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Fides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem in the Writings of Adalbert-G. Hamman (1910-2000) Hector Scerri 3 Interpreting the Word of God: Rhetorical analysis - Charles Buttigieg 15 La Liturgia a Malta a 40 anni dal Concilio Vaticano II - Jesmond Manicaro 19 Democratic Elements in the Early' Church - David Polidano 27 Theses on Hermeneutics - Paul Ellingworth 49 Isaac as Promise: A Study of the Symbolism of Hebrews 11,19 - James Swetnam 65 The Church and the Fullness of the Truth - Hector Scerri 75 Issues in Bible Translation, 1: Judith's Shadow - Anthony Abela 79 Book Reviews Carl-Mario Sultana, Anthony Abela 85

No.1 2004 Vol. 55 MELITA THEOLOGICA ISSN 1012-9588

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© Copyright: The Faculty of Theology and the Theology Students' Association, Malta 2003 Fides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem in the Writings of Adalbert-G. Hamman (1910-2000): Some footnotes to the pro-existential attitude of the Fatherst

Hector Scerri

1. Introduction. Hamman and his Contribution to Patristic Studies

One of the familiar faces at the International Oxford Patristic Conferences from the 1950s down to the 80s was that of Adalbert-Gautier Hamman (1910-2000). He was indeed a very regular participant and contributed solidly to patristic studies by his well-researched papers I . Hamman was born in 1910 in Lorraine on the Franco­ German border. A Franciscan friar, he lectured in various formation schools of his religious order, and later at the Universities of Montreal and Quebec, and finally at the Patristic Institute of Rome. He was also a guest lecturer at the Protestant theological faculty of Neuchatel in Switzerland, and travelled very widely to deliver

'This article is an elaborated version of a communication delivered during the XIV International Conference on Patristic Studies, Oxford, 18-23 August 2003. The communication, "Quotidiel1nete in the Writings of Adalbert-G. Hamman (1910-2000): The Existential Concern of a Twentieth-century Patristic Scholar", is being published in the proceedings of the Conference in Studia Patristica, Peeters Press 2005. I. Adalbert Hamman writes about his experiences at the Oxford International Patristic Conferences in an article in Le Monde (27.9.1963) 8, and in his autobiography, La vie est un long jour dejete, Paris 1995, 130, 176,287,299-302,377. Throughout a period of three decades, Hamman presented these papers during the following Oxford Patristic Conferences: 11(1955) Genese et signification de la priere aliX origines chretiel1nes; III (1959) La signification de sphragis dans Ie Pasteur d' Hennas; IV (1963) Sitz im Leben des aetes apocryphes du Nouveau Testament; V (1967) Pour un aggiornall1ento des manuels de patrologie et de patristique; QueUe est I' origine de ['agape?; VI (1971) Valeur et signification des renseignments de Justin; VII (1975) Jacques-Paul Migne et la renaissallce patristique. Lecon d'wl centenaire; IX (1983) L 'utilisation des Psalllnes dans les deux premiers siec/es chretiens; X (1987) La formation du clerge latin, dans les quatres premiers siecles. 4 Hector Scerri

talks and give specialised courses. His name is identified with the mammoth task entailed in publishing the Supplementum to the Patrologia Latina of Migne. These five volumes appeared in instalments between 1958 and 1974; they constitute the magnum opus of Hamman who was assisted by several collaborators in what turned out to be a herculean task.

In the late 1960s, Hamman was appointed consultor of the Consilium ad exequendam liturgiam established after the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) to implement liturgical reform. He was instrumental in the inauguration of various patristic collections, Ichtys. Lettres chretiennes in 1957 and Les Peres dans la foi in 1977, and also in the foundation of the Association I.-P. Migne in 1976. He was internationally recognised as one of the leading scholars on Christian antiquity. Hamman died on 20 July 2000,2 and so it is highly appropriate to give a worthy mention of the scholar at the first Patristic Conference to be held following his death.

In my communication, I have chosen to speak about one particular aspect which vividly characterises the works of Hamman. This is the concept of what, in French, he calls quotidienneti, or what Italian translates as quotidianita. It is difficult to render this into a single word in English: it refers to the ordinariness of the daily doings of life. I elaborate further. A bird' s eye-view of the many articles and books by Adalbert Hamman reveals an anthropological-sociological-existential concern which permeates his thought. Indeed, "basing himself on the teachings and prayers of the Fathers, Hamman has contributed widely in associating the sacraments with the common aspects of life, what he calls' la quotidiennete de nos vies', hence exploring the area of convergence of liturgy and social action ."3 Indeed, his works can be seen as a solid contribution to afides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem. Rather than dwelling upon the more speculative themes of theology, he opts for the

2. Cfr "In memoriam". La Maisoll-Dieu223 (2000) 8. A long appreciation, with details of his funeral service, was published in the Bulletin of the Province Franco-Beige des Trois Compagllolls, Metz 2000, 231-233. 3. H. Scerri,Koinonia. Diakonia and Martyria: Interrelated Themes in Patristic Sacramental Theology as expounded by Adalbert-G. Hamman O.F.M., Melita Theologica Supplementary Series 4, Malta 1999, 103. Cfr A.-G. Hamman, La vie, 99: Id., "Comment les Peres de l'Eglise ont-ils precM I'eucharistie?", Parole et Pain 2 (1965) 419; Id., "La Messe et sa catechese chez les Peres de l'Eglise", La Ciudad de Dios 181 (1968) 458; Id., Abrege de fa priere chretienne, Paris 1987, 197. Fides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem 5

more existential ones.-! Thus, the quotidiennete one encounters in his works reveals his specific contribution to patristic studies, namely his tireless effort at the contextualisation of the teachings of the Fathers of the Church. This endeavour on his part is also evident in various works on Christian prayer appearing from the 1950s right down to the 90s.5 The existential dimension is again highlighted in these publications: "in this regard, he states that prayer is both the expression, as well as the nourishment, of an existence lived out in faith and service."6

2. La quotidiellllete de llOS vies

In this short communication, I intend to demonstrate Hamman's analysis and patristic presentation of the lives of early Christians. This is evident from the familiarity he shows with the social ambience in which the Fathers lived. There are two works by Hamman which more than others provide contemporary scholars and readers with an impressive body of data to ponder upon and an encouraging ideal to follow. These are the book on the daily life of the first Christians, La vie quotidienne des premiers chretiens (95-197), published in 1971,1 and that on North

4. On several occasions, Hamman affirms that in the first centuries of the Church the existential dimension of the Eucharist was highlighted. He avers that "I 'eucharistie est un mystere plus vecu que disc ute" (HL'eucharistie 11 I'i\ge d'or des Peres de 1'I3glise", Parole et Pain 9 [1972] 285). Cfr A.-G. Hamman, ed., The Mass. Al1cient Limrgies and Patristic Texts, Staten Island (New York) 1967.24. 5. For example, A.-G. Hamman, Prieres des premiers chretiel1s, Paris 1952; [d., La priere, I. Le Nouveau Testament. n. Les trois premiers siecies, Tournai 1959, 1963; Prieres ellcharistiques des premiers sii!cle.~, Tournai 1957; Id., "Le Notre Pere dans la catechese des Peres de ,La Maisoll-Dieu 85 (1966) 41-68; Id., La priere dalls I'Eg/ise allcielllle, Traditio Christiana 7, Berne 1989; rd., "La priere dans I'antiquite chretienne. Un bilan des etudes sur la priere au XX< sieele", in La preghiera nel tardo amico. Daile origini ad Agostino. XXVII Incontro di studiosi dell'antichitil cristiana, Roma, 7-9 maggio 1998 [= Studia Ephemeridis Augustinianum 66], Roma 1999,7-23. With regard to the first of these mentioned works, Annibale Bugnini had written: "Pagine dense, nelle quali c'e un soffio di vita Iluova, tuna permeata di soprannaturale, come la vita delle prime generazioni cristiane", "Review of Prieres des premiers cl1I'Iftiens". Ephemerides Limrgicae 67 (1953) 86. 6. Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria, 306. 7. An unsigned note on La vie quotidielll1e des premiers chretiens (95-197), Paris 1971, sheds light on its academic and cultural value: HLe P. Hamman a Ie don de la synthese et de la vulgarisation. II connllit bien les textes des premiers sieeles et il sait extraire des ouvrages savants les temoignages vivants qui disent souvent beaucoup plus que de longs discours .. , la vie quotidienne de 1'individu (Le rythme desjours; les etapes de la vie) en passant par l'examen des relations entre Ie chretien el son entourage social et politique ... et celui de la vie des communautes chn5tiennes ... ," "Review of La vie quotidienne des premiers chretiens (95-197)". Esprit et vie 82/40 (1972) 554. 6 Hector Scerri

African society at the time of Augustine of Hippo, La vie quotidienne en Afrique du Nord au temps de saint Augustin, which appeared in 1979.8 Several editions and translations of these two works have appeared, thus attesting to the positive reception they enjoyed. Hamman explains that "these are not historical works but well-researched guides to help the reader savour the rhythm of the life of the early Christians."g He also wrote a number of articles which cluster around the principal themes of the two books just mentioned. to

The value of these vies quotidiennes - indeed models of a historiography of daily life - lies in their detailed descriptions in which Hamman

expounds the sufferings and joys of the early Christians as they struggled to remain faithful to their baptismal promises in the daily routine of their lives. The eyes of Hamman are alelt and wide open to the details which may pass unnoticed to others. In these works, he presents a whole' spectrum of illustrations regarding the way Christians expressed their faith amid the ordinary happenings of life."

8. In a review of La vie quotidienne ell Afrique dll Nord au temps de saint Augustin, Paris [979, the renowned liturgist Pierre Jounel affirmed that this work by Hamman is "de grande qualite" and makes the reader familiar with the environment where Augustine lived. The bishop of Hippo is not the subject of the study, but the many references Hamman makes to his works greatly help to clarify what the daily life was like in 5'h century North Africa ("Review of La vie quotidienlle ell Afrique du Nord aI/temps de saint Augustin", La Maison·Dielt 138 [1979]156). In another review, the volume is described as "scintillante nella forma e limpido nell'esposizione ... offre un quadro delle condizioni di vita in cui sant' Agostino operocome vescovo ... L'Africa in qucll'cpoca era un crogiolo di razze agitate da grandi passioni e, in ambiente cristiano, ne era gHI apparsa I'anima nella tempestosa vicenda di Tertulliano" (G. Cremascoli, "Review of La vita quotidiana llell'f1jrica di sam 'Agostino" ,La Civilta Cattolica 141/3 [[ 990] 310). 9. Seerri, Koinonia, Diakonia aud Martyria, 107. 10. These are some noteworthy examples: A.·G. Hamman, "La nouveaute de vie chez les chretiens des premiers siec1es", Semil1arillm 33 (198 J) 656-669; Id., "De la celebration eucharistique a la vie quotidienne dans l'antiquite chretienne", Parole et Pain 8 (1971) 296-301; Id., "La vie quotidienne des premiers chretiens it Rome", in O. de Brosse - aI., Visages de Rome, Rome 1975,25-35; Id., "La comunita eristiana e i poveri nei primi secoli della Chiesa", in J. Dupont - al., Seguire Ges/l povero, Comunita di Bose (Magnano) 1984,89-117, II. Scerri, Koinonia, Diakollia and Martyria, 304. Cfr V. Roisel, "Review of Etudes patristiqlles", Nouvelle revue tiufologique 114 (1992) 765. The works in question were described by Ottorino Pasquato as "particolarmente esprcssive della sua sensibilita cuiturale, attenta al quotidiano e al popolo cristiano [ ... e come] modelli di sloriografia della vita quotidiana" ("Review of La preghiera nella Chiesa allfica", Salesial1l1111 58 [1996]792). Fides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem 7

Charles Martin, in a review of La vie quatidienne en Afrique du Nard, comments on the attractive and instructive style used by Hamman in his presentation. The reader encounters various aspects of daily life: the Christian's relationship to his pagan neighbours, the city, the dwellings, daily activities, nutritional habits, clothing, schooling, the streets, the port area, professions and occupations, recreation and social classes. In another section of the book, one finds the congregation waiting impatiently to listen to Augustine, and the Christians celebrating the Eucharist. One encounters the needy crying out for help. These colourful aspects which Hamman manages to glean through his familiarity and knowledge of Augustine and other Fathers reveal the many striking dimensions of daily life in North Africa in the first decades of the fifth century.n

Like the Fathers whom he studies, Hamman applies the ethical implications of the sacraments to daily life. The captivating texts of les vies quatidiennes are also very instructive because in them one encounters a detailed background which assists the reader in contextualising the social thought of the Fathers, while bearing in mind" el semblante humana de cada autar" .13 Hamman's own wide-ranging research stimulated him to consider "the philosophical, economical and political problems which confronted the Fathers, most of whom were pastors of local Churches, and ... the solutions they proposed in the light of faith."14

12. Cfr C. Martin. "Review of La vie quotidienne en Afrique du Nord au temps de saint Augustin". Nouvelle revue t/u!%gique 102 (1980) 575; E. Moeller, "Review of La vie quotidienne en Afrique dll Nord all temps de saint Augustin", Questions LiturgiqLles 62 (1981) 167-168. Hamman remarks that before his composition of the two vies quotidiennes, books and articles on pagan and Christian antiquity hardly ever contained details on the dietary habits and other ordinary aspects of people's daily life. Indeed. he recalls a humorous quip by Femand Braudel that several history books seem to assume that people never took time to eat! Cfr A.-G. Hamman, Etudes patristiques, Theologie historique 85, Paris 1991,8; Id., La vie, 199. 13. A. Osuna, "Review of GUla prdctica de los Padres de la Iglesia", Cialcia Tomista 98 (1971) 449. 14. Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia WId Martyria, 304. What is being emphasised is the awareness asked of the reader with regard to "Ie milieu politique, philosophique, social dans lequel ces hommes ont vecu". When reading their works "il est indispensable de connaitre Ie cadre dans lequel ils ont ete composes, avec tous ses elements, mais, autan! que pas I'exemple de leurs vies, c'est par la maniere dont ces hommes ont reagi devant les problemes de leur temps ... " (Y.-M.D., "Review of Guide pratique des Peres de l'Eglise", Esprit et vie 78/19 [1968] 314). A. Osuna affirms: "En la pintura de los personajes predomina el realismo y 10 vivo, hasta el punto de hacer subyugante la personalidad de esos hombres y actuar el pensamiento de quienes han vivido en un mundo tan distinto del nuestro", "Review of Gufa prdctica de los Padres de la Iglesia", 449. 8 Hector Scerri

One should be aware that it is against the backdrop of the French historical and socio-theological situation in the 1930s, 40s and 50s that one can identify the academic formation and the early intellectual activities of Hamman .15 That epoch was marked by several important influences: fa nouvelle theologie, the "theology of earthly realities", and the priest-worker movement. It is at the confluence of these various streams that Hamman started his prolific contribution of divulgating the works of the Fathers to the general public, especially in the collections lchtys and Les Peres dans lajoi. A careful reading of his works highlights the central role of the sacraments in the daily life of individual believers, namely, in the "quotidiennete des nos vies". Consequently, Hamman was instrumental in uncovering the hidden implications contained in patristic literature regarding the ordinary social activities of the early Christians. An authority on pagan and Christian antiquity, Hamman leads his readers to become more aware of the historical and social contextualisation of the liturgical and patristic texts of the early Church. He explores the social dimension ofthe sacraments, an objective he admirably achieves in many articles, but especially in one of his more important works, Vie liturgique et vie sociale l6 which was published in 1968, and which had been preceded by his Vie liturgique et apostolat in 1964.

3. The Application oj the Findings oj Hamman to Sacramental Theology

Thus, an attentive study of the research accomplished by Hamman reveals his wide-ranging grasp of patristic thought on the sacraments and on their orthopractical dimension. In other words, the quotidiennete we are talking about reveals a number of patristic insights concerning the sacraments as (a) graced sources of social cohesion within the Christian community; (b) moral actions urging the individual members of the community to gratuitous service; (c) pastoral stimuli driving them to bear witness in society to the person and to the values of Jesus Christ. 17 For

15. Cfr Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria, 51-76, 87-92. 16. "Sobre la liturgia de los primeros siglos podrfan citarse cantidad de trabajos, muchos de ellos fundamentales. Sin embargo, no conocemos ninguno de ellos que se haya propuesto una encuesta sistematica en relaci6n con el aspecto social. Este es el merito de patr610go Hamman, al intentar demostrar la solidaridad entre la vida liturgica y la vida social en la iglesia primitiva", A. Manrique, "Review of Vie litllrgiqlle et vie sodale", La Ciudad de Dios 183 (1970) 609. 17. Cfr H. Scerri, "Dall' aetllosa partieipatio ad un'ortoprassi eucaristica autentica", in A. Montan - M. Sodi, ed., Actllosa participatio. Conoscere, cOlllprendere e vivere la Litllrgia. Studi in onore del Prof Domenico Sartore, csj, Cittadel Vaticano 2002, 519-520; rd., Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria, 102-106,297-300. Fides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem 9

instance, Hamman delves deeply into the study of table-fellowship in his presentation of koinonia in the early Christian assembly .18 He rightly concludes that a life based on a commitment to justice, service and love becomes an extension of the participation of individual believers in the liturgy. Indeed, Hamman's interest in quotidiennete leads him to take great pains in studying the agape meal as an expression of koinonia, and as a practice closely related to the Eucharist.19

The ethical concern shown by Hamman in the light of his interest in quotidiennete led him to investigate the relationship between leitourgia and diakonia. Having, for example, received the sacramental Body of Christ in the Eucharist, individual Christians have the obligation to take notice of the social form of his presence in their neighbours. The framework of the liturgy is to encompass their daily life in its various aspects. The inextricable relationship between the Eucharist and social justice is distinctly highlighted by Hamman through several key texts by Augustine (354- 430) and John Chrysostom (c.345-407).20 Opening one's whole being to the all­ transforming effect of the sacraments means opting for daily practical solicitude vis-a-vis others. Since assisting the poor is considered by the Fathers as an extension of the celebration of the liturgy, Hamman demonstrates how this daily favourable disposition towards the suffering is also an integral part of it. John Chrysostom consistently exhorts his flock to recall that the celebration of the Eucharist entails a lifelong process of doing away with egoism, in order to embrace altruism. This is an endeavour which Hamman has appropriately described in his autobiography as "comment concilier la foi et la tache temporelle, faire non seulement cohabiter mais cooperer culte et souci social" .21

This theme was investigated by Hamman as far back as 1953 when he published an article called "Liturgie et action sociale" in the liturgical review La Maison­ Dieu. Fifteen years later, he published Vie liturgique et vie sociale, the fruit of his ',nore mature reflection. Hamman later affirms that the merit of the latter

18. Cfr ibid., 121-122. 19. Cfr A.-G. Hamman, "Quelle est I'origine de I'agape?", in Studia Patristica XII. Papers presented to the Fifth international Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford, i967, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Litcratur 107, ed. F.L. Cross, Berlin 1970,351- 354; rd., Vie litllrgiqlle et vie sociale, Paris 1968,223-227; Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria, 122-129. 20. Cfr Scerri, "Dall'actllosa participatio", 514-515. 21. Hamman, La vie, 242. Cfr rd., Vie litllrgique, 5,19. 10 Hector Scerri

lies in its invitation to engage in what de Lubac, some decades earlier, had called'ia theologie nouvelle'; this, in actual fact, consists in a return to the understanding of the integration of nature and grace as expressed in the early Christian sources ... The approach de Lubac had applied to ecclesiology, Hamman employed with regard to the liturgy, and so retrieved the dynamic connection between sacramental grace and everyday existence in the early centuries" .22

In this latter work, and in several articles which appeared later, the notion of quotidiennetrf is very conspicuous. One observes the profound relationship between the celebration ofthe sacraments and the responsibility of daily life, "entre la charitrf crflrfbree et la charite vecue et realisee" .23 One encounters several interesting expressions coined by Hamman with the intention of stressing this connection. He writes about the mystery of the Eucharist in daily life (''faire passer Ie mystere eucharistique dans Ie quotidien"),24 and about living one's Baptism in daily circumstances ("vivre Ie bapteme dans Ie quotidien").25 In fact, a careful reading of the extensive writings of Hamman shows that he "strives to dissolve the apparent opposition between the liturgy and the apostolate, prayer and action" .26 For instance, "for him, the Eucharistic anaphora ... becomes an integral part of the daily life of the early Christians, especially those who were prepared to shed their blood as martyrs" .27

In his many articles on the theme of martyria, Hamman studies the connection between the sacraments and Christian witness. He demonstrates how sacramental grace empowers individual members of the Church to bear witness to Christ in their everyday life. He examines, for instance, the relationship between martyrdom, Baptism and Eucharist. The confession of faith uttered by the candidates for the first time at their Baptism, and then repeated at each Eucharistic celebration, urges them to bear witness to Christ, and to love their neighbour. Hamman perceives a strict continuity between the commitment made at the baptismal profession offaith and the public confession made in the context of martyrdom. He had investigated

22. Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria. 104. 23. Hamman, Etudes patristiqlles, 7. 24. Hamman, "Comment les Peres de I'Eglise ont-ils preche l'eucharistie?", 415. 25. A.-G. Hamman, Le baptellle et La confirmation, Paris 1969,93. 26. L.E., "Review of Liturgia y ApostoLado", Lumen Vitae 23 (1968) 373. 27. Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria, 291. Cfr ibid., 260-269; 271-279. Fides quaerens intellectum practico-socialem II

this connection while studying the notion of sp/zragis in an important contribution at the Third International Conference on Patristic Studies held at Oxford in 1959.28 In various works, Hamman also investigates the implications of the word "Amen" at both Baptism and Eucharist, and finds that this profession accentuates the dedication of individual Christians to God.29 This solemn pledge finds its genesis in baptismal consecration, and is strengthened by participation in the Eucharist. Sacramental grace strengthens Christians when they are faced with the struggles of life. The readiness for martyria, whether the shedding of their blood or the carrying out of their daily responsibilities,3D confirms the truth of the adage by Prosper of Aquitaine (390-463) "lex orandi, lex credendi", which Hamman extends to encompass the lex vivendi. Hamman explains that this is what makes Christians "leitourgoi" and "eucharistoi". Daily life, in a spirit of witness, is transformed into a liturgy which is expressed in a diaconal attitude of service to those who know little justice or love.

