetheless only found it important to mark its prover- bial opening. One heavily marked-up copy of the 1633 second edition suggests that the reader consciously changed his or her mode of reading and annotat- ing after “The Church-porch.” This reader makes marks in ink and pen- cil all the way from “The Printers to the Reader” to “L’Envoy” at the end, using manicules, single and double quotation marks, dashes and crosses, the letter “S,” underlining, and occasionally writing words and ideas (see fig. 3).59 While it is not always clear if the different marks were assigned distinctive roles, a double quotation mark in the margin seems to indicate passages that are most suitable for quotation.60 It is first used in “The Print- ers to the Reader” next to the italicized passage, “It is a good work, if it be sprinkled with the bloud of Christ,” and then regularly throughout “The Church-porch,” where it is applied to rhymed couplets and other phrases: “A verse may finde him, who a sermon flies, / And turn delight into a sacrifice”; “How dare those eyes upon a Bible look, / Much lesse towards God, whose lust is all their book?”; “If God had laid all common, certainly / Man would have been th’incloser”; all the way to “God takes a text, and preacheth patience.”61 All in all, the double quotation mark is used almost thirty times in this poem, alongside the full range of other marks. Yet after “The Church-porch,” double quotation marks almost vanish, being used only six times across the remainder of the volume. Three of these occasions mark important moments in “The Altar” and “The Sacrifice,” while the remaining three seem to be especially focused on linking ideas about the nature of the human: “We are the trees, whom shaking fastens more”; “We are the earth; and they, / Like moles within us, heave, and cast about”; and “O what a sight were Man, if his attires / Did alter with his minde.”62 These instances show that the reader found the commonplacing habit to be rel- evant when reading the devotional lyrics, but that this approach was far less useful for responding to the later part of the book. Very few copies show signs of the next step implied by commonplace markers: the copying of text for use or rereading in new contexts. One copy that does was owned by Bartholomew Clarke in May 1641, and Edward Byrom by January 15, 1642.63 The book has few marks, though an indistinct squiggle next to “Sepulchre” and dots next to “Sighs and Grones” indicate the book’s proximity to pen and ink.64 Yet on the inside of the binding, one early reader neatly copied in a mixed secretary hand the first stanza from the poem “Love I”:

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Figure 3. George Herbert, The Temple (1633), Cambridge University Library, classmark Syn.8.63.238, pp. 10 – 11. Photo by Scott Mandelbrote. Used by permission.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Verses of Loue Immortal ^love^ Author of [this] great frame, How hath man Parcl’d o[ut] thy glorious name Sprung from that beauti[e] which can neuer fade: And thrown it on that d[ust] which thou has made.65

The transcription inverts Herbert’s second and third lines, turning the qua- train into two rhyming couplets. This may have been a mistake, due to either poor memory or the material awkwardness of the copying, as the book would have had to be open to page 45 while the transcription was made hor- izontally on the inside of the front cover, running right down into the gutter of the book. Yet the change of lines also leads to a change of emphasis that may have been more deliberate: it is not a “great frame” but “thy glorious name” that springs from a never-fading beauty, heightening the effect of its relegation to “that dust which thou has made.” The reconfiguration could have proceeded, then, from a considered clarification of the poem’s priorities, ensuring a focus on the name of Love instead of the impressive “frame” of the world or the human. Another transcription is made at the end of this book from the long poem “Providence,” in an italic hand that could have been written by the scribe of the first transcription: Providence hard things are glorious, easie things good ^cheepe^ The common all men haue; that which is rare men therfore seeke to haue, and care to keepe the healthy frosts wth sum[m]er fruts compare light wthout winde is glasse; warme wthout w[eight] is woole & furres: cool wthout closenesse, shade: speed wthout paines; a horse: tall wthout height, a servile hawke: low wthout losse a spade:

The copying may have been awkward here: with the book opened to a verso (p. 112), the scribe would have had to balance the open pages carefully to

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 inscribe this on the verso of an end paper. Alternatively, with greater mental effort, the reader might have simplified the mechanical process by copying the extract from memory with the book open just at the page of inscription. Either way, a significant amount of effort was involved in the apparently simple task of copying two quatrains: the intricate passage faithfully copied is a sign of devoted attention to the text of “Providence.” The two extracts in the copy owned by Clarke and Byrom illustrate very different elements of Herbert’s stylistic range. “Providence” draws on traditions of psalms of praise, describing at length the wonders of God in the natural world, while the sonnet “Love” deplores the neglect of “immortal love, author of this great frame” by humanity in general, and poets in particular. In the seventeenth century, “Providence” was among the most popular of Herbert’s poems, while “Love” was among the least popular.66 Yet their context in the copy owned by Clarke and Byrom invites us to con- sider their strange symmetry. Both are concerned with divisions: whereas “Love” criticizes those who would “parcel out” the name of God, “Provi- dence” praises a God whose divine hand can be seen at work in the diffuse workings of wind, warmth, and speed. The God of “Love” is the creator of a grand whole, whereas “Providence” sees divinity in details. Perhaps these quotations were intended for later reuse in the fashion of commonplaces, but they also invite new critical considerations of short texts whose meanings are far from obvious. Commonplacing, then, could lead to provocative combinations of texts, but it was not the only way that people engaged with The Temple. A copy of the third edition of 1634 shows another way of engaging with the poems at length.67 An indistinct scrawl in secretary hand on its flyleaves demonstrates the presence of an early reader of the volume, who underlines almost half the lines of poetry from “The Church-porch” to “The Church Militant.” Some poems are untouched, while every line of others has been marked from a single word to the complete line. The first half of the book is more heavily annotated, with sixty percent of the text underlined, com- pared to thirty-five percent underlining of the second half. The reader goes through stretches of particularly enthusiastic work: the eight completely underlined poems all appear within a twenty-page section in the first half of the book.68 Like those owners who put decorative red lining around the text on every single page, the owner of this Temple has undertaken a major effort of ink and quill, but here involving a form of intense attention to the language of the text. The reader’s priorities emerge more clearly from those poems with

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 slightly more erratic engagements with the words. Only two lines of “The Elixer” are underlined, at the start of the final stanza: “This is the famous stone / That turneth all to gold.”69 The statement emphasizes a conclusion of the poem that rests on the preceding stanzas, rather than a precise maxim that could be appreciated on its own or transposed to another context. The reader likewise finds interest in a culminating moment of “Giddinesse.” This poem complains about the changeable nature of humans living so “farre from power, / From setled peace and rest!” and provides several examples of his tempestuous character, before dramatically imagining the effects of visually displaying those changeable desires. Those two stanzas begin with an idiosyncratic image of a dolphin: O What a sight were Man, if his attires Did alter with his minde; And, like a Dolphins skinne, his clothes combin’d With his desires!70