In his extensive contribution to patristic studies as an internationally recognised scholar, Adalbert Hamman shows that throughout their pastoral ministry, the Fathers of the Church indefatigably strove to highlight the inextricable link between the Christian cult and daily life. In their catechesis, they strongly affirmed the interdependence of the proclamation of the kerygma, the celebration of the sacraments in leitourgia, the bonds of koinonia in the ekklesia, the practice of diakonia, and the readiness for martyria. Ever since the early 1950s, Hamman devoted himself attentively to the thought of the Fathers on the sacraments. He has consistently endeavoured to present a synthesis of their doctrinal reflections and moral teaching. He holds that orthodoxy and orthopraxis are complementary to

28. Cfr A.-G. Hamman, "La signification de sphragis dans Ie Pasteur d'Hennas", in Stlldia Patristica IV/2. Papers presented to the Third llltematiollal Conference all Patristric Studies held at Christ Church, Oxford, 1959, Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur 79, ed. F.L. Cross, Berlin 1961,286-290. 29. Cfr Hamman, La priere, I, 429; Id., "La Messe et sa catechese chez les Peres de I'Eglise", 464; Id., "De la celebration eucharistique a la vie quotidienne", 297,300; Id., La vie qllotidienne en Afrique du Nord, 242; Id., Les racines de lafoi. La catechese des Peres de l'Eglise, Paris 1983, 181. 30. Cfr A.-G. Hamman, "L'Esprit Saint dans la vie de I'Eglise, au cours des trois premiers siccles", in Corona GratiarulIl, Festschrift E. Dekkers, I, Instrumenta Patristica ro, Brugge - 's Gravenhage 1975,3 I, 34; Tertullian, De Spectaclllis, 25,5, as quoted in A.-G. Hamman, "Signification doctrinale des Actes des martyrs", Nouvelle revue tlu!ologiqlle 75 (1953) 744. With regard to martyria as an extension of eucharistia, cfr A.-G. Hamman, "Mystere eucharistique", in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite, IV/2, ed. M. Viller - al., Paris 1961, 1582; Id., La vie, 132; Id., La priere, II, 141; Id., "De la celebration eucharistigue 11 la vie quotidienne", 30 I. 12 Hector Scerri

each other. In so doing, he proves that patristics is not merely a collection of dogmatic pronouncements, but is a vital reflection on pastoral responsibility. Hamman thus underlines the permanent validity of the enlightened attitude of the Fathers to the socio-economic and political milieux in society. While contextualising the teachings of the Fathers, Hamman shows that their sermons, epistles and commentaries possess a striking applicability to contemporary society. The content of Hamman's works is never dry, but ever appealing in its quotidiennete. Like the Fathers he studies, he applies the ethical implications of the sacraments to daily life. This leads him to exhort Christians to be truly Christ-like - people jor others and with others.

4. The Influence oj Franciscan Spirituality on Hamman

The praiseworthy rediscoveries by Hamman are the direct result of the confluence of the social concern he imbibed from the Fathers, and the Franciscan charism he assimilated from the Poverello of Assisi (1182-1226) .31 This coalescence found a favourable catalyst in the varied experiences of the Church in France before the Second Vatican Council. Although a scholar devoted to long hours of painstaking research, Hamman remained a man of the people. Far from seeking the trappings of academic pedestals, Hamman, throughout his career, opted instead for radical simplicity and selfless availability. The practice of disinterested solidarity and human promotion, ubiquitous in his writings, can be implicitly traced to his experience as a Franciscan religious inflamed with love for the incarnate Son. For Hamman, Franciscan spirituality is not defined by an activity, but by a way of being, a fraternal lifestyle which seeks to put into practice the Gospel message in the daily situations of life?2 Following the poor and crucified Christ led Hamman to recapture the mystical experiences of Francis, especially his encounter with the leper and his mandate coming from the crucifix at San Damiano. The needy are "sacraments of Christ" because in such outcasts the Poverello finds the Suffering Servant of humanity.

Showing a genuine solicitude for what men and women experience in the routine of daily life, Hamman has borne witness to this commitment of the Church as expressed in the opening words of Gaudium et Spes (1965), the Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modem World of the Second Vatican Council: "The joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the men of our time, especially of those who are poor

31. efr Scerri, Koinonia, Diakonia and Martyria, 84-86. 32. efr Hamman, La vie, 370. Fides quaerens inteJlectum practico-socialem 13

or afflicted in any way, are the joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the followers of Christ as well. Nothing that is genuinely human fails to find an echo in their hearts" (para. 1). This explains why Hamman has laboured to highlight the daily relevance of orthopraxis to sacramental theology, an aspect which he closely aligns to the pneumatological and the ecclesiological ones.

In the Canticle of St Francis, believers pray to be instruments of the peace of God. The presentation of the Fathers as expounded by Adalbert Hamman seeks to concentrate upon the transformation accomplished by sacramental grace in the lives of the baptised: it unites them together, illumines their intellect and fortifies their will when faced with the daily realities encountered in contemporary society.33 Thus, an analysis of the complete works of Hamman reveals that this contemporary scholar underlines the concept of quotidiennete in the ethical, socio-practical concern, that is, the orthopraxis shown by the Fathers: leitourgia and koinonia challenge Christians to foster an ecclesial spirit marked by diakonia and martyria, hence inviting them to be instruments ofgrace for their brothers and sisters. This is what makes the contribution of Adalbert Hamman to theology so enriching and so relevant. The bridge between theology and daily life mirrors Hamman's firm conviction that "lafoi devienne experience de vie, a l'ecole des peres".34 This is what makes his precious theological endeavour afides quaerens intellectum practico­ socialem.

Dept of Fundamental and Dogmatic Theology University of Malta Msida, Malta

33. G. Dumeige talks of"une irradiation de la liturgie dans ['existence chretienne de tous les jours ... , .... les relations entre la priere et la foi, la liturgie et I'existence chretienne" ("Review of La priere, II: Les trois premiers siecles", Gregorianlllll 45 [1964] 866). 34. Hamman, La vie, 62.

Interpreting the Word of God: Rhetorical analysis Charles Buttigieg

The courses, 'La Pasqua del Signore Gesu' and 'L' Analisi Retorica' of Profes­ sor Roland Meynet SJ. held at the Gregorian University in Rome, introduced me for the first time to the word, or better to the 'world' of rhetorical analysis. Here we are not speaking of a method or an approach in studying the biblical text but of an 'operation' to analyze the text. Since it is an operation then it can accept any method or approach. It consists in individuating the composition or the' architecture' of the text at different levels, studying the formal relations ad their significance, begin­ ning obviously from the lower level. We have the member consisting of two or three terms, the segment consisting of one, two or three members, the branch con­ sisting of one, two or three segments, the part consisting of one, two or three branches, and the passage consisting of one or more parts, the sequence which can have one or more passages, the section which consists of sequences, and the book made up of all the sections. Analyzing for example the composition of a given passage and then the relations between other passages in the sub-sequence, to ar­ rive then to an overall view of the whole sequence. Such an approach tries to above all give light to its biblical context, finally arriving to an authentic interpretation of the text. Hence rhetoric analysis is the rediscovering of the principles of communi­ cation which the authors of the bible had used. It views the evangelists and all the other biblical authors as true authors, composing the text with an organized and unified structure for the efficiency of 'communication' of their inspired message among Christian, Jewish and pagan communities. Obviously like every operation or task or job it is not always easy, it needs time and patience!

I will try to explain this operation, working with the passage of Peter's denial of Jesus in Mt 26,69-75, found in the first sub-sequence (Mt 26,57-75) in the second sequence (Mt 26,57-27,26): the Judgment of Jesus in the Passion and Resurrection of Jesus. (Every parallel in the text will be evidenced by a particular font type).

:69 Meanwhile Peter was sitting outside in the courtyard, :and a servant-girl came up to him saying; ="You TOO, WERE WITH JESUS THE GALILEAN." _70 But he DENIED it in front of them all, saying; +"J DO. NOT KNOW WHAT YOU A~E TALKING ABOUT," 16 Charles BUtligieg

;71 When he went out to the gateway another servant-girl saw him ... and said to the people there; ="THIS MAN WAS WITH JESUS THE NAZARENE." _72 And again, he WITH AN OATH, DENIED it, +"1 DO NOT KNOW THE MAN."

;73 A little later the bystanders came up ;and said to Peter; ="YOU ARE CERT AINL Y ONE OF THEM TOO! your accent gives you away." _74 Then he started CURSING AND SWEARING, + "1 DO NOT KNOW THE MAN."

:And at once the cock crowed, 75 and Peter remembered what Jesus had said, "Before the cock crows you will have DISOWNED (DENIED) me three times.

:And he went outside and wept bitterly.

The first procedure as we can see, implies a re-writing of the passage, an order­ ing of the text to make more vivid its rhetorical architecture by elements of identity and opposition using the 'grammar' of rhetorical analysis. A 'just' translation of the text from the original biblical languages is always fundamentaL

In describing the composition of our passage after its re-writing, we can see that it consists of two parts (vv. 69-74b) and (vv.74c-75). The first part has three divisions where we find three different accusers (vv. 69b, 71a, 73a), and the pro­ gression of Peter's three denials. First he simply denied; "I do not know what you are talking about" (70a), the second denial is done with an oath (72a) , and the third with cursing and swearing (74a). The last two denials being identical; "I do not know the man". We can see also three different versions of the accusations in vv. 69c, 71c, 73c. The second part which is very short (vv. 74c-75), consists in Peter repenting and weeping after the cock had crowed.

It is interesting to note the word 'outside', ekso in vv. 69a and 75c giving a sense of inclusion and hence justifying the limits of our passage studied. Interpreting the Word of God 17

After this important initial stage we can talk about the biblical context. As we said before, our passage forms part of the first sub-sequence of the second se­ quence (Mt 26,57-27,26). Such a sequence consists of different sins performed by diverse persons in the Passion of Christ, and surely recalls the first sins performed in the book of Genesis. We can recall here the killing of Abel by his brother Cain, where after the killing, God asks Cain where is his brother, and cain responds, "I do not know" (Gn 4,9). This is the same answer which Peter gives in his three denials, ouk Olda.

The timing of this passage is during the 'night', during the third Roman watch extended from midnight to 3.00a.m. The 'cockcrowing' being the indicative as it is very significative during the hush of the night in typical Mediterranean cities and villages. The place being the courtyard, ante of the high priest. It is important also to understand the nature of Peter's denials which were intensified with cursing and swearing. The verb for cursing in Greek means to invoke anathema or to devote to descruction (Hebrew /:terem). Leviticus 19:12 forbade calling upon God to witness a lie. Peter feared that he might be subjected to a destiny similar to that of Jesus. It is also possible to view Peter's denials as an attempt to cover his unintentional failure. In Mt 26,33-35), Peter asserted that he will always be loyal to Jesus even if he had to die. But in the confusion and fear of that terrible 'night' of evil when Jesus was arrested, Peter failed to keep his promise. Peter's failure was in being an unfaithful disciple, and in not protecting his master by lying about his relationship with Jesus. Then in order to protect his honour (which is very important in Medi­ terranean cultures) with the bystanders, he actually lost it! This episode which I examined then comes to a restoration after the Resurrection of Jesus in the Galilean appearances in the three-fold question: "Do you love me?"

After the biblical context comes the interpretation. One cannot interpret the Bible in just a couple of seconds. Bible interpretation is not easy, it needs time, work, thinking and above all prayer. A doctor cannot interpret a sickness in just one second, but he has to investigate with certain procedures, such as medical tests, X-rays and so forth. In rhetorical analysis it is after a series of authentic procedures that one arrives for the interpretation.

Obviously in our passage we see the movement of the gravity of Peter's sin. In the first denial, ernesato, Peter demonstrates his fake ignorance of the fact (70b) that he was with Jesus the Galilean. The second denial is done with an oath that he was not with Jesus the Nazarene, saying that he did not know the 18 Charles Buttigieg

man, ton aflthropon, rendering his master as a common 'man' (72b). The third which tries to identify Peter as one of the group of Jesus (73c) because of the similar dialectral accent, is done with cursing himself and swearing (74a). Hence the denials of Peter are sins against his Master and also his companions (73c); exactly like Cain who sinned against his brother and above all against God. In fact, theologically, sin is a rapture with God and with the ecclesial community. Then the crowing of the cock which broke the hush of that evil night, brought Peter face to face with his sin, as he remembered the prophetic words of Jesus (Mt 26,30-35). Peter repented, recognized his sin, but did not despair like his companion Judas Iscariot.

After this operation on this single passage one can work with other passages to obtain an overall view of the whole sequence. Since our text is from a synoptic gospel it will be ideal to make a synoptic comparison with the parallel passages in Mk and Lk. Surely interesting things would come out and some answers can be given to the famous synoptic problem with the aid of rhetorical analysis. The biblical 'operation' proposed during these courses emphasizing the rhetoric in and of the text, brings the reader into a fertile field of Biblical Theology with new voices, ideas, and insights for his pastoral ministry in the parish and mission life.

Bibliography Garavelli, Bice Mortara, Manuale di Retorica, Milano 1994. The International Standard Bible encyclopedia, Morris O. Evans - Melvin Grove Kyle - Edgar Y. Mullins et al. (eds.), in C.D. ROM, 2000. The Jerome Biblical Commentary, Raymond E. Brown - J.A. Fitzmyer - Roland E. Murphy (eds), in CD-ROM, 2000. Meynet, Roland, L'Analisi Retorica, Brescia 1992. _, Jesus passe. Testament, jugement, execution et resurrection du Seigneur Jesus dans les evangiles synoptiqlles, Roma/Paris 1991. _, Leggere la Bibbia. Un manua/e per capire. Un saggio per rif/ettere, (=Due punti 57), Milano 1998. -, "E ora, scrivete per voi questa cantico". Introduzione pratica all' analisi retorica, 1, Detti e proverbi (=Retorica biblica 3), Roma 1996. Old Testament quotations in the New Testament. Helpsfor Translators, ed. Robert G. Bratcher, London/New York/Stuttgart, 31987. Parrocchia Santa Lucia Via Santa Lucia 00195 Roma - Italy La Liturgia a Malta a 40 ani dal Concilio Vaticano II

Jesmond Manicaro

Premessa

In occasione di uno 0 pili anniversari dalla promulgazione della Costituzione Liturgica Sacrosanctum Concilium, diversi sono stati i liturgisti che si sono riproposti di studiare quanta questo documento abbia inHuito sull'andamento liturgico della Chiesa universalmente come pure locale. La Chiesa di Malta gia fece cia vent'anni dopo la comparsa di questa documento conciliare.' Oggi quarant'anni dal momenta in cui vide la luce la Sacrosanctum Cqncilium, tocca a me riandare nel tempo e considerare se questa documento sia stato 0 meno strumento di rinnovamento della vita ecclesiale, e in pili, forse, provare ad incamminarci, come Chiesa, lungo la strada che ci resta ancora da fare, onde finalmente immedesimarci nella spirito che traspare dal documento in se stesso.

1. Introduzione

II rinnovamento nel campo della Liturgia ebbe inizio nel XIX secolo presso

I. efr. Aa.Vv., ll-Knisja Malfija 20 sella Wara I·Koni:iljll, Istitut Kattoliku, Malta 1985, 1-44. La letteratura commemorattiva della Sacrosancful1I COllciiium e vastissima. Indichiamo sol tanto un titolo al quale l'autore ha fatto riferimento: M. Auge, Movimenfo iifllrgico: Riforma iifllrgica - Rinnovamento iifllrgico, in &'clesia Orans 6 (1989) 301-322.

Discorso in occasione del 40° anniversario della promulgazione della Costituzione liturgica del Concilio Vaticano II, Sacrosanctum Conciliul7l. Co-Cattedrale di San Giovanni Battista, Valletta - Malta, il 18 novembre 2003.

Jesmond Manicaro, sacerdote della Diocesi di Malta, ha conseguito il Dottorato in Sacra Liturgia presso il Pontificio Istituto Liturgico S, Anselmo di Roma nel 2002. E il segretario della Commissione Liturgica della Provincia Ecclesiastica Maltese, 20 Jesmond Manicaro

l'abbazia benedettina di St. Pierre de Solesmes, in Francia, tramite l' Abate Prosper Gueranger o.s.b. Fu da qui che il movimento liturgico si propago nei monasteri benedittini del Centro Europa nonch€ presso abbazie rinomate come Beuron, Maria Laach, Mont Cesar e Maredsous che divennero in breve tempo gli autentici motori della riforma. Dom Lambert Beauduin o.s.b., agli inizi del XX secolo diede una dimensione pili pastorale al movimento liturgico, che evadendo oltre Ie mura dei monasteri, comincio ad irradiarsi e prendere piede nelle parrocchie.ll movimento liturgico divenne cosl una cellula vivente con soli de basi teologiche, spirituali e pastorali in seno alIa Chiesa ed assieme a tanti altri come il movimento Biblico e quello Patristico, si era fortemente impegnato per quel rinnovamento cosl tanto necessario ed a cui la Chiesa anelava da tempo.2

Malta nonostante Ie limitazioni, incluse quelle geografiche, rientra anch'essa nella storia della riforma liturgica. Nei primi anni del XX secolo fu pubblicato a Malta il primo Messalino Festivo in Maltese, compilato da Guze Muscat Azzopardi che nell'introduzione invita i fedeli a fame buon uso onde partecipare al meglio alla Santa Messa. Parole sante an cora pili che attuali:

"Con questa (il Messalino) in mano, anche se pili piccolo del Messale, potete seguire in tutto il sacerdote e dire con lui parola per parola, come se steste concelebrando con lui, anzi, non come se, rna veramente, state celebrando la Messa insieme a lui, pioche il sacrificio e per chi celebra rna anche per chi ascolta la Messa. E per questo, infatti, che il sacerdote un po prima del Sanctus, si gira e di fronte ai fedeli, a voce alta, invita tutti coloro che stanno ascoltando la sua Messa e dice: Orate jratres, ut meum ac vestrum sacrificium acceptabile fiat - che significa: Pregate, fratelli, perche it mio ed it vostro sacrificio sia gradito ... "3

Colui, pero, che veramente diede spinta al rinnovamento liturgico a Malta fu Monsignor Giuseppe Lupi. Poco pili di 48 anni fa, dal 9 u 12 gennaio 1956, egli organizzo, assieme all' Associazione degli Studenti di Teologia, allora nota come RUST A, il primo Congresso Liturgico della diocesi di Malta, che ebbe luogo presso

2. Cfr. O. Rousseau, Storia del movimento Iiturgico. Lineamenti storici dagli inizi del XIX fino ad oggi, Ediz. Paoline, Roma 1961; B. Neunheuser, Movimento liturgico. in NliovoDizionario di Liturgia a cura di D. Sartore e A.M. Triacca, Ediz. Paoline. Roma 1984,904-918. 3. Cfr. G.Muscat Azzopardi, II Ctieb talKuddies, makilib milLatill ghall Malti minn JlIk il Missal Chelma b'Cllelma, G. Muscat, Malta 1918, vii-ix. La Liturgia a Malta 21

l'Oratorio di questa stessa Co-Cattedrale. Nonostante il tema La partecipazione del laiGi alta Liturgia al Congresso, furono invitati solamente i membri del Clero. L'iniziattiva accrebbe I' interesse nel nnnovamento liturgico presso la nostra diocesi. Tra Ie vane proposte al termine del Congresso ci furono la necessita di una maggiore formazione liturgic a come pure di una partecipazione attiva aIle funzioni religiose. Comunque, la risoluzione principale fu la costituzione di una Commissione Liturgica Diocesana mirata a promuovere I'apostolato liturgico. Difatti, neHe settimane a seguire, \' Arcivescovo Monsignor Michele Gonzi indisse la Commissione, che tenne la sua prima riunione i112 marzo 1956. I primi membri della Commissione furono Monsignor Giuseppe Lupi, Padre Serafino Zarb o.p., i Monsignori Giuseppe Borg e Carmelo Sant come pure Padre Alberto Borg o.s.a. che nei primi anni svolsero un lavoro incommensurabile. BasH dire che gia nel corso deHe prime settimane introdussero il nuovo rito della Settimana Santa, quindi la Messa vespertina, l'uso del vemacolo in alcune parti del Rito del Battesimo, fecero programmi di formazione liturgica alla Radio (a11ora Redifussion) e piu tardi alia Televisione (MTV), tennero corsi per insegnanti, religiose come anche per laid impegnati. In poche parole, a Malta 10 spirito di rinnovamento non era meno vivo che in altri paesi cattolici.4

2. Sacrosanctu11l Conciliu11l

La Magna Charta della riforma liturgica e certamente la Costituzione su11a Liturgia Sacrosanctum Concilium promulgata da Paolo VI il4 dicembre 1963. Nel corso di questi 40 anni ci siamo trovati di fronte a tre fasi importanti: il passaggio dallatino al vernacol0 (1965-1966) la revisione dei testi liturgici e la lora pubblicazione e traduzione nelle diverse lingue - un progetto iniziato nel 1969 e ora finalmente concluso, anzi, per l'esattezza abbiamo gia a disposizione la seconda edizione riveduta di alcuni testi. 1a terza fase, certamente quell a che richiede un impegno maggiore, sebbene gia iniziata, e la formazione liturgica necessaria per capire meglio 10 spirito dei nuovi riti ed affinche la nostra partecipazione sia piena, pill attiva onde acquisire la giusta gratificazione di queUo che si celebra. Inoltre, sempre nei limiti concessi, la Conferenza Episcopale non ha ancora dato it via al processo per l'appropriato adattamento dei testi liturgici aHa mentalita del popolo Maltese.

4. efr. G. Lupi, Liturl?ija, vol I ,Kummissjoni Liturgika, Malta 1982,54-86. 22 Jesmond Manicaro

Prima pero di andar a frugare nei dettagli e sapere quanto di buono abbia apportato la riforma, dobbiamo innanzittutto esaminare e cercare di capire la base teologica di questa cammino, altrimenti ho il presentimento che per una mancata e giusta riflessione si possa arrivare a fare solamente dei discorsi artificiali ed anche superficiali .

II Concilio Vaticano II estato il primo Concilio nella Chiesa a dare alla Liturgia uno sfondo teologico. Senz'altro, il principale scopo della Sacrosanctum Concilium non erano i riti come fine a se stessi, rna sopratutto la fede che emana dal loro significato. Ed e per questo che la Liturgia non e semplicemente riti e cerimonie. II fine ultimo, dopo tutto, della Sacrosanctum Con cilium, come del Concilio Vaticano II del resto, e pastorale che non puo essere raggiunto senza una soda base teologica. Percio, addentrarci nel vero spirito della Costituzione Sacrosanctum COllcilium comporta discernere la teologia su cui si basa che alla in fine e un 'Ecclesiologia.

3. PUllto di partellza - Chiesa comzl1liolle

L'idea principale di Chiesa proposta dal Concilio Vaticano II e di Chiesa­ Comunione,5 un'idea non nata certamente 40 anni fa. Era gia presente nei diversi modelli di Chiesa dell'Ecclesiologia pre-conciliare. Basta ricordare il movimento liturgico tedesco tramite noti liturgisti come I' Abate Herwegen, Odo Casel e Romano Guardini che fin dai primi anni del XX secolo gia avevano fatto loro e sviluppata I 'Ecclesiologia di Johann Adam Moehler (+ 1838). Nei suoi studi egli si rifece ai Padri della Chiesa dalla cui teologia scatm1sce la vita trinitaria come base della Chiesa e all 'unione in seno ad essa.6

Fu proprio questa teologia che in modo diretto influl assai sui documenti magisteriali emessi negli anni immediatamente precedenti il Concilio, mi rferisco alle Encic1iche Mystici Corporis e Mediator Dei di Pio XII. Dall'ecc1esiologia che traspare da essi la Chiesa ci viene presentata come un corpo Ie cui membra benche dipendenti dal capo (Cristo) sono importanti e si mantiene eretto per la verticalita della spina dorsale (la gerarchia). Questo modello comincio ad accettare sempre di pili la partecipazione attiva alla Liturgia, di tutti i membri elella Chiesa.7

5. efr. S. Dianich, La Chiesa mistero di comllnione, Marietti, Genova s 1987. 6. efr. O. Rousseau, Storia detmovimellto tillirgico ..., 110 55. 7. efr. P. Serracino Inglott, Kllttllra II Liturgija, in Aa. Vv., lI-Klli~ia Mattija 20 sella wara ... , 4. La Liturgia a Malta 23

In seguito il Concilio Vaticano II venne a presentarci un'immagine di Chiesa­ Popolo di Dio, un popolo unito come una famiglia che anela a Dio Padre. Pure questa modello di Chiesa fa 8i che I' assemblea tutta partecipi alle funzioni liturgiche. Le proposte di Chiesa-Popolo di Dio - Comunione, appena accennati nella Saerosanetum Con cilium, sono stati poi sviluppati e perfezionati nei documenti conciliari che seguirono soprattutto nella Lumen Gentium. Se non fosse stato perche la Sacrosanctwn COl1eilium fu discussa per prima, certamente avremmo avuto una teologia pili ricca di idee scaturite poi dalla Lumen Gentium, Presbyterorum Ordinis e Gaudium et Spes. Questi documenti, infatti, formano la base teologica di alcuni paragrafi introduttivi dei nuovi libri liturgici.8

Nel contesto di questa teologia dobbiamo giuocoforza porci la domanda seguente e rifletterci su: E la comunita diventata il soggetto vero della liturgia? Questo e l'unico criterio per discernere quanto la Liturgia sia veramente basata sull'Ecclesiologia della comunione. La riforma architettonica nelle nostre chiese, il fatto di avere tolto l'altare dal muro e consentire COS! al sacerdote di guardare direttamente in faccia ai fedeli non hanno avuto COSt poi tanto cambiato Ie cose, a nulla e servito togliere Ie balaustre di marmo che cingevano I' altare come non e bastata la revisione dei riti. In verita quanto siamo certi il rito liturgico, in conformita aile introduzioni ai nuovi libri liturgici, permetta che tutto il popolo di Dio - vescovi, sacerdoti, diaconi e laici sia veramente partecipe alia celebrazione?

4. Punto di arrivo: celebrare ill Spirito e Veritii

Per quanto abbiamo detto finora, echiaro che la base teologica della Sacrosanetum Coneilium e la Chiesa-Popolo di Dio: Chiesa-comunione. Ma questa Popolo di Dio, questa Chiesa devono pur raggiungere qualche meta! Oia da quel che stiamo dicendo, 8i capisce che dobbiamo arrivare ad una Chiesa, una comunita, che celebri in "Spirito e Verita". Questo 10 si puo ben desumere dalla stessa Sacrosanetum Coneilium nei paragrafi sulla formazione liturgica dei candidati al sacerdozio: "Nei seminari e nelle case religiose i chierici ricevano una formazione spirituale a sfondo liturgico, mediante una opportuna iniziazione che Ii metta in grado di penetrare il senso dei sacri riti e di prendervi parte con tutto i110ro animo" eSC 17).

8. efr. c. Vagaggini, La ecclesiologia di comulliolle come jOlldamellto te%gico principale della rijorma liturgic{[ nei sl10i p1lnti //laggiori, in Aa. Vv., Lifllrgia opera divin(l e umana. Studi :mlla rijorlll{[ lifllrgica offeni a S.E. MOilS. Anllibale Blignini ill occasione del .1'110 7(J'compleanIl0, Ediziani Liturgiche, Rama 1982,59-131. 24 Jesmond Manicaro

I sacerdoti, poi, "vengano aiutati con tutti i mezzi opportuni a penetrare sempre pill il senso di cio che compiono nelle sacre funzioni, a vivere la vita liturgic a e a condividerla con i fedeli loro affidati" (SC 18).

I fedeli da parte loro: "non assistano come estranei 0 muti spettatori a questa mistero di fede, rna che, comprendendolo bene nei suoi riti e nelle sue preghiere, partecipino all'azione sacra consapevolmente, piamente e attivamente" (SC 48).

Questi enunciati conciliari forse percM letti in fretta 0 capiti male hanno spesso dato adito, anche qui da noi, a una certa anarchia di programmi, ad esperimenti risultati poi senza senso ed illusori. Non si puo assolutamente essere certi del passo giusto se non si hanno idee chi are suI significato di un vera partecipazione aIle celebrazioni "in Spirito e Verita". D'altra parte non ci si puo limitare alIa semplice esecuzione rituale. Dobbiamo invece "interpretare il rito" anzi "dargli un'anima" percM viva cosiccM il popolo di Dio possa esprimere al meglio la sua fede ed immedesimarsi con Dio nel corso della celebrazione.

Cio avviene allorcM si valorizzi il metodo mistagogico dei Padri della Chiesa, vale a dire: pill attenzione ai segni della liturgia; dare senso ai riti alIa luce della Bibbia e secondo la prospettiva della storia della salvazione; • vivere la Liturgia spalancando i nostri cuori ad un maggiore impegno cristiano ed ecclesiologico come espressione di una nuova vita nel Cristo.9 Quest'ultimo punto mette la partecipazione liturgica, cioe la nostra celebrazione in "Spirito e Verita", su un'altra dimensione. L'azione liturgica non termina a1 momento della cerimonia rna deve inserirsi nella nostra vita di tutti i giorni fin a quando sotto l'azione della Spirito Santo, l'esistenza stessa dei fedeli sia come individui sia come comunita si trasformi in "cui to spirituale". A questa proprio ci esorta l'apostolo Paolo nella sua Lettera ai Romani: "offrire i vostri corpi come sacrificio vivente, santo e gradito a Dio ... " (Rom 12,1).

Considerando tutto questa dobbiamo a questa punto domandarci qual' e il rapporto tra la Liturgia e la nostra vita quotidiana. Permettermi, vi prego, di esprimere una mia opinione puramente personale. Senza volere essere troppo pessimista penso che la

9. efr. D. Sarlore, Catechesi e litllrgia, in Nuovo Dizionario di Liturgia ... , 227. La Liturgia a Malta 25

nostra comunita non sempre abbia posto il mistero liturgico all'apice della propria vita, per ragioni varie, naturalmente. Importante, quindi, prima di proporre piani di azione, pensarci su bene affinche si concretizzi nel miglior dei modi. Ma da dove cominciare? II documento del Sinodo Oiocesano Liturgia e i Sacramenti 10 e chiaro: "Quando ricevono I'Eucaristia, i discepoli di Cristo, per la grazia del Cristo Risorto, si preparano agli impegni della loro vita quoticliana. Per il cristiano, la Santa Messa non terrnina alle porte della chiesa rna egli e chiamato ad essere ovunque testimone dell'Evangelo, di comunicarl0 agli altri e far si che la gioia dell'unione con il Cristo traspaia nelle attivita della comunita parrocchiale" (LS 15). 5. Situazione attuale Sappiamo da dove siamo partiti e dove vorremmo arrivare rna per continuare it nostro cammino e d'uopo considerare la nostra posizione attuale. A propos ito del Sinodo Oiocesano dobbiamo e capire a fondo il documento Liturgia e i Sacramenti, dobbiamo viverlo.

E bene menzionare alcuni aspetti positivi del Concilio che potrebbero vieppiu essere sviluppati aHa luce del documento Liturgia e i Sacramenti: partecipazione del popolo di Dio aHa Liturgia avvicinare i laid aHa Liturgia delle Ore una miglior conoscenza della Parola di Oio riconoscimento della tipologia dell' Antico e del Nuovo Testamento nei riti sacramentali l'uso del vernacolo come strumento vivo in evoluzione per migliorare il nostro modo di comunicare con Oio. II documento del Sinodo propone tra l'altro aspetti problematici che necessariamente devono essere ten uti da conto onde poter arrivare al rinnovamento liturgico. Percio, dobbiamo: • fare caso al mancato interesse nella pratica (nonostante il numero alto di fedeli che ancora attendono alIa Santa Messa) • riscoprire il fasdno del simbolismo liturgico avere a cuore il patrimonio liturgico e ritenerlo come la viva fonte spirituale che ha dato vita all Chiesa nei secoli. Ritrovare, tra I'altro, il bello e la spiritualita del Canto Gregoriano

10. Cfr., Dokument ws-Sinodu Djocesan: Uturgija II Sagramenti (=LS). Arcidjocesi ta' Malta, Malta 2003. 26 Jesmond Manicaro

• capire meglio la Liturgia che non consiste solamente di parole e canto, anzi e fatta anche di momenti di silenzio profondo in cui Dio si manifesta apertamente • individuare modi per fare combaciare la pieta popolare in armonia con i riti ufficiali della Chiesa • dare spinta all'arte liturgica, nel vero senso della parola, che rifletta appieno la teologia del Popolo di Dio che oggi si riunisce per celebrare in Spirito e Verita. Epilogo

Sono trascorsi 40 anni dalla promulgazione della Costituzione Sacrosanctum Concilium la fonte da cui tutti abbiamo attinto soddisfando la nostra sete. Auspichiamo che i cattolici Maltesi rna anche il mondo cattolico, riflettino sempre piu su di esso, e 10 vivano profondamente continuando COS! da saziarci della grazia che emane dal costato di Gesu Crocefisso, consci di partecipare all' "opera di Dio". Ci dobbiamo inoltre prodigare a fare in modo che la Liturgia divenga una cosa sola con la vita di fede nella nostra vita quotidian a (cfr. LS 55).

Bibliografia Aa.Vv., Il-Knijja Maltija 20 sena Wara I-KonCilju, Istitut Kattoliku, Malta 1985. Auge, M. Movimento liturgico: Riforma liturgica - Rinnovamento liturgico, in Ecclesia Orans 6 (1989) 301-322. Dianich, S. La Chiesa mistero di comunione, ed. 5, Marietti, Genova 1987. Dokument tas-Sinodu Djocesan: Liturgija u Sagramenti, Arcidjocesi ta' Malta, Malta 2003. Lupi, G. Liturgija, vol 1, Kummissjoni Liturgika, Malta 1982. Neunheuser, B. Movimenti liturgico, in NuovoDizionario di Liturgia a cura di D. Sartore e A.M. Triacca, Ediz. Paoline, Roma 1984,904-918. Rousseau, O. Storia del movimento liturgico. Lineamenti storici dagli inizi del XIXfino ad oggi, Ediz. Paoline, Roma 1961. Sartorte, D. Catechesi e liturgia, a cura di D. Sartore e A.M. Triacca, Ediz. Paoline, Roma 1984,219-230. Vagaggini, C. La ecclesiologia di comunione comefondamento teologico principale della riforma liturgica nei suoi punti maggiori, in Aa. Vv .,Liturgia opera divina e umana. Studi sulla nforma liturgica offerti a S.E. Mons. Annibale Bugnini in occasione del suo 7(J'compleanno, Edizioni Liturgiche, Roma 1982, 59-13l.

Ufficio Liturgico, Curia Arcivescovile, Malta. Democratic elements in the early Churchl

David Plidano

1 Introduction

To designate the Christian community, the first Christians chose the Greek word ekklesia, the tenn used in classical Greece to refer to the officially gathered politi­ cal assembly.

In choosing the term ekklesia early Christians were very probably influenced by its use in the Septuagint to translate the Hebrew qaheli (the assembly of the people) of Yahweh or of IsraeU It has been argued that another available term, synagoge, which was also used in the Septuagint to translate qahal and more fre­ quently the almost synonymous 'edhilh, was too much distinctively associated with the Greek-speaking Jewish communities and was thus put aside by the Christians.]

I. This is the second in a series of articles on the Catholic Church and democracy. The first appeared in Melita Theologica (200411). Bible quotations are from the New jerusalem bible. Unless other­ wise stated, quotations from official Church documents are taken from the English translation available at the official Vatican website (www.vatican.va) and those from the Fathers of the Church are taken from the Nell' Advelll Catholic website (www.newadvent.orglfathers). 2. See RAYMOND E, BROWN CAROLYN OSIEK - PHEME PERKINS, Early Church, in 17le New jerome Biblical Commelllary, edited by Raymond E, Brown - Joseph A. Fitzmyer Roland E. Murphy, EngJ<:wood Cliffs/NJ 1990, 1340.lt is this link with the Greek translation of the Old Testament that the Catechism of the Catholic Church assumes as the core factor in the choice of the term ekkf?sia by the first Christian community, which thus "recognised itself as heir to that assembly [the assem­ bly of the people of God in the Old Testament]." Catechism of the Catholic Church, 75 L 3. ERIC G. JAY, The Church Its changing image through twe11ly centuries, IThe first seventeen centu­ ries, London 1977, 7; LOTHAR COENEN, Church; synagogue, in The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology, translated from German, with additions and revision, under general edi­ tor Colin Brown. Grand Rapids/MI 1986,297. Note, however, that Edward Schillebeeckx rejects this as a factor int1uencing the choice of the term ekkl?sia. Schillebeeckx argues that early Chris­ tians remained, to varying degrees, associated with Judaism until their definitive expulsion by the Jews, an expulsion enshtined in the blessing against heretics inserted in Jewish daily prayers prob­ ably towards the end of the first century AD. See 146-154. However, sYllag?g? is used in the New Testament with reference to Christians only once in Jm 2, 2. 28 David Polidano

Even though one should not overlook these and perhaps other influencing factors,4 one must not neglect, on the other hand, the democratic undertones of the chosen term.