Not only is this stanza and the following one underlined, the line present- ing the striking image of man’s desires “like a Dolphins skinne” is marked with a cross. These combined marks suggest a reader who is interested in the movement and the imagery of the poem rather than any easily extractable lesson it might provide. This brief account has shown how readers found many ways to mark their interest in the text of The Temple. A personal investment in the book may occasionally have arisen from a social connection with the poet: one finely bound copy was owned by the Danvers family (the descendants of Herbert’s stepfather) up to 1798; and in another, a Cambridge student recollects the poet’s years as university orator by copying out Herbert’s Latin poem “In honorum illustriss: D: D: verulamij” in 1638.71 But familial or institutional ties were virtually irrelevant for the techniques used by most readers, who found reasons to mark the book for its pithy wisdom as well as imagery, vocabulary, and poetic development. It is well known that such features were inspiring for poets of the so-called “school of Herbert” in the seventeenth century, who showed their engagement through many poems directly channeling the unique qualities of The Temple. Yet similar characteristics of Herbert’s poetry were recognized by an audience of readers whose interaction with the texts are now only evidenced in the marks they left behind in copies of the book.72

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 The sources discussed in this article show how Nicholas Ferrar’s vision of a book that deserved to be “in the hands and hearts of all true Christians that feared God and loved the Church of England” was realized in the period following its first publication. What we can discover of the handling of The Temple suggests that it indeed attained a place in the hearts of many early modern readers: a book that was keenly acquired, displayed prominently in portraits, elegantly bound, relentlessly thumbed, and selectively annotated. Records of the book’s acquisition and reception offer insights into a text whose popularity reached many corners of society. If some public- serving institutions held The Temple at arm’s length, it was soon transmitted to the same venues through philanthropic donations, as demonstrated by the examples of Hall, Okes, and Dolben. Ferrar’s vision was realized, then, insofar as he saw the book achieving a wide and enthusiastic readership. However, the evidence of The Temple’s readership suggests that the orthodox religiosity of the book, of central importance to Ferrar, was sometimes affirmed and sometimes compromised by seventeenth-century readers. Certainly, most readers of Herbert in the seventeenth century would have read his book with an active interest in theological texts and mental techniques that helped them swiftly extract the useful learning the book contained. But the library collections in which we find The Temple and the marks made in many copies remind us of the intellectual, stylistic, technological, and com- mercial changes that were going on in the seventeenth century that worked to inaugurate “literature” as an independent category of writing and reading — a category in which Herbert’s book participated effectively, as is most unambiguously recognized in William London’s 1657 catalogue. Although rooted in theology, the interactions encouraged by the book spread into spheres where love of the Church of England would hardly have been a consideration. With this in mind, the material remains of The Temple’s readership do more than help us assess Ferrar’s statement. Reading these remains offers a model for modern critics of how to read the text in sympathy with its historic reception — a model that is attentive both to the book’s generalizable claims and its expres- sive quirks, that embraces the way the book is comfortably related to secular and sacred literature with connections to texts and discourses that might not be obvious companions. While the same could be said of many early modern texts, the abundance of evidence for the reception of The Temple in specific copies of the book make that evidence an especially appealing point of departure for historically nuanced analysis and interpretation in the present.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 Notes Funding for much of the research in this article was generously provided by Ports- mouth University, The Bibliographical Society, and the Huntington Library, all of whom I am grateful to acknowledge here. Further research was made possible by the gracious accommodation of family and friends in London, Edinburgh, Aberystwyth, and Brighton. For encouragement throughout the process, I owe a debt of thanks to Marie-Louise Coolahan and Laura Swift. While the librarians who gave unfailingly helpful support for my research are too numerous to mention, I am deeply sorry that the finished article could not be read by the late Dr. Michael Powell, whose consis- tently warm and intellectual generosity at Chetham’s Library, Manchester, was vital to the development of this work. 1 Robert H. Ray, “The Herbert Allusion Book: Allusions to George Herbert in the Sev- enteenth Century,” Studies in Philology 83, no. 4 (1986): 1–190, at 117. Estimates of the size of early modern print runs suggests that Walton’s claim is likely to be only a minor exaggeration; see David McKitterick, A History of Cambridge University Press (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 272–73. 2 Ferrar is quoted in Ray, “Herbert Allusion Book,” 54. 3 Crashaw, “On Mr. G. Herberts booke intituled the Temple,” quoted in Ray, “Herbert Allusion Book,” 21, and copied by a seventeenth-century scribe in 1667 San Marino, Calif., Huntington Library 470127. References to specific copies of The Temple will be given by date, location, and shelfmark. 4 Ray, “Herbert Allusion Book,” 8–9; Alan Maycock, Chronicles of Little Gidding (Lon- don: SPCK, 1954), 74–75. 5 Ray, “Herbert Allusion Book,” 16–17, 126. 6 F. E. Hutchinson, “The First Edition of Herbert’s Temple,” Oxford Bibliographical Society: Proceedings and Papers 5, no. 3 (1938): 190–97. 7 Sharon Achinstein, “Reading George Herbert in the Restoration,” English Liter- ary Renaissance 36, no. 3 (2006): 430–65; Random Cloud, “FIAT fLUX,” in Crisis in Editing: Texts of the English Renaissance, ed. Randall McLeod (New York: AMS, 1994), 86–125; Ilona Bell, “In the Shadow of The Temple,” in Like Season’d Timber: New Essays on George Herbert, ed. E. Miller and R. Diyanni (New York: Peter Lang, 1987), 255–79; Jeffrey Todd Knight, “Curatorial Readings: George Herbert’s The Temple, Quintus Curtius, and Their Context,” Huntington Library Quarterly 74, no. 4 (2011): 575–98; Kathleen Lynch, “Devotion Bound: A Social History of The Temple,” in Books and Readers in Early Modern England, ed. Jennifer Andersen and Elizabeth Sauer (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), 177–97; Helen Wilcox, “‘Religion stands on tip-toe’: Herbert, the New England Poets, and the Transfer of Devotional Modes,” in Shaping the Stuart World, 1603–1714: The Atlantic Connection, ed. Allan Macinnes and Arthur Williamson (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 147–73, at 154–55. 8 Crawford Gribben, “John Owen, Renaissance Man? The Evidence of Edward Mil- lington’s Bibliotheca Oweniana (1684),” in The Ashgate Research Companion to John Owen’s Theology, ed. Kelly M. Kapic and Mark Jones (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, 2012), 97–112, at 105–6; Graham Parry, “The Great Picture of Lady Anne Clifford,”

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 in Art and Patronage in the Caroline Courts, ed. David Howarth (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1993), 202–19, at 216; Nigel Wheale, Writing and Society: Lit- eracy, Print, and Politics in Britain, 1590–1660 (London: Routledge, 1999), 129. 9 Francis Bacon, The Translation of Certaine Psalmes into English Verse (London, 1625), sig. A3v. 10 Stephens’s booklist, “These Books following are to be sold by Philemon Stephens at the Gilded Lion in Pauls Church yard,” is included in John Trapp, A Commentary, or, Exposition Upon the XII Minor Prophets, Wherein the Text is explained (London, 1654), sig. a2r–v. The present discussion is based on a separate copy owned by Anthony Wood (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Wood 91 [2]). 11 On the theological aspects of Stephens’s printing, see Sharon Achinstein, Literature and Dissent in Milton’s England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 201; and Crawford Gribben, John Owen and English Puritanism: Experiences of Defeat (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 45. 