Although after the subjugation of Macedonia and Greece by the Romans, com­ pleted about 150 Be, the ekklesiai of the Greek cities retained little of their former political power,s the term ekklesia still connoted to some extent the freedom and equality promised to all the citizens of the classical democratic city-state.6 Besides, throughout the Hellenistic world, ekklesia always retained its political reference and was never used to refer to the cultic assembly gathered for worship. For the latter, other terms were employed.7 It can therefore be confidently asserted that at least in the case of gentile Christians, most of whom were not so well, or not at all, acquainted with the Old Testament context, the term ekklesia was most probably understood in the light of its immediate secular derivation.

It can even be said that the promise of freedom and equality implied in the secular understanding of the term was even further accentuated in the early Chris­ tian communities where, as Paul asserts, there was to be no difference between Jew or Greek, slave or freeman, male or female (see Gal 3, 28; 1 Cor 12, 13). Unlike the Greek city-state where only adult males who were citizens by birth shared political freedom and equality, in the Christian ekklesia all shared the same freedom and equality in virtue of their baptism, which could be received by all who had faith in Jesus Christ. As will be seen in the coming section, this is not to say that in the community anybody or everybody could play any or every role at will or that there were no particular members entrusted with leadership roles.

In this article, I will be attempting to investigate some aspects of New Testa­ ment theology and early Church history, particularly those concerning the Church's structures of authority, in order to understand better and examine the fate of the basic freedom and equality in the Spirit belonging to all the members of the Chris­ tian ekklesia. The freedom and equality in the Spirit referred to here are not identi-

4. See JAY. 7. 5. See ibid., 5. 6. See ELISABETH SCHUSSLER FIORENZA, A discipleship of equals: ekklesial democracy and patriarchy ill biblical perspective, in A democratic Catholic Church. The reconstruction of Roman Catholi­ cism, edited by Eugene C. Bianchi - Rosemary Radford Ruether, New York 1993, 19. 7. See COENEN, 291-292. Democratic elements in the early Church 29

cal to the political freedom and equality understood as the foundational elements of secular democracy. However, while these evangelical values surely transcend any strictly political ideals, they do have political implications with regard to the internal government of the Church. This article will seek to explore the presence of such implications in the first centuries of the Church's existence.

2 Authority in the ekklesia according to the New Testament

Although Vatican Council II made a huge contribution towards the recognition of authority in the Church as residing in all her members in virtue of their baptism and confirmation, it has been and is still often held - if not in theory, surely in practice - that authority in the Church resides exclusively with the hierarchy and that this has been so from the very beginning,S Besides, as Thomas P. Rausch observes, there is also "the tendency to translate this excIusivist understanding of authority into a concept of power."9 Ordained ministers are seen as having a special teach­ ing, sanctifying, and governing power that is not enjoyed by other Christians. 10 In 1906, basing himself on a particular interpretation of New Testament texts, Pius x stated thus:

It follows that the Church is essentially an unequal society, that is, a society comprising two categories of persons, the Pastors and the flock, those who occupy a rank in the different of the hierarchy and the multitude of the faithful. So distinct are these categories that with the pastoral body only rests the necessary right and authority for promoting the end of the society and directing all its members towards that end; the one duty of the multitude is to allow themselves to be led, and, like a docile flock, to follow the Pastors. II

8. Edmund Hill calls this the "magisterial papalist view". See EDMUND HILL, Ministry alld authority ill the Cllllrr::h, London 1988, 3-6. 9. THOMAS P. RAUSCH. Authority and leadership in the Church. Past directions alldfuture possibilities, Wilmington/DE 1989, 3l. 10. Avery Dulles calls this vision "institutionalist ecclesiology" in which members of the hier­ archy have "the power to impose their doctrine with juridical and spiritual sanctions"; the power to open and shut "the valves of grace"; and to "govern the flock with pastoral author­ ity, and as Christ's viceregents impose new laws and precepts under pain of sin," AVERY DULLFA~' Models (~fthe Church, expanded edition, New York 1987,37-38. ll. POPE PlUS x. Encyclical Letter Vellementer nos (ll February 1906) 8. 30 David Polidano

These words of Pius x stand in sharp contrast to the view of the Church as prima­ rily a discipleship of equals. 12 This section will be dedicated to the analysis of New Testament texts to see whether in effect the early Church was "essentially an unequal society" where some had authority a11d the others had only to follow and obey, or else a communion of persons endowed with a basic equality and thus all sharing in the authority of their community. But before that, it will be necessary to examine those texts that are needed to understand correctly the kind of authority Jesus conferred to his followers.

2.1 Authority as service

The Greek word for authority mainly used in the New Testament is exousia. How­ ever, by his words and deeds Jesus redefines the term for his followers by para­ doxically associating it with diakonia, a term that in its original secular usage meant waiting at the table. Therefore, while authority ordinarily means "the power or right to enforce obedience,"I) in other words the power to give commands and demand their implementation, Jesus radically recasts the idea of authority by link­ ing it inextricably to what is practically its opposite: waiting on others, serving others, carrying out commands put forth by others. 14 This vision of authority Jesus taught to his disciples comes forth clearly in a number of gospel passages.

What are probably the most relevant passages originate from a collection of sayings of Jesus on Christian leadership,15 which both Mark (Mk 10,42-45) and Matthew (Mt 20, present as the reply given by Jesus to the indignant reac­ tion of the rest of the Twelve when James and John (or, in Matthew, their mother), during the journey towards Jerusalem. made their request for the highest places in the coming kingdom. Diversely, Luke (Lk 22, 25-27) puts it in the context of an argument between the Twelve during the Last Supper about who should be reck­ oned the greatest. The following is the text found in Mark.

12. I have borrowed the phrase "discipleship of equals" from Elisabeth SchUssler Fiorenza. In her works Schussler Fiorenza has repeatedly shown the aptness of this phrase in describing early Christian communities. See especially ELISABETH SCHUSSLER FIORENZA, [II memOI)' ojhel: Ajeminist theologi. cal reconstructio/1 ojChristiall origins, New York 1989. 13. The Concise Oxford Dictionary, edited by R.E. Allen, Oxford 81991,72. 14. See HILL, Millistry and Authority, 11-12. 15. See BENEDlCTT. VIVIANO, The gospel according to Matthew, in The New Jerome Biblical Commentary, 663. Democratic elements in the early Church 31

You know that among the gentiles those they call their rulers lord it over them, and their great men make their authority felt. Among you this is not to happen. No; anyone who wants to become great among you must be your servant [diakonos], and anyone who wants to be first among you must be slave to all. For the Son of man himself came not to be served but to serve, and to give his life as a ransom for many.

In these sayings Jesus puts into sharp contrast authority as raw power to the new kind of authority he was ushering, authority understood as service. 16 Luke's redaction even presents Jesus in the context of the immediate enactment of this teaching by Jesus himself - " ... here am I among you as one who serves" - not only, as depicted in John (13, 4-15), by washing the Twelve's feet, but primarily by offering his very body and blood in the Eucharist, anticipating his offering on the cross.

Authority among Jesus' disciples, therefore, was not to be like that of the centurion who, although answerable to those above him, still could "say to one man, 'Go,' and he goes; to another, 'Come here,' and he comes; to [his] servant, 'Do this,' and he does it" (Mt 8, 9). As Edmund Hill concludes, according to Jesus, the "model of hierarchical authority, as stated so accurately and lucidly by the centurion, is in no way at all a model for authority in his kingdom, in any commu­ nity of his followers, in his Church."I? As a discipleship of equals, the Church was to be free from structures of domination; leadership in the Church was to be rooted in solidarity. IS

16. See DANfEL 1. HARRINGTON, The gospel according to Mark. in The New Jerome Biblical COll1mentary. 619. 17. EDMUND HII.L, What does the New Testament say? in Priests and people 11 (1997) 312. With refer­ ence to the rest of the Lucan text which promises that in the kingdom the twelve apostles "will sit on thrones to judge the twelve tribes of Israel" (Lk 22. 30), Hill warns against an anachronistic understanding of the word 'throne' as exclusively associated with royalty and marks out 'to judge' as the key word of the passage. He suggests that this word associates the apostles with the judges of ancient Israel who were essentially charismatic leaders of an egalitarian Israel organised in frater­ nal clans, "an Israel to which the idea of monarchy, in effect of a 'hierarchical society', was abhor­ rent." As to Jesus' call to Peter to he the one to strengthen his brothers (Lk 22. 32), while not denying Petrine/papal primacy, Hill underlines the context of rehuke in which this call is made (therefore the need of the constant conversion of Peter and his successors) and the poinllhat Peter is called to strengthen his brothers and not his subjects. Peter is (and similarly his successors). in Pope Gregory the Great's words, servlIs serVOI'II1ll Dei. the servant of the servants of God. See HILI., Ministry and allfi1ority. 14-15. 18. See SCHOSSLER FIORENZA, b,ll/emory oflzer. 148. 32 David Polidano

2.2 Authority of all the baptised

Having considered the kind of authority envisaged by Jesus, we will now turn to examine various New Testament texts that show whether in the early Christian communities, this authority was perceived as primarily pertaining only to a few selected persons within the community or else to the whole community, to each and every individual member of it. The first texts considered are one from the prologue of John and another from Paul's letter to the Galatians.

But to those who did accept him he gave power [exousia] to become children of God, to those who believed in his name, who were born not from human stock or human desire or human will, but from God himself (In 1, 12-13).

But when the completion of time came, God sent his Son, born of a woman, born a subject to the Law, to redeem the subjects of the Law, so that we could receive adoption as sons. As you are sons, God has sent into our hearts the Spirit of his Son crying 'Abba, Father'; and so you are no longer a slave, but a son; and if a son, then an heir, by God's own act (Gal 4, 4-7).

These texts express the basic belief of the first Christians that in baptism they were assimilated to Christ, made like him, made sharers in all that is his. All are given the freedom of the children of God - freedom from the bondage of sin and from all that ensues therefrom, and above that, freedom for love and service, freedom for true life. 19 All become sharers in the divine sonship of Christ, sharers in his authority as the Son of God - an authority lived out in terms of servicellove. Baptism enables believers to exercise the authority that is ultimately God's, an authority which is exercised insomuch as, on the image of Christ, we embody in our lives God - God who is Love.20

Additionally, in First Peter (2, 9) the faithful are called "a chosen race, a king­ dom of priests, a holy nation," and in Revelation (Rv 1, 6; 5, 10) it is said that believers are "a kingdom of priests" and "a line of kings and priests for God." Both priesthood and kingship are authority roles. All Christians share in Christ's priest­ hood and kingship, so all share in his priestly and royal authority.21

19. For an extensive commentary on this point, see HARING, Free andfaithfid in Christ, I, 104-163. 20. On authority as embodiment of God, see MONICA BROWN, Embodying the God we proclaim. Minis· tering as Jesus did, ThornleighiNsw 1996,45. 63-65. 21. See HILL, Ministry and authority, 19-20. Democratic elements in the early Church 33

The passage that perhaps best demonstrates how the first Christians exerted their share in the authority of Christ given to them in baptism is found in First Corinthians (12, 4-29). Here Paul writes about the many different gifts among the baptised, all gifts coming from the same Spirit and each and every gift to be used to serve the community as a whole, for the general good. Each gift, be it that of utter­ ing words of wisdom or knowledge, that of healing or pelforming miracles, that of prophecy or speaking in tongues, and so on, brings with it the authority of Christ through the Spirit, an authority, but, which can only be exercised, Paul admon­ ishes, as service for the good of the other members of the community.22 To empha­ sise his point, Paul presents the analogy of the human body where each part does its particular function in the body for the good of the whole. 23

It is practically an undisputable fact among biblical scholars that early Chris­ tian communities differed from each other very widely indeed and adopted very different kinds of community organisation.24 Moreover, certain New Testament com­ munities - especially so the Johannine communities - seemed to have very little interest in structures or institutional authority.25 The various communities were ini­ tially much less structured than is sometimes thought and they too went through, like most other human societies that are in the initial phase of their existence, a period of what David J. Stagaman calls "liminality" a stage where the commu­ nity is a communion of equals, where the stress is on personal relationships and spontaneity, and any organisation that emerges is of a transitory nature.26

The importance - in Paul's view, an inordinate importance some Christians

22. Paul is reacting to an egocentric competitiveness among Corinthian Christians endowed with dif­ ferent gifts that was detrimental to Church unity. Paul undermines any spiritual elitism by remind­ ing the Corinthians that all had made the same baptismal confession "Jesus is Lord." Any exercise of the share in the authority of Christ coming forth through the Spirit should follow the lessons of the life ofthe historical Jesus. See JEROME MURPHy-O'CONNOR, Thefirst letter to the Corinthians, in The New Jerome biblical commentary, 810. 23. While Murphy-O'Connor interprets Paul's analogy as referring literally to the human body, Schussler Fiorenza interprets it politically as referring to the po/is. the 'body politic' in which all members were interdependent. She concludes that no one in the polis of Christ "can claim to have a superior function because all functions are necessary and must be equally honoured for the building up of the 'corporation.' Solidarity and collaboration are the 'civic' virtues in tbe politellma of Christ, which is best characterised as a pneumatic or charismatic democracy." See MURPHy-O'CONNOR, 810; SCHUSSLER FIORENZA, A discipleship of equals. 20. 24. See HILL, Ministry and Authority. 26-27. 25. See RAYMO:-lD E. BROWN, The Churches the Apostles leji behind, New York - Ramsey/NJ 1984,84-109. 34 David Polidano

at Corinth were attaching to certain gifts (especially the gift of tongues) may show a natural movement in this particular community towards a more structured organisa­ tion, albeit one still very fluid and perhaps too much unreliably pneumatic. In rank­ ing "first apostles, secondly prophets, thirdly teachers," followed by the other gifts/ ministries (1 Cor 12,28), Paul attempts to give this development a more rational and durable direction to ensure faithfulness to the traditions received from the past as well as the furtherance of the community into the future. in a scenario where the apostles were no more, and the danger of corruption by false teachers loomed large, the remedy applied would be a more regularised structuration as is evident in the post-Pauline Pastoral letters, which provide us with what is probably our fullest picture of structure in some of the early Christian communities,27

The fact that the need arose to attach clearly identifiable leadership roles to certain gifts/ministries in the Church rather than others, is not in itself contradic­ tory to what has been said above about the equal share of all the baptised in Christ's authority/service. It can even be envisaged as a development that could enable the faithful to exercise freely their authority/service in a context of trust and confi­ dence, which trust and confidence are easily lost when there is no authority to provide unity of action in community.28 Nevertheless, as Church history amply demonstrates, the more structure (or institution) was allowed to prevail in its dia­ lectical interrelationship with liminality (or charism)/9 the greater has been the danger of understanding authority as "lording it over" rather than service, and to concentrate this kind of authority in tl1e hands of a small elite of hierarchs. A warn­ ing against this fault, and therefore probably an indirect allusion to its OCCUlTence in early Christian communities, can be found in Matthew (Mt 23,5-10) as well as in First Peter (1 P 5, 1-4).30 While fue role of structure in the Church should be recognised, it must repeatedly be questioned according to how much it is allowing the faifuful grow in what is really essential: their koinonia (communion) with God as well as with fellow men and women of which Paul's human body analogy is a brilliant exemplification,3J '

26. See DAVID 1. STAGAMAN, Authority ill the Church, Collegeville/MN 1999,9. 27. See BROWN - OSIEK - PERKINS, 1344-45: STAGAMAN, 71. 28. On the relationship between authority and freedom for, see STAGAMAN, 35-38. 29. See ibid., 11. 30. See RAUSCH. 55. 31. As Avery Dulles states, "the structnres of the Church must be seen as subordinate to its communal life and mission," and "of their very nature ... institutions are subordinate to persons," DULLES, Models of the Church, 194-195. 198. Democratic elements in the early Church 35

2.3 The authority of Peter and the Twelve

Biblical scholars hold that when, during his earthly ministry, Jesus chose the Twelve his intention was not to structure hierarchically the future Church but to symboli­ cally show that he intended to renew Israel (which already had an organised reli­ gion) by choosing twelve men to represent the twelve patriarchs, thus symbolising the eschatological reconstitution of the twelve tribes of Israel. 32 Most exegetes and ecclesiologists would basically agree with Hans KUng that while the Church "stands or falls by its links with its origins in Jesus Christ, ... in the pre-Easter period, during his lifetime, Jesus did not found a Church ... [but] by his preaching and ministry, [he ] laid the foundations for the emergence of a post-resulTection Church."33 The question whether the various texts traditionally quoted to support the contrary view - that is, that Jesus did intentionally found a hierarchically-structured Church during his earthly ministry - go back to the historical Jesus or else result from the retrojection of post-Easter Church life, need not be tackled here. What concerns us here is the historically undisputed fact that the Twelve, and Peter in particular, did enjoy a central role in the Church from very early on, ilTespectively of whether the historical Jesus explicitly and intentionally prepared them for it or not. It is the exercise of the Twelve's authority, and particularly Peter's, in the context of what has been said above about the authority of all the baptised, that will be discussed. This discussion will be primarily based on what is attested to in Acts.

The first episode that depicts Peter taking a leadership role in Acts is when he stood up to call for the replacement of Judas Iscariot (Acts 1, 15-26). Peter's primacy stands out: he is the one earmarked by Jesus "to strengthen [his] broth­ ers" (Lk 22, 32) and so he is the one who takes the initiative and gives direction to the community, but Peter, faithful to his commission, regards the members of the community not as his subjects but as his brothers. He thus involves the com­ munity in the choice and it is the community (about a hundred and twenty, in­ cluding women)34 that selected the two candidates. It seems that both candidates were equally worthy of the post and thus, praying for the Lord's intervention, the

32. See BROWN - OSJEK - PERKINS, 1340; LEONARDO BOFF, Ecclesiogenesis. The Base Communities reinvent the Church, New York 1997,51-52; see also note 17 supra. 33. HANS KUNG, The Church, London 1968, 15.72.74. 34. RUDOLF SCHNACKENBURG, Community co-operation in the New Testament, in Election - consensus - reception, edited by Giuseppe Alberigo -Anton Weiler (= Concilium 7/8), London 1972, 10-11. 36 David Polidano

community left the final choice to lots - a fair, non-discriminatory method of election.35

A similar event, but one in which it is the Twelve, rather than Peter on his own, that act as leaders is the institution of the Seven (Acts 6, 1-6). Luke reports that the Twelve called a full meeting of the community and proposed that the brothers select seven men from among themselves. The Twelve did not impose their position: it was the community that approved the proposal and then acted thereupon. The Twelve, through the laying of hands, then confirmed the choice of the community.36

After baptising the first gentiles in the house of the Roman centurion Cornelius, Peter had to justify his conduct in front of the Jewish Christians in Jerusalem who protested against what he had done (Acts 11, 1-18). What one should note in this episode is that Peter does not dispute the right of the members of the community to call him to account for an important decision he had made on his own authority.

He acknowledges, implicitly, that as a man, as one of the brethren, he is responsible or answerable to the brotherhood for his exercise of the authority, which he has indeed received from Christ and not from the brotherhood, but which he has received for the sake of the brotherhood and exercises within the brotherhood. This is because the brotherhood has also received authority from Christ and not from Peter.3i

35. Incidentally. the casting of lots was preferred in classical democracy for its provision of equal chances to alL However, I am not claiming here that the Christian eommunity consciously opted for the casting of lots inspired by the principles of classical democracy. Rather, it is clear that the community was influenced by what was a customary Jewish practice in the temple cult. 36. Richard J. Dillon says that this passage is the product of later reflection. It seems that the Seven were already regarded as leaders by a segment of the Church in Jerusalem and Luke's redaction is an attempt to show the Seven as subordinate to the Twelve, obtaining the lesser ministry of table service by the imposition of the Twelve's hands. Indeed, the imposition of hands is an ecclesiastical practice of Luke's own time. See RICHARD J. DILLON, Acts of the Apostles, in The New femme Biblical Commentary, 739-740. See also RAYMOND E. BROWN, Priest and bishop. Biblical reflec­ tions, London Dublin Melbourne 1971,56-57. Nevertheless, these exegetical conclusions do not affect the argument made: in the early Church - here in Luke's community, if not in the Jerusalem Church the authority of leaders was to be exercised in a way fully consonant with the authority belonging to all the members of the community in virtue of their baptism. 37. H1LL, Millistry and authority, 30. Democratic elements in the early Church 37

In the so-called Council of Jerusalem (Acts 15, 1-35), Peter is the one depicted as of decisive influence in settling down the conflict between the pro-circumcision Jewish Christians and the Hellenistic Christians represented by Paul and Barnabas. Confrontation with Paul's account of the Jerusalem meeting (Gal 2, 1-10) indi­ cates that the intervention of James, not one of the Twelve but a close relative of Jesus and the leader of the Jewish community, was probably the response to a later historical incident, which has been inserted here by Luke for redactional purposes.38 Nevertheless, for our purposes, what's important to note in this passage is Luke's reference to the involvement of the whole community in the proceedings, or at least in their approval, when he tells us that "the apostles and elders, with the whole Church, decided to choose delegates from among themselves to send to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas" (Acts 15,22).