12 William London, Catalogue of the most vendible Books in England (London, 1657), sig. C2r. 13 See London, Catalogue, under “Romances, Poems and Playes,” sigs. 2E4r–[2F]2r. The Temple is listed on sig. 2E4v. 14 Helen Wilcox, “‘Heaven’s Lidger Here’: Herbert’s Temple and Seventeenth-Century Devotion,” in Images of Belief in Literature, ed. David Jasper (London: Macmillan, 1984), 153–68, at 159. 15 Matthew Yeo, The Acquisition of Books by Chetham’s Library, 1655–1700 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 31; “The Thomlinson Library,” at Newcastle Collection, newcastlecollec- tion.newcastle.gov.uk/thomlinson-library; A Catalogue of Books in the Library at Wisbech (Wisbech, 1718); A Catalogue of Books in the Library at Bedford (London, 1706). 16 A Directory of the Parochial Libraries of the Church of England and the Church in Wales, ed. Neil Ker, rev. Michael Perkin (London: Bibliographical Society, 2004), 444–52. 17 Copies include 1656 Bodleian 8° A 151 Art.; and 1635 Glasgow University Library Sp Coll Bi6-l.30. On this point I am indebted to Jo Maddocks at the Bodleian Library. 18 Denise Thomas, “Religious Polemic, Print Culture, and Pastoral Ministry: Thomas Hall B.D. (1610–65) and the Promotion of Presbyterian Orthodoxy in the English Revolution,” 2 vols. (Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011), 1:20, 2:463 (item 385) and 2:547 (item 206). 19 1695 Oxford, Christ Church College Library, Okes 130 (1); Paul Morgan, Oxford Libraries Outside the Bodleian: A Guide (Oxford: Oxford Bibliographical Society, 1973), 32. I am grateful to Steven Archer and David Stumpp at Christ Church for information regarding the Okes collection. 20 1638 York Minster V/3.J.26. 21 David Pearson, “Patterns of Book Ownership in Late Seventeenth-Century England,” The Library, 7th series, 11, no. 2 (2010): 139–67, at 139. 22 Mary Elizabeth Bohannon, “A London Bookseller’s Bill, 1635–39,” The Library, 4th series, 18, no. 4 (1938): 417–46, at 440–42.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 23 London, British Library, Add. MS 47024, fols. 83v–81v (reversed pagination). I am grateful to Dr. Marc Caball for this reference. 24 The influence on Herbert of St. François de Sales’s An Introduction to the Devoute Life (1613), item 76 in Perceval’s list, was argued by Louis Martz in The Poetry of Medita- tion: A Study in English Religious Literature of the Seventeenth Century (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1954), 250. For Herbert’s influence on Richard Baxter, The Saints Everlasting Rest (1649), item 38 in Perceval’s list, see Ray, “Herbert Allusion Book,” 30–31. 25 For a high-resolution reproduction of The Great Picture, attributed to John van Bel- camp, see artsandculture.google.com/asset/the-great-picture/ugHL4_ozVj1f3g. My quotations of the painting’s text are from the transcription in George C. William- son, Lady Anne Clifford: Countess of Dorset, Pembroke, and Montgomery, 1590–1676: Her Life, Letters, and Work, 2nd ed. (Wakefield, Yorkshire: S. R. Publishers, 1967), 498–500. For a useful recent introduction to Clifford’s reading activities, see Leah Knight, “Reading Proof: Or, Problems and Possibilities in the Text Life of Anne Clif- ford,” in Women’s Bookscapes in Early Modern Britain: Reading, Ownership, Circula- tion, ed. Leah Knight, Micheline White, and Elizabeth Sauer (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2018), 254–73. 26 Graham Parry, “The Great Picture,” 215; see also Heidi Brayman Hackel, Reading Material in Early Modern England: Print, Gender, Literacy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 227. 27 Helen Wilcox, “Entering The Temple: Women, Reading, and Devotion in Seven- teenth-Century England,” in Religion, Literature, and Politics in Post-Reformation England, 1540–1688, ed. Donna B. Hamilton and Richard Strier (Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, 1996), 187–207, at 192. 28 Hackel, Reading Material, 2 27. 29 Parry, “The Great Picture,” 216; Hackel, Reading Material, 234–38. 30 Only the dates of the books by Barclay and Marcellinus can be clearly identified in the painting; the other dates cited are for first editions, but the editions actually used in the painting could have been later. 31 Michelle Dowd, “‘Order plays the soul’: Anne Clifford, The Temple, and the Spiritual Logic of Housework,” in George Herbert’s Travels: International Print and Cultural Legacies, ed. Christopher Hodgkins (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2011), 59–79; Knight, “Reading Proof,” 256, 262. 32 John Moore, A Mappe of Mans Mortalitie, Clearely manifesting the originall of Death, with the Nature, Fruits, and Effects thereof, both to the Vnregenerate, and Elect Children of God (London, 1617), 47. 33 Early modern readers may nonetheless have read these authors in the same sphere: for example, the 1635 Cambridge University Library Syn.8.63.241 copy of The Temple is bound with John Barclay’s Poematum libri duo (Oxford, 1636) in a volume owned in 1639 by Richard Wright. 34 John Barclay, Barclay his Argenis: or, The Loves of Poliarchus and Argenis, trans. Kingesmill Long (London, 1625), 1625 Huntington RB 97024, 195 (III. 14); on the scribal hand of the notation, see Hackel, Reading Material, 236.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 35 Lisa Jardine and Anthony Grafton, “‘Studied for Action’: How Gabriel Harvey Read His Livy,” Past & Present, no. 129 (1990): 30–78, at 46–49. 36 Achinstein, “Reading George Herbert,” 430. 37 L. C. Knights, “George Herbert,” Scrutiny 12, no. 4 (1944): 171–86; Helen Vendler, ed., The Poetry of George Herbert (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975). 38 See Knight, “Curatorial Readings.” 39 1641 Bodleian (OC) 147 g.615 (1); see Victoria E. Burke, “Contexts for Women’s Man- uscript Miscellanies: The Case of Elizabeth Lyttleton and Sir Thomas Browne,” Year- book of English Studies 33 (2003): 316–28, at 320. 40 For important studies of other early modern books, see Hackel, Reading Material, 156–69; Alison Wiggins, “What Did Renaissance Readers Write in Their Printed Copies of Chaucer?,” The Library 9, no. 1 (2008): 3–36; Emma Smith, Shakespeare’s First Folio: Four Centuries of an Iconic Book (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016). I have consulted copies of The Temple at the following libraries: Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales; Brighton, Jubilee Library; Cambridge, University Library and Trin- ity College Library; Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland and Edinburgh Uni- versity Library; London, British Library; Manchester, Central Library, Chetham’s Library, and John Rylands Library; Oxford, Bodleian Library, All Soul’s College, Christ Church College, English Faculty, Jesus College, Lady Margaret Hall, New College, St. Edmund’s Hall, Queen’s College, and Regent’s Park College; Los Ange- les, William Andrews Clark Memorial Library; San Marino, Calif., Huntington Library. 41 Smith, Shakespeare’s First Folio, 123 n. 42 Stewart Bennett, “‘The Temple” without “The Synagogue”: Identical Deluxe Bindings on an Expurgated George Herbert, 1709,” The Book Collector 66, no. 2 (2017): 376– 84. 43 Lynch, “Devotion Bound,” 184; 1661 Bodleian Buxton 212 (1). 44 1633 Clark Memorial Library PR2294.H25 T3*; and 1633 Manhattan Rare Book Company (see tinyurl.com/yd9378kf), previously item 432 in “Property from the Collection of Robert S. Pirie,” Dec. 2015, at sothebys.com/en/auctions /ecatalogue/2015/property-collection-robert-s-pirie-books-manuscripts-n09391 /lot.432.html. Many thanks to Michael DiRuggiero of the Manhattan Rare Book Company for providing the image reproduced here. 45 See [1633] Huntington 61377; [1634] Huntington 61374; 1634 Trinity College Cambridge VI.11.21; 1638 Cambridge University Library Keynes A.5.28; 1679 JRL R16870; Hutchinson, “The First Edition,” 191. 46 See 1667 Bodleian Vet. A3 f.773 (3); 1674 National Library of Wales PR4307 T2 c74; 1678 Bodleian 14770 f. 587. 47 Examples are 1634 Cambridge University Library Cam.e.634.2; and 1634 Oxford, New College BT1.135.21. 48 Smith, Shakespeare’s First Folio, 122. For an example of inky fingerprints, see 1634 Bodleian (OC) 147 g.614, p. 183. For examples of writing practice, see 1641 Oxford, English Faculty Library XJ89.1, p. 184; 1656? Oxford, All Soul’s College PP. 18.17, pp. 104–5; 1660 Brighton, Jubilee Library BC 821.38 HER, “The Printer to the Reader.”