From the chosen passages, it is clear that the kind of authority Acts depicts as pertaining to Church leaders is in accordance with the understanding of authority as service found in the Gospels and with the vision of authority as belonging not exclusively to Church leaders, but to all the members of the community in virtue of their baptism. The authority ofleaders is seen "in horizontal terms, as an adjunct of mutual service among brethren."39 We have evidence that important decisions in the early Church were never to be taken in an authoritarian fashion. Rather, the whole community was to be somehow involved in such decisions, an involvement that supports the claim that the early Church was much more democratic than our hierarchical vision of it permits us to perceive. While it would be too much to claim that the Church was in the strict (classical or modern) sense a democracy, it is also extravagant to claim that she was from the beginning a centralised hierarchical structure, and as Schillebeeckx concludes in his survey of ministry in the New Testament, "the essential apostolic structure of the community and therefore of the ministry of its leaders has nothing to do with what ... is called the 'hierarchical' structure of the Church ... except in a very inauthentic sense."40 Rather than a de­ mocracy or a hierarchical structure, the Church was more "something in between."41 The primitive Church was "a community of brothers [and sisters] subject to the same Lord and [committed] to mutual service of each other."42

3S. See DILLON, 75 I. 39. ROBERT MARKUS, Recovering the Ancient Tradition, in Priests and people 11 (1997) 317. 40. EDWARD SCHILLEBEECKX, Church. The humall story of God, London 1990, 121. 41. SIGMUND,21S. 42. SCHNACKENBURG, 17. 38 David Polidano

3 Sub-apostolic structuration43

As already referred to above, the New Testament itself attests to the fact that, in order to preserve the apostolic tradition amidst the dangers of false teachings, there was a move towards the institutionalisation of what had been initially an essen­ tially charismatic leadership. The leadership roles that were becoming institution­ alised are referred to by three different words: presbyteros (elder, presbyter), episkopos (supervisor, overseer, bishop),44 and diakonos (servant, deacon). There is no mention of these specific terms in Paul's authentic letters except for a passing reference made to the episkopoi and diakonoi of the Church in Philippi (Phil I, I) and the use of the term diakonos in reference to a certain Phoebe, a woman from Cenchreae (Rom 16, 1). In all probability, Paul's use of these terms is still quite remote from their use in the later Church.45 The term presby teras is employed (with reference to its use in the Christian community and often in the plural form presbyterai) on various occasions in Acts, as well as in Second and Third John, First Peter, and James, albeit with different nuances.46 Of the Pastoral Letters, First Timothy mentions all three telIDs, while in Titus we find episkopos and presbyteras.

Except for Acts where episkopoi is used once and then merely to refer to the presbyterai of Ephesus themselves (Acts 20, 28) - only Titus and First Timothy use both episkopos and presbyteros together. Most exegetes agree that in the post­ Pauline communities of these letters the terms are practically interchangeable and

43. Following Raymond E, Brown's position, "sub-apostolic" here refers to the last one-third of the first century, that is to the period following the death of Peter, Paul. and James, the three apostles (apostles here is used in a wider sense than that limiting the term to the Twelve) about whom we have detailed New Testament knowledge. It is the period during which, apart from the authentic Pauline letters, most of the New Testament was written. See BROWN. The Churches the apostles left behind. 13-16. 44. I will intentionally keep using the Greek term episkopos (and for consistency presby/eros and diakollos too) and avoid its English translation "bishop" until episkopos starts to mean something closer to our understanding of bishop the supreme leader of the Christian community of a par- ticular area than it originally did. 45. See BRENDAN BYRNE, The leiter /0 the Philippians, in The New Jeroll1e Biblical Commentary, 793; JOSEPH A. FITZMYER, The letter to the Romans, in The /lew Jerome biblical commelltary, 867. Luke's reference to presbyters in Pauline communities (see Acts 14,23; 20,17) seems to be a reading back of the contemporary Church structure familiar to Luke. See DILLON. 750. 46. While, for example, in the Johannine letters the presbyter authoring the letters claims no authority of himself. First Peter and James acknowledge that presbyters have what may be called disciplinary (l Pt 5,5) and sacramental authority (Jm 5.14). Democratic elements in the early Church 39

refer to persons who as a group as already noted, reference to them is generally in the plural- were responsible for the pastoral care of their communities.47 Prob­ ably the title presbyteros, which may have found its way into Christianity through its use in the Jewish synagogues, denoted the status of these leaders, while episkopos, a term widely used among the Greeks,48 denoted their function (or at least the func­ tion of some of them)49 in the community:50 they had to oversee the religious and moral behaviour of the members of their community, care for the needy, and ensure sound doctrine. As regards the diakonoi, it is not clear, from the Pastoral what they did as distinct from the presbyteroilepiskopoi,51 It is very probable, how­ ever, that unlike in the case of the presbyteroilepiskopoi, and as some take the reference in Romans to Phoebe of Cenchreae to suggest, there were also women deacons.52

Raymond E. Brown has noted that the authOlity of the presbyteroiJ episkopoi to control teaching went against the democratic sense of freedom of thought and ex­ pression that prevailed in the earlier pneumatic communities. Brown explains that this kind of authority was and still is admissible in difficult moments "when theologi­ cal freedom threatens to become anarchy," but as the same author points out, such moments are rare. 53 The doctrinal crisis situation caused by Gnostic teachers de­ manded, so to speak, the suspension in the communities of the Pastoral Letters of earlier more democratic customs. What is unfortunate is that this suspension was to

47. See BROWN. Priest and bishop. 35.65. 48. Note. however. Raymond E. Brown's observation that comparison with Qumran evidence suggests that the overseeing function of the presbyteroi/episkopoi may have its origins in sectarian Judaism. See ibid., 67-69. On the other hand, Schillebeeckx remarks that the term presbyteros was well known for civic functions in Hellenistic cities and maintains that the Christian use of this title was based on its civic use in the Roman-Hellenistic empire. See SCHILLEBEECKX, The Church with a hUlI!clIlface. 126. 49. See BROWN, The Church the Apostles lefi behind. 33. 50. See HIl.L, Ministry and authority, 32. Luke's single use of the term episkopoi in Acts 20, 28 em­ ployed for the presbytero! of Ephesus seems to confirm this suggestion. 5!. See BROWN OSlEK PERKINS, 1345. 52. See ROBERT A. WILD. The pastoral letters, in The new Jerome biblical cOlilmelllary, 897. Like most exegetes, here I take presbyteras in I Tm 5, 2 not to refer to women presbyters; like presbytero in the previous verse, it has to do only with difference in age. See, for example, Le Eptstole Pastorali di Sail Paolo a Timoteo e {/ Tito (= La Sacra Bibbia), with exegetical notes by Pietro di Ambroggi, Torino Roma '1964, 152-153. However, note that Raymond E. Brown does not rule out com­ pletely the possibility that the text refers to women presbyters. See RAYMOND E. BROWN, The Critical Meaning of the Bible, New York -RamseY/NJ 1981, 141-142. 53. See BROWN, The Church the apostles left behind. 39. 40 David Polidano

become practically permanent, often leading to the suffocation of much needed new constructive insights into the deposit of faith received from the apostles. 54

The more egalitarian Christian communities of the Johannine tradition main­ tained their emphasis on the basic equality of all the baptised well into the sub­ apostolic period. For these Christians what mattered was one's own loving rela­ tionship to Jesus; what counted was not charisms or offices, but discipleship, a status that all Christians enjoy.55 When a certain Diotrephes probably sought to introduce among Johannine Christians a type of leadership similar to that of the presbyteroilepiskopoi of other churches, the author of Third John shows contempt for the love of power of he "who enjoys being in charge" (3 In 9).56 However, eventually, those Johannine Christians who wanted to avoid the fate of their former brothers and sisters who ended drifting off into Gnosticism, had to accept the structuration of the Pastoral Letters, which by then had become representative of mainstream Christianity. Chapter 21 of John, a later addition to the original Gospel text, attests to this accommodation on the part of Johannine Christians to the kind of authority exercised by presbyteroilepiskopoi in the other churches. Yet, even then, this authority is limited by Johannine qualifications - eminent love of Jesus and readiness to lay down one's life for him and the community are necessary pre­ conditions.57

4 Post-apostolic deveiopments 5S

Evidence of the transition from the less-structured charismatic ministries to the institution of the presbyteroilepiskopoi is found also in extra-canonical documents. In the Didache, probably a composite work written in the late first or early second century,59 the authority of charismatic apostles, prophets, and teachers is still at­ tested to, but so is the need to verify their authenticity amidst the dangers of false

54. See ibid., 40-41. 55. See ibid., 90-95. 56. See ibid., 99; PHEME PERKINS, The Joizanlline epistles, in The New Jerome Biblical COlllmentary, 995. 57. See BROWN, The Church the apostles left behind, 93. 123; SCHILLEBEECKX, The Church with a hu­ mall face, 99. 58. "Post-apostolic" refers to the period beginning at the end of the first century when we start having Christian writings put forth on their own authority, rather than claiming the direct mantle of the apostles. BROWN, The Churches the apostles left behind, 16. 59. See BROWN - OSIEK - PERKINS, 1348. Democratic elements in the early Church 41

teachings.60 The suggestion is thus that the community appoints episkopoi and diakonoi, for these "also render to [the community] the service of prophets and teachers,"6J but, compared to the latter represented a more stable point of refer­ ence, given their residential status within the community. The author's appeal that episkopoi and diakonoi be honoured together with the prophets and teachers may denote a certain resistance in the addressed communities to the introduction of these formal ministries.62

In the letter sent by the Church of Rome to the Church of Corinth, generally dated to the last decade of the first century, the words presbyteros and episkopos still refer to the same order of ministry.63 Though there is no reference in the text to the author, it has been traditionally attributed to Clement, a key-figure in the Roman Church. 54 It speaks against the overthrow of the presbyteroi/episkopoi of the Corinthian Church and defends the ousted leaders by setting forth the idea of apostolic succession:

[The apostles] appointed those already mentioned [episkopoi and diakonoi], and afterwards gave instructions, that when these should fall asleep, other approved men should succeed them in their ministry. We are of opinion, therefore, that those appointed by them, or afterwards by other eminent men, with the consent of the whole Church, and who have blamelessly served the flock of Christ in a humble, peaceable, and disinterested spirit, and have for a long time possessed the good opinion of all, cannot be justly dismissed from the ministry.65

60. The Didache. The Lord:~ teaching through the twelve aposlles to the natiolls, XI. 61. Ibid .. xv. 62. See SCHILLEBEECKX, The Church with a human face, 91. 63. See JAY, 32. 219. 64. See BROWN OSIEK - PERKINS. 1347. Although Clement has been considered from early on (for example by Irenaeus in the late second century) as the bishop of Rome (in the monarchical sense). this is highly improbable both from the internal evidence of this document as well as from that of Ignatius' Letter to the Romans. In fact, as said above, in Clement's Letter to the Corinthians the terms presbyteroi and episkopoi are still used interchangeably. In Ignatius' Letter to the Romans, while exceptional respect is shown to the Church of Rome, no mention is made of its bishop. When one considers that in all of his other letters Ignatius gives great importance to the single bishop at the head of all the community (see infra), one must conclude that in all probability Rome was still governed by a college of presbyteroilepiskopoi. 65. CLEMENT Of ROME. Letter to the Corimilialls, XLIV. 42 David Polidano

Thus, as clearly seen in the passage above, while Clement's letter unequivocally attacks the action of the Corinthian usurpers, it also upholds the democratic ele­ ment of the community's participation in the choice of their leaders: one of the marks distinguishing a rightful bearer of office was his appointment "with the con­ sent of the whole Church."

About twenty years later, when Ignatius of Antioch wrote his letters to various Churches on his way to martyrdom in Rome (which took place before 117 AD), the institutionalisation ofleadership roles had developed, at least in certain communities, into what may be termed monarchical episcopacy. In six of his seven extant authentic letters, Ignatius emphasises the role of the episkopos (in the singular) as the supreme leader of the community and distinct from both the presbyteroi and the diakonoi. 66 The only exception is his letter to the Romans. The Church of Rome was still, almost certainly, governed in the old way by a college of presbyteroilepiskopoi. 67

In Ignatius, episkopos no longer describes the overseeing function of the presbyters, but refers to a ministry in its own right, in effect it is used to refer to what we may term in the modern sense the bishop, the undisputed leader of the community who is clearly above the presbyters and the deacons. Ignatius' constant insistence on submission to the bishop has been seen as evidence that mono-episcopacy was a recent development, which Ignatius wanted to reinforce.68 Throughout the second century there was a progressive universalisation of mono-episcopacy until by the end of the second century it prevailed throughout the whole Church.

The struggle against Montanism,69 with its emphasis on ecstatic prophecy, and against other sectarians like the Gnostic Valentinians,1° who rejected all ecclesiastical authority to promote what can be termed an elitist egalitarianism, served to strengthen even more the authority of the bishops in the mainstream Church.71 This can be easily seen when one looks at Trenaeus' Adversus haereses in which he attributed great weight to the episcopal office and episcopal succession in his defence of the

66. See IGNATIUS OF ANTIOCH, Leiter to the Ephesians, IV-VI; ID., Leiter to the Magnesian,l', 1I1-VI1I; ID., Leiter to the Trallians, 1I. VIlI; ID., Leiter to the Philadelphians, lI-IV. VlI-VIII; ID., Leiter to the Smyrnaeal1s, VIII-IX; ID., Letter to Polyem]), V-VI. 67. See HILL, Millistry and authority, 10.35. 68. See JAY, 37. 69. The emergence of Montanism goes back to around 156 AD. 70. Valentinus, the founder of this sect died around 1601161 AD. 71. See RAUSCH, 56-57. 60. Democratic elements in the early Church 43

rule of faith.72 Nevertheless, notwithstanding their growing authority, given that during the second and third centuries communities continued to be comparatively small, bishops remained by and large representative of the faith of their congregations. As will be seen in the following section, the faithful played an effective role in the election of their bishop. Besides, in the context of small, closely­ knit communities, a bishop depended a lot on the confidence and support of his congregation to keep on in his office.73

5 The election of bishops in the Church

As already referred to above, the Didache and Clement's Letter to the Corinthians both give witness to the fact that at the end of the first century, the presbyteroil episkopoi who formed the presbyteral college which governed the local commu­ nity, were appointed by the faithful, or at least with their involvement. Even as authority became concentrated more and more in the hands of individual bishops, the practice of election by the community was maintained.

In the Traditio Apostolica of Hippolytus of Rome, written around 215, we find ample evidence of the growing tendency to refer to bishops and presbyters in sac­ erdotal terminology, a tendency that easily lent itself to a new ecclesiology in which the Church is seen as essentially a hierarchical body, with a sharp distinction be­ tween the clergy and the laity.74 In what constitutes our earliest information about the consecration of bishops, only bishops have the right to consecrate another bishop (or ordain presbyters and deacons). In episcopal consecration, while one of the bishops present lays his hands on the ordinand,15 all the others, including the pres­ byters, keep silent. Nevertheless, at the same time, it is made clear that a new bishop is "chosen by all the people."76 The proposed person has to be "pleasing to all," and all present must give their assent. 77

Cyprian of Carthage highly exalts the priestly role of bishops and presbyters in

72. See IRENAEUS OF LYONS. Adversus haereses. Ill, 3, 1-4. 73. See HILL, Minisfl), and authority, 37. 74. See JAY. 58. 75. The presence of bishops from neighbouring communities marks the sense of universal communion in the early Church. 76. HIPPOLYTUS OF ROME, The Apostolic Tradition II: Tizefaith of the Early Fathers, I/A source-book of theological and historical passages from the Christian writings of the Pre-Nicene and Nicene eras, edited by William A. Jurgens, Collegeville/MN 1970, 166. 77. See ibid. 44 David Polidano

the Church and vehemently defends the power of the bishop in his own community, incontestable from within and without the community.78 In the context of the Novatianist schism, Cyprian even asserted that "the bishop is in the Church, and the Church in the bishop; and if anyone be not with the bishop, ... he is not in the Church."79 However, he too attests to the role of the people in the choice of their ecclesiastical leaders. He declares it is by divine ordinance that the priest (sacerdos) "should be chosen in the presence of the people under the eyes of all, and should be approved worthy and suitable by public judgment and testimony."8o The people a even have the authority to depose unworthy priests. ! Here Cyprian's "priest/s" refers to the bishop/s: he is writing in together with thirty-six other bishops, to support the people and clergy in Spain who deposed and replaced two lapsed bishops.

Cyprian explains that the participation of the people in the choice of their bishop is important because they are the ones "who have most fully known the life of each one, and have looked into the doings of each one as respects his habitual conduct."82 As in Hippolytus, it is therefore the whole Church that decides on the worthiness of a person to enter episcopal ministry. The apostolicity of the Church was believed to reside primarily in the community. So, because the bishop's role implied responsibility for the community and its apostolicity, the community had to first examine the apostolic foundation of his faith.83 The authority attached to this ministry is thus, in a way, though not exclusively so, an expression of the authority given by the Spirit to the whole Church.

The question remains as to how did the people actually participate in the election of their bishop. Cyprian's indication in this regard is that, at least in some cases, the people participated actively by voting (as the Roman faithful did in the appointment of their bishop. Pope Cornelius).84 Even if there were also cases where the role of the people may have been restricted to acclaiming the bishop-elect, it seems that in the first centuries congregational franchise was usually an essential feature in the appointment of bishops.8s It must be mentioned here that the fourth canon of the

78. See. for example. CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE. Epistles LXIV. LXXI. 79. CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE. Epistles LXVIll. 8. 80. CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE, Epistles LXVI!, 4. 81. See ibid .• 3. 82. Ibid" 5. 83. See SCHII.LEBEECKX. The Church with a human/ace. 134. 84. P!.ITER SroCKMEIER, Electioll a/bishops by clergy and people, in Electing our own bishops, edited by Peter Huizing - Knut WaIf (= Concilium 1980/7), Edinburgh - New York 1980, 6. 85. Ibid., 6-7. Democratic elements in the early Church 45

Council ofNicaea (325) makes no mention of public participation in the election of bishops and instead assigns the right to choose a bishop to the other bishops of the province and the final confirmation of the choice to the metropolitan. 86 Nevertheless, in practice the people continued to have a say in the choice of their bishops well into the Post-Costantinian era, even though in various areas, as David Stagaman points out, the elective power of the people was becoming more and more negative: "they could reject a candidate deemed unsuitable or settle disputes among the clergy when they offered more than one potential bishop."87

The Apostolic Constitutions, compiled towards the end of the fourth century, ascribe apostolic authority to the precept that a bishop must be chosen by the people. 88 Furthermore, in about 446, we find Pope Leo the Great (440-461) writing:

The election of a bishop must proceed by the wishes of the clergy and people. When therefore the choice of the chief priest is taken in hand, let him be preferred before all whom the unanimous consent of clergy and people demands, but if the votes chance to be divided between two persons, the judgment of the metropolitan should prefer him who is supported by the preponderance of votes and merits: only let no one be ordained against the express wishes of the place: lest a city should either despise or hate a bishop whom they did not choose, and lamentably fall away from religion because they have not been allowed to have when they wished.89

When one considers that, by the time Pope Leo I was writing, the Church's hierarchical structure had become very much more pronounced, and that Leo himself promoted strongly the notion of papal primacy, it is very significant that this pope defends the principle that "he who is to govern all, should be chosen by all," and considers it as pertaining to the rules of the Fathers.90

86. See COUNCIL Of NICAEA I, Canons IV. 87. STAGAMAN,80. 88. Apostolic Constitutions. Vlll, 4. While this work deliberately sought to deceive by pretending to be of apostolic origin and was condemned by the Quinisext Council of Constantinople in 692 as "fal­ sified by heretics." it is nevertheless the largest extant collection of legislative and liturgical mate­ rial of so early a date. See The faith of the Early Fathers, lIlA source-book of theological and historical passages from the Christian writings of the Post-Nicene and Constantinopolitan eras through St Jerome, edited by William A. Jurgens. Collegeville/MN 1979, 127-128. 89. POPE LEO THE GREAT, Letters XIV, 6. 90. See POPE LEO THE GREAT, Letters x. 6. 4. 46 David Polidano

The gradual abandonment of public participation in the election of bishops was mainly the result of the growing number of malpractices and political intrigues involved in the process as the episcopal office grew in prestige and political importance. Opposing factions sometimes resorted to extremely unchristian measures: in 366, for instance, the election of Damasus as bishop of Rome (and thereby pope) was marred by violence and bloodshed.91 In The priesthood, John Chrysostom gives ample evidence of the existence of factious machinations in the election of bishops towards the end of the fourth century.

For all who have the privilege of conferring the honour are then split into many parties ... they do not all look to one thing, which ought to be the only object kept in view, the excellence of the character; but other qualifications are alleged as recommending to this honour; for instance, of one it is said, "let him be elected because he belongs to an illustrious family," of another "because he is possessed of great wealth, and would not need to be supported out of the revenues of the Church," of a third "because he has come over from the camp of the adversary;" one is eager to give the preference to a man who is on terms of intimacy with himself, another to the man who is related to him by birth, a third to the flatterer, but no one will look to the man who is really qualified, or make some test of his character.92

In 426, Augustine of Hippo, apprehensive of the disturbances that might be caused in his Church by ambitious groups after his own demise, sought to prevent problems by nominating his successor. He, however, still strongly believed that his proposal required the approval of the people.93

With time, as episcopal appointments became ever more closely linked to the hierarchy, only nominal vestiges of popular participation were left.94 According to Edward Schillebeeckx, the change in the way bishops were elected also followed the general trend in the civil sphere where participation of the people in decisions

91. See THOMAS J. SHAHAN, Pope St DamaSliS I, in The Catholic Ellcyclopaedia (on-line) : http://www. newadvenLorg/cathen!046!3a.htm [16 June 2003]; EAMON DUFFY, Saill!s WId Sillners. A History of the Popes, New Haven/CT - London 1997, 25. 92. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM, The priesthood Ill, 15. 93. See AUGUSTINE, Letters CCXIll, I. 94. See STOCKMEIER, 8. Democratic elements in the early Church 47

about city government saw a gradual suppression in favour of a more centralised administration.95 Later, in the Middle Ages, the widespread interference of secular rulers in the choice of bishops and other ecclesiastical office bearers would lead to a frontal attack by the papacy against any lay interference in spiritual matters. Although secular leaders never claimed to choose bishops in the name of the people, the abuses and corruption associated with such appointments definitely undermined the cause of lay participation in the election of bishops.

By the time Gratian wrote his Decretum (around the year 1140) bishops were to be elected by the clergy, the people had only to consent.96 In the 1917 Code of Canon Law, full discretion in the nomination of bishops was attributed to the Roman pontiff, and if a chapter or any moral person retained the right of election this was only by virtue of a concession.97 Of course, the history that led to the developments we find in the Decretum and the history of what we find in the 1917 Code of Canon Law are both long. There is, however, a common factor in both: developments are the result not of theological growth, but they rather can always be explained by reference to the intricate relationship between the Church and political authorities. 98

Some commentators when dealing with the popular election of bishops in the early centuries of the Church tend to refrain from imputing democratic terminology to this ancient Church practice - a self-imposed restraint that usually betrays an improper understanding of what democracy really stands for.99 Of course, nobody contemporary to this practice would have called it democratic: besides the fact that the term "democracy" had long fallen into disrepute, in classical democracy elections were not even considered a democratic procedure - they were regarded as

95. See SCHILLEBEECKX, The Church with a human face. 147-149. 96. See JEAN GAUDEMET, BisllOps:from election to nomination, in Electing our olVn bishops, 10. 97. See Codex iuris canonici (1917), canon 329, 2-3. 98. See HERVE-MARIE LEGRAND, Theology and the election of bishops in the early Church, in Electio/l­ consensus - receptio/l, 34. 99. Peter Stockmeier, for example, is of the opinion that the question about the election of bishops should not be bound up with the debate about the democratisation of the Church. His understanding of democracy is based on the assumption that democracy implies that the people are the source of all authority. See STOCKMEIER, 3. Herve-Marie Legrand too says that the election of bishops should not be conceived as a democratic election. Legrand understands the latter to be simply an election in which everyone votes according to his interest or free choice. Nevertheless, it is significant that Legrand feels it important to clarify that his refusal to associate the election of bishops with liberal democracy "is not to prejudge the meaning to be given to the 'democratisation of the Church'." See LEGRAND, 38.40-41. 48 David Polidano

essentially aristocratic in their nature because it was held that those who, due to their wealth, family links, and so on, were influential in the community, were always at an advantage above the rest. Nevertheless, it is undeniable that, keeping in mind the understanding of democracy as a vision based on freedom and equality of tha the members of a community, popular participation in the election of bishops in the early Church was indeed a feature that can be regarded as a basic democratic element, of course within the boundaries of the theological understanding of the Church as the people of God. The practice shows that in the early Church it was believed that the Spirit could work through all the faithful alike, without distinction, even when it came to the choice of ecclesiastical leaders. The Spirit could and did choose the community's leaders through the participation of each and every member of the same community. Public participation in the election of bishops was an expression of the basic equality of the baptised and of the authority endowed by God to the Church as a whole. When writing in this regard, Giuseppe Alberigo observes that what had been the case for a long time, can be the case again.'oo

6 Conclusion

The vision of authority held and taught by Jesus, the New Testament evidence of the freedom and equality enjoyed by all the baptised in the primitive Church, and the centuries-long custom of the participation of the faithful in the selection of their Church leaders are among the important indicators that should make us consider seriously various essential questions about the nature of the Church and her govemment. It is my belief that the theological and practical (pastoral and canonical) import of freedom and equality of all the members of the Church, as well as its practical implications for Church leadership, should be analysed deeply.

18, St Edward Street Birzebbuga Malta

100. See G,USEPPE ALBERIGO, Ecclesiology and democracy: convergences and divergences, in The tabu of democracy within the Church, edited by James Provost Knut Waif (= Concilium 1992/5), London 1992. 16-17. Theses on Hermeneutics}

Paul Ellingworth

1. Definition and use of the term.

1.1. Dictionary definitions include "the. science of interpretation, esp. of Scriptural (Chambers English Dictionary); "Bibl[ical]. interpretation, esp. of Scripture or literary texts" (Concise Oxford Dictionary); "The science and methodology of interpretation, especially of scriptural text" (The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language).

1.2. A few comments may be made on these definitions, which reflect current usage.

1.2.1. The COD definition is defective by comparison with the others quoted. Hermeneutics is not identical to interpretation or exegesis: it studies the principles and presuppositions which underlie interpretation. One might say that hermeneutics is to as theology is to faith.

1.2.2. The word "esp[ecially]", which occurs in all these definitions, is important. Historically, from the late 18 th century hermeneutics developed largely in connection with the interpretation of the Bible, but current writers on hermeneutics would agree that the principles they develop should be applicable to biblical and other texts alike, while taking account of the specific features of individual texts or bodies of literature.

1. This article was originally intended as a contribution to a manual for beginning students of theology and religious studies. A quite different chapter on the subject was later published as "Ways of Reading the Bible", in Helen K. Bond et al. (eds.),A Companion to Religious Studies and Theology (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press 2(03),313-325. The author is a former translation consultant with the United Bible Societies. living in Aberdeen, U.K. 50 Paul Ellingwarth

1.2.3. Some writers, especially H.-G. Gadamer, oppose the description of hermeneutics as a "method" or a "methodology". This is however a matter of continuing discussion (see 9.4 below).

1.2.4. Some writers would not limit hermeneutics to the interpretation of texts, even if the sense of "text" is extended to include oral as well as written texts. According to this usage, hermeneutics would include the interpretation of signs (technically known as semiotics), including non­ linguistic signs. It would therefore embrace the attempt to understand all human activities which may be considered to have or to express meaning. We shall not exclude this wider area of hermeneutics, but we shall concentrate on hermeneutics as the study of the principles underlying the interpretation of written and oral texts.

1.3. Some more general remarks may be made on the usage of the term "hermeneutics" .

1.3.1. It is generally unsafe to define a tenn by means of its etymology. In the case of hermeneutics, however, its derivation from the Greek hermeneia points to the multifaceted (and therefore interdisciplinary, see 1.3.3) implications of hermeneutics. Senses of hermeneia include (a) interpretation, (b) explanation, (c) the expression of thoughts in words, and expression in music, and (d) translation.

In order to deliver the messages of the gods, Hermes had to be conversant in their idiom as well as in that of the mortals for whom the message was destined. He had to understand and interpret for himself what the gods wanted to convey before he could proceed to translate, articulate, and explicate their intention to mortals .... Looking at Hennes' task may give us a clear warning as to the complexities underlying the term hermeneutics and the hermeneutic enterprise itselF

1.3.2. Although hermeneutics is concerned with much more than the interpretation of Scripture, a glance at New Testament occurrences of

2. K. Mueller-Vollmer, Introduction to The Hermeneutics Reader. New Yark: Continuum 1985, I. Theses on Hermeneutics 51

hermeneuo and related words is instructive. In four places (In 1,38.42; 9,7; Heb 7,2) the verb refers to the translation into Greek of Hebrew names or titles. In one place (Lk 24,27) it refers to the risen Jesus explaining the Scriptures to Cleopas and his companion. Here some early manuscripts use the compound (possibly stronger) form diermeneuo, which in Acts 9,36 means "translate". A special use is found in Paul: in I Corinthians he uses diermeneuo (12,30; 14,5.13.27), hermenia (variant spelling of hernuJneia, 12,10; 14,26), and hermeneutes (interpreter, 14,28) in connection with the translation or interpretation of glossolalia. Whether one speaks of this as translation or interpretation will largely depend on whether one understands glossolalia as speaking in an unknown language, or as uttering sounds in which meaning is discovered by the interpreter.

Case study: Mark 4,13 and parallels. Jesus' explanation or interpretation3 of the Parable of the Sower is clearly a hermeneutical act. It illustrates the close connection between knowing, understanding, and explaining. It also illustrates the relation between a text and its explanation.

Mark 4,13, literally translated, reads: 'And he says to them, 'do you know (oidate) this parable? And how will you understand (gnDsesthe) all parables?" The use of two different verbs may not be significant: NIV, for example, translates them both as 'understand'. The second verb may possibly indicate a deeper degree of understanding, but the parallelism between the two halves of the verse does not require this. What is clear is the close relation between knowledge and understanding of a text, in this case the parable.

Matthew and Luke greatly shorten Mark's introduction to the explanation of the parable, if indeed they are dependent at all on Mark at this point. In both, there is no explicit distinction between the parable and the explanation. Matthew (13,18) has: 'You therefore hear the parable of the sower'. 'Hear' clearly implies 'listen to'; but equally clearly, it implies 'hear the e.tplanation of the parable': Jesus does not proceed to repeat in the same words what he has just said. Luke (8,11) is still briefer than Matthew: 'This is the parable', similarly implying 'this is the explanation of the parable'.

3. K. Aland's Synopsis quattuor evangeliorum entitles the passage -Parabola seminantis explicatur: 1I1terpretatioll of the Parable of the Sower'. 52 Paul Ellingworth

This small case study illustrates the two poles between which much hermeneutical theory and practice have moved. At one extreme, any valid interpretation has some relationship to a text: it is not completely unconnected and arbitrary. But at the other extreme, no valid interpretation will be a mere repetition of the text.

1.3.3. Hermeneutics is an interdisciplinary activity. It may use insights from various branches of philosophy, including the philosophy of language, of knowledge (epistemology), and of being (ontology); from systematic theology (especially concerning the relation of the Old Testament to the New); and from linguistics and literary theory.

2. Hermeneutics as crossing barriers

2.1. Negatively, understanding a (written or oral) text may involve the crossing of barriers, or the overcoming of obstacles. Some writers speak rather optimistically about understanding, especially through language, as a universal human faculty. Although this may be the case in principle, in practice there are a number of factors which limit understanding in particular cases. 2.1.1. A range of pathological conditions may limit, more or less severely, a person's ability to communicate or to understand the communications of others. 2.1.2. Illiteracy is by definition an obstacle to the understanding of written texts, which is why distribution of the Scriptures is often linked with literacy programmes, and with the publication of simplified Scriptures for new readers. 2.1.3. The receptor may not know the language of a text, in which case (s)he must either learn the language, or be provided with a translation. Writers on hermeneutics tend to speak about language in general, paying perhaps too little attention to the problems of translating and interpreting between natural languages. 2.1.4. The receptor may belong to a historical and/or cultural situation remote from that in which the text was produced. This may give rise, either to misunderstandings of aspects of the text, or to complete failure to understand it. Ability to cross such barriers is largely a function of education (including linguistic training) and experience. Such barriers may be overcome by providing the receptor with some information about, or Theses on Hermeneutics 53

experience of, the "world" ofthe text, for example in commentaries. 2.1.5. Even in optimum conditions, understanding presupposes and requires choice: the willingness to understand, whether at a deeper or more superficial level. One may decide, for example, either to throwaway a piece of junk mail without opening it; to glance at the headline and opening sentence of a newspaper article and read no further; or to wrestle with a difficult text in order to learn from it, because one is in some way personally involved with it.

2.2. Positively, in most situations there are factors which favour the hermeneutical process; in other words, which in principle make the crossing of barriers to understanding possible. 2.2.1. Despite huge differences of culture, age, education, experience, intelligence etc., all human beings have something in common, called human nature or human being. 2.2.2. An essential aspect of human nature is the urge to understand and interact with the surrounding world. Babies who show no early sign of developing this urge give their parents concern.

2.3. In particular, human beings, presented with a text or a situation, typically try to make sense of it as a whole. If a text appears more or less incoherent, they will try to make it coherent, for example by emendation; alternatively, they will try to understand it on a different basis, for example on the assumption that it is written in an unknown language, or that the author was not linguistically competent. Radical changes in the understanding of a situation or set of data is known as a "paradigm shift" (see also 9.1).

Case stUdy: "The Long Crossing" Leonardo Sciascia's "The Long Crossing",4 first published in 1973, provides an excellent example of the way in which people try to make coherent sense of a collection of data, and of how their interpretation may be radically revised in the light of additional, conflicting data. A group of uneducated Sicilians pay their passage to America. After an eleven-day voyage they breathe the fresher air of the new world, and land illegally on

4. Italian "Illungo viaggio", translated by Avril Bardoni, in Nick Roberts (ed.), New Penguin Parallel Texts: Shari Stories ill Italian, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth 1999,2-13. 54 Paul Ellingworth

its shore. They disperse. Two of them attempt to explain to one another a series of increasingly odd facts: for example, a passing Fiat 500 is the kind of car rich Americans "would buy .. for their kids like we buy bicycles for ours". Only when one of them remembers a place name seen on a road sign do the facts fall into a quite different pattern. "As if they had had a rug jerked out from beneath their feet, they collapsed on to the grass beside the ditch. There was, after all, no need to hurry back to the others with the news that they had landed in Sicily."

2.4. Despite these positive factors, the hermeneutical process is never completed. Aspects of the world remain unexplained, either because they lie outside the area of a given receptor's experience; because no explanation of them gains general agreement; or because they appear to be in irreducible conflict with other perceived aspects of the world. See also section 9 below.

3. Approaches to hermeneutics

3.1. The most common approach to hermeneutics is historical, through a study of a succession or chain of major writers on the subject, their reactions to previous formulations, and their creative contributions. Such a chain typically includes the names of Rene Descartes (1596-1650), Friedrich D.E. Schleiermacher (1768-1834), Wilhelm Dilthey (1833-1911), Edmund Husser! (1859-1938), Martin Heidegger (1889-1976), Rudolf Bultmann (1884-1976), Hans-Georg Gadamer (1900-20021), Paul Rica:ur (1913- ), Karl-Otto Apel (1922- ), and Jlirgen Habermas (1929- ). A thorough grounding in hermeneutics would require study of the major works of these and other authors. The present introduction, and the items mentioned in the rest of this paragraph, are no substitute for this. Excellent introductory historical accounts of hermeneutics may however be found in D.E. Klemm, "Hermeneutics", in J .H. Hayes (ed.), Dictionary of Biblical Interpretation Abingdon Press, Nashville, Tennessee 1999, 1,497-502, and A. [C.] Thiselton, "B iblical studies and theoretical hermeneutics", in J. Barton (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Biblical Interpretation Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1998,95-113. See also the writings by Thiselton listed in the bibliography below, and KJ. Vanhoozer, "Exegesis and hermeneutics", in T.D. Alexander and B.S. Rosner (eds.), New Dictionary of Biblical Theology , Inter-Varsity Press, Leicester and Downers Grove, Illinois 2000, 52-64. Theses on Hermeneutics 55

3.2. The following introduction, while heavily dependent on these and other writers, will however follow a rather different path partly for reasons of space. We shall attempt to list, in the form some of the principles or insights which have emerged from the last two centuries' discussion of hermeneutics, and which, despite differences of emphasis and formulation, appear to have largely stood the test of time, and to remain live issues.

4. Hermeneutics is a linguistic activity

4.1. Although Descartes' Discourse 011 Method (first published anonymously in 1637)5 was of course itself a linguistic exercise, a book, it originated in a process of introspection which was not itself essentially linguistic. Possibly in reaction against his early Jesuit education, he came to follow a negative path of "rejecting everything in which one can imagine the least doubt", to the one certain fact of his own existence: Cogito, ergo slim ("I am thinking, therefore 1 am"). On this basis he went on to claim quasi­ mathematical knowledge of the existence of God and of the external world. His staIiing-point, however, was individualistic: his view of knowledge did not require communication with others, though no doubt he hoped that others would accept the proofs which resulted from his introspection.

4.2. The influence of Descartes' thought on western philosophy was for generations immense, largely through the breadth of its scope (the understanding, not only of texts, but of existence), its rejection of authority as a basis of knowledge, and the apparently objective certainty of its conclusions, his approach to hermeneutics is now generally abandoned.

4.3. In particular, the role of language in understanding is seen as essential; a distinctively human faculty. Without language, the world would be a mass of unrelated impressions defying coherent understanding. Such impressions become signs, having meaning and capable of being understood, as they are linguistically identified as members of a class, for example, a chair or a crime.

5. Among modern editions, Discourse 011 Method. translated by E.S. Haldane and G.R.T. Ross, Encyclopedia Britannica, Chicago 1993. Discours de fa Methode. ed.l.-R. Amogathe and V. Carraud, Fayard, Paris 1986. 56 Paul Ellingworth

This process may be understood as the converse of the activity of a modern (for example, cubist) painter who decomposes an object, such as a particular chair, into an ensemble of planes and colours.

5. Hermeneutics is a social activity Since language is essentially a means of communication between human beings, it follows that understanding through language is essentially a social, interpersonal activity. (This is the opposite of Descartes' starting­ point in introspection.) Even the transmission of the most objective information, for example: "The train will leave at 1730", requires some kind of response on the part of a receptor; for example: "I need this information; I have asked for it; I believe it (?); I will take that train (??)" On a less trivial level, the practice by which ancient Greek philosophers engaged in dialogue with their pupils was an aspect of their recognition and respect of the pupils' status as responsible, linguistically endowed human beings. As such, it established a still living philosophical tradition of dialogue with the writings of Plato and others.6

6. Hermeneutics is a historical activity Descartes' approach took no account of his own historical (or geographical) location: the fact that the discovery of his philosophical method took place in a stove-heated room in Bavaria is so irrelevant to his method that one wonders why he mentioned it. Similarly, an early church council was mocked for attaching a date to a creed which, it was supposed, should rather be an eternal expression of Christian truth.