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 For examples of signatures and pen trials, see 1656 Oxford, Lady Margaret Hall, Locked Stack 821.38, p. 12; 1660 Huntington 434646, p. 69. 49 Frontispiece, Prison-Pietie: or, Meditations Divine and Moral (London, 1677). I am grateful to Dr. Jenna Townend for this reference. 50 Helen Wilcox, The English Poems of George Herbert (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- sity Press, 2007), xxxix; Hutchinson, “The First Edition,” 196–97. 51 1679 John Rylands Library R16870, p. 79; 1703 Huntington 370667, p. 161; 1633 Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library H414 632c copy 1, which may be seen at Beinecke Digital Collections, brbl-dl.library.yale.edu/vufind/ Record/3761631. 52 1679 John Rylands Library SC4949A, p. 25. 53 Smith, Shakespeare’s First Folio, 139; Peter Beal, “‘Notions in Garrison’: The Seven- teenth-Century Commonplace Book,” in New Ways of Looking at Old Texts: Papers of the Renaissance English Text Society, 1985–1991, ed. W. Speed Hill (Binghamton, N.Y.: MRTS, 1993), 131–47, at 143. 54 Anne Ferry, “Titles in George Herbert’s ‘little Book,’” English Literary Renaissance 23, no. 2 (1993): 314–44, at 329–36; Robert H. Ray, “Herbert’s Seventeenth-Century Reputation: A Summary and New Considerations,” George Herbert Journal 9, no. 2 (1986): 1–15, at 4. 55 See Beal, “‘Notions in Garrison’: The Seventeenth-Century Commonplace Book,” 143. 56 John Bryan, Dwelling with God, the Interest and Duty of Believers (London, 1670), 274–75. Discussed in Ray, “Hebert Allusion Book,” 88. 57 For examples of copiously marked copies, see 1633 British Library 1076.i.25; and 1634 National Library of Scotland H.3.e.5. 58 1656 Manchester Central Library, 821.38.01; 1638 Cambridge University Library Q* 13.5 (G); 1641 Cambridge University Library Keynes A.5.29; 1641 Clark Memorial Library PR2294.H25 T3, p. 42. 59 1633 Cambridge University Library Syn.8.63.238. Examples of words and ideas notated in the volume include the word “Anger” (p. 11) and the phrase “by mercy & truth Iniquity shall be purged” (p. 119). Many thanks to Scott Mandelbrote for providing this image. 60 Compare printed quotation marks, discussed in Peter Stallybrass and Zachary Lesser, “The First Literary Hamlet and the Commonplacing of Professional Plays,” in Shake- speare Quarterly 59, no. 4 (2008): 371–420, at 376. 61 1633 Cambridge University Library Syn.8.63.238, pp. 1, 15. 62 1633 Cambridge University Library Syn.8.63.238, pp. 18, 21, 25 (“The Altar,” “The Sacrifice”); p. 90 (“Affliction” [I]); p. 119 (“Confession”); p. 120 (“Giddinesse”). 63 1634 Chetham’s Library 3.E.3.46. 64 1634 Chetham’s Library 3.E.3.46, pp. 32, 75. 65 Square brackets indicate text that has disappeared from view in the binding. Carets indicate an interlineal insertion. 66 Ray, “Herbert Allusion Book,” 177 67 1634 British Library 1077.b.23.

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Downloaded from http://read.dukeupress.edu/jmems/article-pdf/50/1/115/735153/0500115.pdf by guest on 28 September 2021 68 These are “Content” (p. 60), “Frailtie” (p. 63), “Avarice” and “Anagram” (p. 69), “Employment” (p. 70), “Deniall” (p. 71), “Christmas” (p. 72), and “The World” (p. 76). 69 1634 British Library 1077.b.23, p. 179. 70 1634 British Library 1077.b.23, pp. 119–20, lines 1–2, 17–20. 71 [1633] Huntington 61377; 1638 Huntington 61372. 72 Stanley Stewart, George Herbert (Boston: Twayne, 1986), 118–56.

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