The New English Bible (NT 1961, Bible 1970) was similarly criticised for its claim to use "timeless English".

It is now widely recognised that the understanding of any individual or community is conditioned by the historical, geographical and cultural setting in which the act or process of understanding takes place. That is its starting-point. But conversely, it is always open to an individual or a community to move away from that starting-point in order to integrate

6. See for example H.-G. Gadamer, Griechische Philosophie lll. Plato illl Dialog (Gesammelte Werke Band 7), Mohr, Tilbingen 1991. Theses on Henneneutics 57

fresh data or changing circumstances within their world view. Typically, tensions between older and younger generations reflect differences of historical location more often than abstract contradictions regarding truth and falsehood. In other words, different generations work with a world view embodying different sets of data, the young not having assimilated the experience of the old, and the old (for rather different reasons) not having assimilated the experience of the young.

7. Hermeneutics is a human activity

7.1 In one sense, this is presupposed by our previous theses. Here we mean more specifically that hermeneutical activity is an aspect of the limited freedom which appears to characterise human existence. On the one hand, human existence is clearly limited: we cannot add a cubit to our stature, or decide that we will live for a thousand years. Yet on the other hand, we have an indestructible conviction that some at least of our decisions and actions are not entirely determined by forces outside ourselves. In the same way, on the one hand, the linguistic expressions of our existence are partly determined: to the extent to which we neglect or violate the grammatical rules and other norms of a particular language, we shall fail to communicate with others. Yet on the other hand, our use of language is in some ways as distinctive as our DNA or our fingerprints: linguists speak of an "idiolect", that is, a "personal dialect", "the linguistic system of an individual speaker"? Each person's use oflanguage is an expression of his personality.

7.2 This means that in order to understand someone else's speech or writing, it is essential both to understand the language being used, and also to appreciate the way in which that particular piece of speech or writing expresses its author's distinctive personality. (The same is true, mutatis mutandis, of the interpretation or performance of a musical composition; see J .3.1 above.) Linguistic understanding is neither the quasi­ mathematical (compare 4.1 above) application of a set of rules to produce a predetermined correct result, nor a blind, unmediated, leap into someone else's personality, the results of which (even if such a leap were possible) would not be subject to any kind of verification.

7. D. Crystal, An Encyclopedic Dictionary of Language and Languages. Blackwell, Oxford 1992, l79. 58 Paul Ellingworlh

This thesis could be illustrated by the continuing "quest of the historical Jesus",8 successful participation in which requires both detailed knowledge of Jesus' historical setting and also an appreciation of his distinctive (Christians would say unique) personality.

8. Hermeneutics is a circular activity

8.1. Where Descartes sought a single absolute starting-point for his philosophy, and believed he had found it within himself, later writers on hermeneutics, whatever their differences on other matters, have generally abandoned this approach. We start where we are, embedded in a particular point of space and time. We do not come to any text, or any experience, without presuppositions, preliminary expectations, even prejudices.9

If a Protestant in Northern Ireland hears the words "Londonderry" or indeed "Northern Ireland", they will tend to activate a previously established positive expectation; similarly if a Roman Catholic hears the words "Derry" or "the north of Ireland". Or to take an example from an area where hostility is less intense, English-speaking Protestants will tend to speak of "evangelism", Roman Catholics of "evangelisation"; they will be predisposed to react positively to the use by others of their own preferred vocabulary .

8.2. Such presuppositions are in principle subject to revision; they may even be abandoned in the light of additional information and/or a fresh assessment of existing data. (Such a process is extremely common, for example, in the course of a postgraduate student's doctoral research.) New data will be integrated in a new pattern which will itself be subject to revision. When this process comes to a natural end, or is arbitrarily

8. See C. Brown, "Historical Jesus, Quest of'. in Joel B. Green and Scot McKnight (cds.), Dicrionary of Jesus and rhe Gospels, Inter-Varsity Press, Downers Grove, Illinois and Leicester, U.K. 1992, 326-341, 9. Gadamer in particular used Vol'ltrteii, "prejudice" in the technical legal sense of a preliminary verdict on whether there was a case to answer; compare "indictment" in American English. Except in the present section, we use "prejudice" in its more common meaning of "a judgement or opinion formed beforehand or without due examination" (Chambers English Dictional},). Theses on Hermeneutics 59

terminated (for example, when someone loses interest in a subject or refuses to continue a dialogue with someone else), then the process of understanding comes to a halt. In such circumstances, one may sometimes speak of prejudice in the strong sense, or even, in Roman Catholic theology, of invincible ignorance.

8.2 The continuing oscillation between individual data and a whole pattern has been described by various metaphors: as a "shuttlecock movement" ,10 or more commonly as "the hermeneutical circle". This circle in fact works on at least two different levels. The first operates as one's prior understanding of individual words becomes modified as one reads or hears them in a particular context, and conversely the meaning of the text becomes clearer as one progresses through the reading or hearing (see again 2.2.2). The second level operates as one's perception of individual events confirms, modifies, or invalidates a total picture with which one has worked hitherto.

One may respond to a rumour about a friend: "He wouldn't do that." If the rumour is confirmed, one may say: "I would never have thought it of him".

One may even trace, in the ways of working of writers on hermeneutics, the workings of a third hermeneutical circle. Some writers, such as Heidegger, are interested in language as a means to the end of understanding (human) being; others, such as Ricreur, have a greater interest in language and interpretation in themselves, without neglecting wider ontological questions.

One may also use, as an analogy of the whole-part relation in the process of understanding, the image of a television picture, apparently stable but in fact built up of extremely rapid oscillations.

9. Hermeneutics is a possible activity

9.1. The 19808 probably saw the peak of a movement which radically questioned any possibility of a stable or agreed understanding of any text.

10. H.P. Rickman, Wilhelm Di/they. Pioneer of the Humun Sllldies, Paul Elek, London 1979,153. 60 Paul Ellingworth

This movement, associated in different ways with the names of Jacques Derrida in France and Richard Rorty in the United States, was an aspect of the deconstruction of literary texts, itself part of the wider movement of postmodemity. It stressed the importance of reader response to a text, virtually to the exclusion of any meaning intrinsic to the text itself.

9.2. It has long been recognised that each individual's response to a text will be to some extent different from that of all other individuals Gust as each historian's account of a historical event will depend on his personal situation or standpoint) .11 The history of biblical interpretation is full of examples of ways in which the same texts have been understood in different, often conflicting, ways. The positive aspect of the reader-response movement has been to remind us of this element in the hermeneutical process.

9.3. There seems, however, no logical or practical reason why this should empty texts of any meaning of their own. Take the closely related analogy of translation. There are a number of possible translations of almost any text. In the case of a literary text, such as a poem, each translation will tend to convey certain aspects of the original at the cost of losing others. Yet all translations have some relation to the text; it is possible to say that some translations are closer to the original than others (on criteria to be defined); and it is certainly possible to say with a high degree of agreement that some translations are wrong. The same is true mutatis mutandis of successive interpretations ("readings", relectures) of a text.

10. Hermeneutics is an unending activity

10.1. It follows (especially from the illustration just mentioned) that although understanding of a text (or in principle any other human product or activity)

II. See Kurt Mueller-Vollmer's comments (op. cit., 5-8), on Chladenius's concept of the Sehe-Punck. A striking example: Luigi Barzini's The Italialls, Penguin Books, Harmondsworth 1968; 1st ed. 1964) devotes an entire chapter (303-326) to the battle of Fornovo (1495) and its consequences. This battle is not mentioned at all in Harry Hearder's Italy. A Short History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1990. Theses on Hermeneutics 61

is possible, it is never final or definitive. '2 The text itself may go through a number of drafts and .then reach, perhaps in publication, a definitive form. The understanding of the text by a receptor (reader or hearer) is however always subject to revision in the light of such variables as fuller knowledge of the language of the text; of the subject with which the text is concerned; of the text's genre and discourse structure; or a change of attitude on the part of the receptor. Such factors may result in a more or less light revision of the receptor's understanding of the text, or in a total reappraisal or "paradigm shift" (see 2.3 above).

10.2. If this is so in the case of an individual receptor, it is even more true of texts which, like biblical texts, continue to be read and heard, and to produce effects, far away from the time, place, language and cultural setting of their original composition, and in communities which consider them in some sense classical, normative, or canonical. On the one hand, the activity of communities of interpretation may tend to limit the range of acceptable readings. But on the other hand, the increasing distance between text and receptor may tend to increase the danger of misinterpretation (however defined), and with it increase the need for a fresh understanding.

The history of biblical interpretation is full of illustrations. One instructive case study is that of the changing understandings of justification (dikaiosune and cognates) in Paul. A recent survey 13 concludes: "This debate seems set to continue, and it is not clear whether there is any hope of a genuine consensus."

10.3 This process has been described by Gadamer'4 as one of Horizontverschmelzung, literally translated "fusion of horizons". In fact the expression describes the fusion or integration of the areas of know ledge

12. The publishers of a recent biblical commentary describe it as "the most ... definitive commentary on" the book in question "available in English to date". Apart from the facts (i) that "definitive", like "unique", is an absolute term, not able to be qualified by "more" or "most", and (ii) that "the most definitive to date" is virtually a contradiction in terms, no commentary is ever likely to remain "definitive", even in the most flexible sense of the word, for more than a few years. 13. A.E. McGrath, "Justification", in A.T. Le Peau and others (eds.), Dictionary ofPalll and his Letters, InterVarsity Press, Downers Grove, l1linois and Leicester 1993,517-523, here 523. 14. H.-G. Gadamer, Truth alld Method, 311. 62 Paul Ellingworth

and experience, on the one hand of an author as represented in his or her text, and on the other hand of a receptor. This, according to Gadamer, is what always happens in an act or event of understanding. He has however been criticised'5 for failing to define criteria for the evaluation of such acts or events, and thus for failing to distinguish between authentic and inauthentic understandings. This debate also continues.

lOA A related debate revolves around the title of Gadamer's best known work Truth and Method. "Method" is generally a bad word in Gadamer's vocabulary, so that his title might equally well have been Truth or Method. This attitude has been questioned from two main points of view. First, it has been held that his view of (especially scientific) method is outdated, so that he is attacking an over-simplified, monolithic view which is no longer current. 16 Second, the influential French philosopher Paul Ricreur has developed a converse approach which gives priority to questions of understanding and interpreting over those of being (ontology); thus he "does not want to eschew method in favour of truth but to place method in service of truth."'7

32 Thorngrave A venue Aberdeen AB 15 7XR United Kingdom

Select bibliography (in addition to the surveys mentioned in 3.1 above) Gadamer, H.-G., Truth and Method. London: Sheed & Ward, 2"d English edition 1989, reprinted 1991. German Hermeneutik 1. Wahrheit und Methode: Grundzuge einer philosophischen Hermeneutik. (Gesammelte Werke 1.) Tiibingen: Mohr, 6th ed. 1990.

15. Especially in E.D. Hirsch, Jr., Validity in Interpretation, Yale University Press, New Haven and Yale 1967 and The Aims ofInterpretation, Chicago University Press, Chicago 1976, partly following Heidegger's critic Emilio Betti, Teoria generaie della ilZterpretazione, 2 vols., Giuffre 1955, 2nd ed. 1990; German Allgemeine Ausiegullgsiehre del' GeisteslVis;'enscizajien, Mohr, Tiibingen & Milan 1967. 16. See especially the Introduction to Joel C. Weinsheimer, Gadall1er's Hermeneutics. A Reading of Tmth and Method, Yale University Press, New Haven and London 1985, I-59. 17. D.E. Klemm, article cited, 501b. Theses on Hermeneutics 63

Lundin, Roger, Clarence Walhout and Anthony C. Thiselton, The Promise of Hermeneutics, Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Michigan and Cambridge, U.K. and Paternoster Press, Carlisle, U.K., 1999. Lundin's essay is a critical study of hermeneutics in the Cartesian tradition. Mueller-Vollmer, Kurt (Edited, with an introduction and notes by), The Hermeneutics Reader. Texts of the German Tradition from the Enlightenment to the Present, Continuum, New York 1985 contains translations of basic German texts from 1742 (Chladenius) to 1970 (Habermas), with helpful notes and an excellent 53-page introduction. Ricceur, Paul, The Conflict of Interpretations. Northwestern University Press Evanston, Illinois 1974. Ricceur, Paul, Essays on Biblical Interpretation, ed. L.S. Mudge, Fortress, Philadelphia 1980. Thiselton, Anthony C., The Two Horizons: New Testament Hermeneutics and Philosophical Description: With Special Reference to Heidegger. Bultmann. Gadamer, and Wittgenstein. Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Michigan 1980. -- New Horizons in Hermeneutics: The Theory and Practice of Transforming Biblical Reading, HarperCollins, London: Zondervan Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, and Paternoster Carlisle, U.K., 1992. -- "Thirty Years of Hermeneutics", in J. Krasovec (ed.), Interpretation of the Bible, Sheffield Academic Press, Ljubljana: Slovenian Academy, and Sheffield 1998,1559-74.

65

Isaac as Promise: A Study of the Symbolism in Hebrews 11,19

James Swetnam SJ

Introduction

The Epistle to the Hebrews manifests a particular interest in the promises made by God to Abraham in Genesis. This can be seen from the frequency with which the words "promise" and "I promise" are found in Hebrews.' But there are many more indications, such as the extended imagery of the entry of the people of Israel into the Promised Land in Heb 3,7 - 4,11 , or the rehearsing in Heb 6,13-18 of the oath of God in Gen 22,16-17 with regard to progeny.2 The present study will focus on Heb 11,19 and the implications with regard to "promise" suggested by the context (vv. 17-18): "In faith Abraham has offered Isaac while being tested: he who had received the promises offered up his only son, he to whom it was said that 'By Isaac your seed will be called', having rea-soned that God was able to raise even from the dead; hence he received him [sc., Isaac] back as a symbol".

The Language of Promise ill Hebrews

Of immediate interest are the texts in Hebrews where the noun "promise" (epaggelia) or the verb "to promise" (epaggellomai) are found.

4,1: A promise (of entering into God's "Rest", the spiritualized promise of land) still remains; hence the addressees should fear that anyone of them be fall short of entrance. [epaggelia]

I. Cf. the use of the noun epagge/ia at Heb 4,1; 6,12,15.17; 7,6; 8 ,6; 9,15; 10,36; II ,9[bisl.13.17 .33.39, and the use of the verb epaggellomai at Hebrews 6,13; 10,23; 11,11; 12,26. 2. "Like many other early Christians, our author believed himself and his addresses to be the ultimate recipients of God's promises. For him, the most important of these promises are understood to remain open (4: 1,8), and theirfulfillment is something that the faithful Christian can expect for the future. In the deepest sense the ancient recipients of the promises of God did not receive their fulfillment ...." H. W. Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews,Hermeneia; Philadelphia 1989, 176- 177. 66 James Swetnam

6,12: The addressees should be mindful of those who inherited the promises (of land and seed) through faith and perseverance lest they become sluggish. [epaggelia]

6,13: God, having made a promise [of seed] to Abraham, swore an oath by Himself involving the promise (v. 14). [epaggellomai]

6,15: And thus (i.e., accompanied by an oath) through perseverance Abraham obtained the promise (sc., of seed). [epaggeliap

6,17: God wishes to show the immutability of His design to the heirs of the promise and thus resorts to an oath. [epaggelia]

7,6: He whose genealogy is not reckoned from the people (i.e., Me1chizedek) has given tithes to Abraham, the one who holds the promises (sc., of land and seed) and blesses him. [epaggelia]

8,6: Christ has obtained a liturgy as much better than that of the old dispensation as His mediatorship of the covenant is better (sc., than the old covenant), a better covenant which has become law based on better promises (i.e., of land and seed). [epaggelia]

9,15: Christ is the mediator of a new covenant in order that, when His death took place for the remission of the transgressions on the basis of the first covenant, those called to the inheritance might receive the thing promised (sc., seed). [epaggelia]4

10,23: The addressees are urged to hold on to their profession of hope without wavering, for the one who has promised is faithful. [epaggellomai]

3. P. Ellingworth thinks that the meaning is that Abraham received that which was promised itself on the grounds that the verb epitugcha/1_ too strong to convey the mere conveying of a promise in words. But this is to ignore the whole context: if the promise itself had been obtained, there would be no point in God's being portrayed as stressing by an oath that it would be granted. Cf. P. Ellingworth, The Epistle to the Hebrews: A Commentary 0/1 the Greek Text (The New International Greek Testament Commentary); Grand Rapids / Carlisle 1992,338-339. 4. The whole context of the section 8,1 - 10,39 is about Christ's priesthood, which is primarily concerned with His instituting a new covenant for obtaining the promise of seed (cf. Heb 7,12). Isaac as Promise 67

10,36: The addresses have need of perseverance so that by doing the will of God they may obtain the thing promised (sc., seed). [epaggeliap

11,9: In faith Abraham dwelt in the land of promise as if belonged to another, staying in tents with Isaac and Jacob the fellow heirs of the same promise (sc., of land). [epaggelia]

11,11: In faith sterile Sarah received power to produce seed even though she was beyond the proper age, because she regarded as faithful the one who had made the promise (sc., of seed). [epaggellomai]6

11,13: In faith all of these persons died without having received the things promised, but having looked on them from afar and greeted them and confessed that they were strangers and sojourners on the earth. [epagge/ia]

11,17: In faith Abraham stands as having offered Isaac, being tested he tried to offer his only born, he who had received the promises. [epaggelia]

11,33: The heroes of old (sc., those named in Heb II), with faith conquered kingdoms, wrought justice, obtained promises, shut the mouths of lions. [epaggelia]

11,39: And all of these, though witnessed to through faith, did not obtain the thing promised (sc., land-cf. V. 38). [epaggelia)

12,26: God's voice shook the earth at one time, but now He has promised, "Still one more time I shall shake not only the land but also heaven as well". [epaggellomai]

Much, obviously, depends on the exegesis of these texts. But it can at least be said that a defensible interpretation of the passages in questions yields a consistent view: The author of Hebrews regards the promises of land and of seed as the two principal promises made by God to Abraham (cf. 4,1 with regard to the promise of

5. Cf. previom\ note. 6. The text shobld be taken as it stands in Nestle-Aland, Novum testamentum graece Stuttgart 211993, 580. Cf.: J. ~';wetnam, JeslIs and Isaac: A Study of the Epistle 10 the Hebrews in the Light of the Aqedah, Analecta Biblica 94; Rome 1981, 98-101; J. J. Bailly, "La mention de Sara en Hebreux 11,11", unpublished memoire en vue de I'obtention du grade de liccncie en philologie biblique, Universite Catholique de Louvain, Faculte de TMologie 1989. 68 James Swetnam

land; 6,13.15.17; 11,11 with regard to the promise of seed; 7,6; 11,17 with regard to both promises).7 These promises were inherited by others: 11,9.39 (land); 6,17; 11,11 (seed); 4,1; 6,12; 11,13 .33 (both). The obtaining of the things promised is destined for the addressees: 4,1 (land); 6,17 (the promise of seed is reinforced by an oath which designed not only for the heirs of the promise but for the heirs of the thing promised); 9,15; 10,36 (seed). Abraham obtained the promises through faith and perseverance (6,15; 11,17). These same virtues accompanied the obtaining of the promises by others (6,12; 11,11; 11 ,33). Christ is the instrument by which the promises made to Abraham (11 ,17) and inherited by others (6,12) become "better" (8,6), i.e., become definitive.8 He also makes possible the obtaining of the things which are promised (8,6; 9,15). But the addressees need faith and perseverance to obtain these realities which have been promised (6,12; 10,23.36). The reality of the transformed land is God's Rest (4,1).9 The reality of the transformed seed is involved in the exegesis of 11,19, which is the subject matter of this paper.

The Language of Inheritance in Hebrews

Of primary interest in connection with the texts which speak of "promise" are the texts which speak of "heirs", "to inherit", and "inheritance" (kleronomos, kleronomeO and kleronomia).

At 6,12 there is mention of "those who inherit the promises" (kleronomeo) through faith and perseverance. At 6,17 there is reference to "the heirs (kleronomos) of the promise" (sc., of seed). As was noted above, the heirs can be both those of the old dispensation and of the new: God's oath is a means of assuring both of the unchanging nature of His designs. In 9,15 those called are said to receive the promise of the eternal "inheritance" (kleronomia). At 11,8 Abraham is said to go out obediently to the place which he is to receive as an "inheritance" (kleronomia);

7. For an attempt to outline the relevance of the promises of land and offspring in Heb 3,7 - 6,20 cf. J. Swetnam, "The Context of the Crux at Hebrews 4,7-8", Filologia Neotestamentaria 14 (2001), IOI-IIS [published in February, 2004]. S. "KreittOn. in this context as usually in Hebrews ... ,refers to the Christian dispensation, and here specifically to its divine origin .... (Ellingworth, 410). On the definitive aspect conveyed by this word in Hebrews cf. Swetnam, JeslIs and Isaac, 150. 9. Cf. Heb 4,1-11 and Attridge, 122-132. Isaac as Promise 69

although the word "promise" is not explicit in this verse, it is in the next: the allusion to the "land of promise" is clear enough from the context. 1O

These verses indicate how closely are interconnected the ideas of "inheIitance" and "promise". Even Abraham is said to await the obtaining of land which had been promised him "as an inheritance".

The relation between "promise" and "inheritance" takes on particular significance because of the prominence the idea of "inheritance" has in Hebrews. Already in 1,2 the idea is introduced: " ... in this end time God has spoken to us in a Son whom he placed as heir of all things, He through whom He also made the ages". Again in the prologue, in v. 4, the author speaks of the "name" which the Son has "inherited". The "name" which the Son "inherited" is precisely the name "Son", as is explained by the following two verses, which constitute a gezera shewa in which the linking word is "Son" (huios).ll At the resurrection (alluded to by the use ofPs 2,7 -cf. Acts 13,33) the Son becomes fully Son because He is "generated" by the Father so as to have a human body commensurate with His divinity and commensurate with His role as definitive high priest. 12

From the key role of the idea of "inheritance" in the prologue of Hebrews it may be legitimately assumed that the idea is intended to have thematic importance

10. "The locus of Abraham'S sojourn is the 'land of promise' (gi!n ti!s ejaggelias). The designation, unique in scripture, is an appropriate allusion to the divine promise to Abraham, but constitutes more than a casual allusion to the biblical account. The reference to the' same promise' (tI!S epaggelias ti!s autes) at the end of the verse emphasizes the future orientation of Abraham's faith" Attridge, Hebrews, 323. 11. Cf. J. Swetnam, "The Structure of Hebrews 1,1 - 3 ,6", Melita Theologica 43 (1992),59-60. "Christ within the supernal world has a position higher than any other member of that world because he is in possession of a special 'name: That unspecified name is clearly 'Son,' the title emphatically presented in vs 2 and the focus of the first quotation of the following scriptural catena," Attridge, Hebrews, 47. 12. "At 1,4 Jesus is said to have inherited a name as far above the angels as he himself was. This name is 'Son', and 1,5 indicates that it was given him at the resurrection. But this is surely a second meaning of 'Son', a meaning given to Jesus in addition to the title 'Son' which he enjoyed during his earthly life (cf. 5,8). When read with the supposition in mind that at the resurrection Jesus was given a body commensurate with his high priestly need of immortality, the words 'You are my Son, today r have given you birth' become stunningly apposite: at the resurrection Jesus finally and fully became the 'Son' which his divinely-appointed role in the drama of salvation demanded that he be", J. SWetnam, "Christology and the Eucharist in the Epistle to the Hebrews", Biblica 70 (1989), 78-79. 70 James Swetnam

in what follows. The basis of this assumption is the widespread conviction contemporary with the epistle of the inheritance promised by GodY

Hebrews 11,19

Against the background of the foregoing discussion of "promise" and "inheritance" in Hebrews, it is possible to attempt a study of Heb 11,19. The Old Testament setting on which the author of Hebrews is commenting in Heb 11,17-19 is Gen 22 and the testing of Abraham's faith by God. God commands Abraham to sacrifice His only son, Isaac, thus apparently contradicting His previous promise that "through Isaac will be your seed be named" (cf. Gen 21,12). Abraham, the one who had received God's promises of land and seed, passes the test by willingly attempting to offer his only son as a sacrifice. The author of Hebrews says that behind Abraham's compliance was his reasoning that God was capable of raising from the dead. The author of Hebrews concludes: "Wherefore he received him back as a symbol" .14

The word "wherefore", hothen, indicates a logical relationship with faith in the resurrection underlying Abraham's reasoning expressed in the first half of the verse. IS "Received him back"16 is expressed by the verb K0).11SCO, "to receive". Here it is important to note the way this verb is used in Hebrews: in connection

13. "The general Old Testament tradition about the inheritance promised by God was developed in various ways in apocalyptic and wisdom literature. During the Hellenistic period the inheritance is increasingly specified as a transcendent or heavenly reality. Drawing on these traditions, early Christians frequently affirm that Christ, through his resurrection and exaltation, was given a heavenly inheritance that his followers share. In Hebrews, Christ's status as heir is manifested in his exaltation to the 'right hand' (vs 3d), a transcendent position that guarantees his brethren their inheritance and a share in a 'heavenly calling' ," Attridge, Hebrews, 40. 14. Translation by Attridge, 333. 15. Ellingworth (603) notes "(a) that this is the meaning of hothen elsewhere in Hebrews (2:17; 3:1; 7:25; 8:3; 9:18), and (b) that hothen ultimately refers to Abraham's future-oriented faith and thus forms an integral part of the wider argument of this chapter." 16. For this nuance of receiving something as the fruit of one's endeavors cf. Mt 25,27; 2 Cor 5,10; Eph 6,8; Col 3,25. (C. Spicq, L'Epftre allx Hibrellx. II. Commentaire (Etudes Bibliques; Paris 1953),331. Ellingworth notes (605) that active effort on Abraham's part "is excluded by the context and bv the use of the middle voice". This seems to be somewhat exaggerated. True, a basic underlying idea in the passage is that the promise of progeny to Abraham through Isaac was fundamentally a gratuitous gift of God. But the context of the passage in Heb 11,19 is set in good part by Heb 11,6, where God is presented as rewarding those who seek him. Isaac as Promise 71

with the obtaining of what was promised. In 10,36 it is used positively of obtaining that which was promised (here, probably the seed). In 11,39 it is used negatively to indicate that the heroes of Old Testament faith did not receive the land promised, that being reserved for the addressees and for the heroes only through themP It would seem legitimate, therefore, to see in its use here at 11,19 the implication that Abraham received Isaac back as involving that which was promised in some way .18

In the view of the author of Hebrews, Abraham receives Isaac back "as a symbol" (en parabolr:). The word is used at Heb 9,9 to indicate that the outer tent of the desert tabernacle is a symbol of present reality conceived as a type of fulfillment. 19 Thus it seems legitimate to infer that at 11,19 it conveys the idea of an eschatological reality.20 And this eschatological reality must have a relation with resurrection, given the first half of v. 19 (logisamenos hoti kai ek nekrOn egeirein dynatos ho theos) together with the inferential particle introducing the second half (hothen).21 Thus Isaac is received back by Abraham charged symbolically with an eschatological meaning involving resurrection.

An eschatological meaning involving resurrection in a Christian context such as Hebrews can have reference only to the resurrection of Jesus and the subsequent resurrection of all believers (ct. Heb 13,20-21). Given the role of Christ in Hebrews, the primary reference here is to the resurrection of Christ from the dead, and through

17. This is noted by Ellingworth, 553. At Heb 11,13 the verb kamiza is a variant reading for the much better attested lambana. The similarity between 11,13 and 11,39 could well have caused a scribe to change the original reading. The reading with lambana emphasizes the reality of the obtaining or not obtaining the promises, as opposed to the eschatological nuance of the reading with kamiza. 18. Attridge (335, and 335, n. 30) notes that this "receiving" has occasionally been applied to the birth of Isaac. But he points out that the idea of "receiving Isaac back" is part of the tradition of the Aqedah, i.e., the sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham. But it would seem that more important for the meaning is the context, which obviously speaks of Abraham receiving Isaac back after the successful completion of his test of faith. 19. Cf. Ellingworth, 440, and Attridge, 241. 20. "The noun ell parabola is used [sc., in II ,19J in the same sense as at 9:9, of a symbol pointing to an eschatological reality" Attridge, 335. 21. "Hebrews does not specify in what way the event [i.e., Abraham receiving Isaac back"J was symbolic, but its significance is surely connected with the belief in resur-rection attributed to Abraham", Attridge, 335. 72 James Swetnam

Christ, the resurrection of Christians.22 The reason for this lies in the way the idea of "inheritance" is presented in Hebrews. This is the dominating context in which the promises are presented (for the relevance of promises here, cf. the preceding verse, 11 ,18). Christ is the "heir of all things" (kleronomos pateon), as Heb 1,2 states thematically. It is through His death and covenant that those called receive their eternal inheritance (9,15). The resurrection of Jesus does playa prominent part in Hebrews (1,5-13), and does not simply constitute an afterthought at the end of the letter (13,20).23

This central role of the resurrection of Jesus in Hebrews can be confirmed by noting the way the concept of "salvation" (sOteria) is handled in 2,10: God begins the process of leading many sons to glory by bringing to perfection through suffering the originator of their salvation.

The word "bring to perfection" (teleioo) is here best taken as referring to the "completion" of Jesus' earthly body through the resurrection in the sense that it is brought to the perfection commensurate with Jesus' status as Son of God.25 This ontological perfection enables Jesus to function definitively as the high priest of the Christian dispensation and thus bring His priesthood to perfection.26 The word "to perfect", teleioo, so central to the letter (2,10; 5,9; 7,19.28; 9,9; 10,1; 11 AO; 12,23), indicates the centrality of the resurrection of Christ in the letter's theology.

Thus the primary referent in Heb 11,19 of the symbolism involving Abraham's receiving of Isaac with reference to the resurrection is the resurrection of Jesus, and only secondarily the resurrection of Christians. Or, better still, the primary referent of the Isaac ofHeb 11,19 is the risen Jesus, and through Him of all Christians:

22. COlllra: Attridge, 335, n. 34: "Isaac ... is not restricted to a christological symbol,although Christ is certainly among those brought by God from death. Cf. 13:20. A typological relationship between the sacrifices of Isaac and Christ, common in patristic exegesis, is not explicitly developed," 23. Heb 1,1 - 3,6 may be structured as follows: 1,1-4: prologue; I ~') 2,4: Jesus as "Son of God" (the resurrection of Jesus viewed as exaltation); 2,5 3,6: Jesus as "Son of Man" (the resurrection of Jesus viewed as following death). Cf. J. Swetnam, "The Structure of Hebrews 1,1 3,6". 24. For the various grammatical and lexicographical prublems connected with this verse see Ellingworth, 157-163. 25. Cf. Swetnam, "Christology and the Eucharist in the Epistle to the Hebrews", 75-78. 26. The episode of the Transfiguration which figures so prominently in the Synoptic gospels indicates that Jesus always had the power to assume a transfigured body. There is question in the resurrection of assuming this transfigured body as a permanent state. Isaac as Promise 73

Abraham received Isaac back as a symbol, i.e., Isaac himself is a symbolY In other words, for the author of Hebrews the crucial thing about Isaac when he is received back by Abraham is his symbolic value pointing to an eschato-Iogical dimension (komiza) with reference to resurrection (logisamenos hoti kai ek nekran egeirein dynatos ho theos) and in the context of the promise of seed made to Abraham (pros hon elalethe hoti en Isaak klethesetai soi sperma). For the author of Hebrews, writing from the standpoint of eschatological fulfillment, the reality of the seed (sperma) promised by God to Abraham is above all Jesus.

Hebrews 11,19 and Galatians 3,16

The conclusion reached here with regard to the implications of vv. 17-19 for the reality promised to Abraham under the imagery of "seed" might seem at first sight farfetched. But as a matter of fact this is the interpretation advanced by Paul in Gal 3,16: "The promises were spoken to Abraham and to his seed. It does not say, 'and to his seeds', as referring to many, but as referring to one, 'and to his seed' , who is Christ" (t(j de Abraam errethesan hai epaggeliai kai ttl spermati autou. ou legei' kai tois spermasin, hos epi pollan all' has eph' henos' kai tQ spermati sou, hos estin Christos). It is beyond the scope of this paper to elucidate Gal 3,16, but it is intriguing to note the around this verse of words central to the argumentation of Hebrews, such as "covenant" (diatheke), "inheritance" (kle ronomia) and "promise" (epagge/ia). If Paul feels free to interpret the "seed" promised to Abraham as Christ, it would seem legitimate to infer that the author of Hebrews could also feel free to do so.

Summary

The present study explores the implications of the symbolism indicated in Heb 11,19 in the context of the promise of "seed" (i.e., offspring) made to Abraham. A study of the use of the word "promise" in Hebrews indicates that the author distinguishes between the promises as such and the realities indicated by the promise, i.e., the promises as fulfilled. He regards the fulfillment of the promises as coming through Christ as the one who instituted a new covenant. The presentation of the promises in Hebrews, important as it is, is subordinated to the presentation of the theme of inheritance. From the very beginning of the letter Christ is presented as

27. There is no intention here of implying that Abraham foresaw the one whom Isaac symbolized. 74 James Swetnam

heir, with the Christians as receiving their inheritance through him. This inheritance has to do with salvation, which is constituted by the promises in their eschatological reality. Central to this eschatological reality is the risen Christ.

A study of Heb 11, L9 indicates that the author is thinking of the promises, in particular, of the promise of seed made to Abraham. He is thinking of the resurrection. He is thinking of an eschatological context which for him is realized in Christ. And he is thinking ofIsaac as a symboL When these elements are placed together, the conclusion would seem to be that for the author of Hebrews the risen Christ is the reality symbolized by Isaac. Just as God's Rest is the reality of the transformed promise of land made to Abraham, so the reality of the transformed seed is the risen Christ and through Him of those who will share in His risen state. The two realities go together: Christians share in the resurrection of Christ, who is the transformed seed promised to Abraham. And with Christ they share the reality of the transformed land, which is God's Rest. That Christ is the reality of the promise of seed made to Abraham is an interpretation advanced also by Paul in GaI3,16.

Pontifical Biblical Institute Via della Pilotta, 25 00187 Rome Italy The Church and the Fullness of the Truth

Hector Scerri

Dubium: Does the Church possess the fullness of the Truth? Responsio: Affirmative.

Bearing in mind the words of Jesus, "I am the Way; I am Truth and Life" (In 14,6), as well as the words used by St Paul in his first Letter to Timothy describing the Church as "the pillar and bulwark of the truth" (3,15), as well as the well­ known text by Irenaeus of Lyons which affirms that bishops have the "sure charism 1 of truth (charisma veritatis certum) , it can be seen, from an investigation of the recent Magisterium of the Church, that the Church possesses the fullness of truth:

Referring to the separated Churches and communities, the Second Vatican Council affirms that "the Spirit of Christ has not refrained from using them as means of salvation which derive their efficacy from the very fullness ofgrace and truth (plenitudine gratiae et veritatis) entrusted to the Catholic Church".2 The same paragraph also states: "It is through Christ's Catholic Church alone, which is the universal help towards salvation, thatthefullness ofthe means of salvation can be obtained".3

l. Irenaeus of Lyons, Adversus Haereses, Book IV, chapter 26, para. 2. With regard to this phrase. Cardinal Yves Congar (1904-1995) comments that "the emphasis was on the objective deposit of trllth. For St Irenaeus. the charisma veritatis is not a power by which the hierarchy defines doctrine, it is the doctrine itself, the precious and spiritual gift entrusted to the Church, Y. Congar, Traditio/l and Traditions, London 1966, 177. 2. Second Vatican Ecumenical Council, Decree on Ecumenism Unitatis Redintegratio (21 November 1964), 3d. 3. Ibid., 3e. 76 Hector Scerri

• The same words from the above-mentioned paragraph, 3d, are re-quoted in the Catechism of the Catholic Church,4 and in Pope John Paul II's Encyclical on the Church's commitment to Ecumenism, Ut Unum Situ (1995), in paragraph lOco They re-appear in the Instruction Dominus Iesus (2000) by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, in paragraph 16c: The "very fullness of grace and truth entrusted to the Catholic Church" is re-affirmed. 5

The latter Instruction which clearly avers the unicity and salvific universality of Jesus Christ and the Church underlines that: "The Lord Jesus, the only Saviour, did not only establish a simple community of disciples, but constituted the Church as a salvific mystery: he himself is in the Church and the Church is in him. Therefore, the fullness of Christ's salvific mystery belongs also to the Church, inseparably united to her Lord. Indeed, Jesus Christ continues his presence and his work of salvation in the Church and by means of the Church, which is his body. And thus, just as the head and members of a living body, though not identical, are inseparable, so too Christ and the Church can neither be confused nor separated, and constitute a single 'whole Christ"'. 6 The conclusions derived from this text are evident. If Jesus Christ is the Truth (cfr Jn 14,6), so also the Church, his Body, possesses the fullness of the Truth.

One may argue that members of the Church, over the centuries, have failed to bear witness to the fullness of Truth possessed by the Church. This real situation can be ret1ected upon while recalling the famous patristic phrase describing the Church by the oxymoron "casta meretrix" (chaste prostitute):7 namely, the Church is holy (one of its four marks or notae) because she is the Mystical Body of Christ and his Bride, and at the same time she is a sinner in its members.

This has been clearly asserted in the document published by the International Theological Commission, in the context of the Jubilee of the year 2000, Memory and Reconciliation: The Church and the Faults ofthe Past: "From a theological point of view, Vatican II distinguishes between the indefectible fidelity of the Church and the weaknesses of her members, clergy and laity, yesterday and

4. Catechism of the Catholic Church, London & Vatican City 1994, para. 819. 5. For the text ofthe Instruction, cfr. OrigillS 30/14 (14 September 2000),216. 6. Instruction Dominus Jesus, 16a. 7. Cfr the booklet by G. Biffi, "Casta meretrix". Saggio sull'ecclesiologia di sant'Ambrogio, Casale Monferrato 1996. The Chrch and the Fullness of the Truth 77

today, and therefore, between the Bride of Christ 'with neither blemish nor wrinkle ... holy and immaculate' (Eph 5,27), and her children, pardoned sinners, called to permanent metanoia" (par.l.2b). 8

Having enunciated official teaching of the Church, it is interesting to note the observations made by an Orthodox theologian, Nicholas Afanassieff on the subject of truth: "The Church has in itself the truth; for it possesses the Spirit of Truth, who was given to it at the moment when the Church came into visible existence ... Revelation, under the form of Sacred Scripture and Tradition, is confided to the Church, which is its guardian and consequently 'the pillar and ground of truth'''.9

Dept of Fundamental and Dogmatic Theology, University of Malta, Msida, Malta.

8. L'Osservatore Romano (English edition, 15 March 2000), Special insert, ii. 9. N. Afanassieff, L'infallibilite de l'Eglise du point de vue d'un theologien orthodoxe", in L'infallibilittff de l'Eglise, ed. Rousseau et aI., 184-185, as quoted in P. Chirico, Infallibility. The Crossroads of Doctrine, London 1977, III.

Issues in Bible Translation, I

Judith's Shadow

Anthony Abela

Readers who are familiar with the Book of Judith among the 'Deutero­ canonicals', or 'Apocrypha', as Christians from the Reformation tradition know such books in the wider canon ofthe Christian Bible (cf. Trebolle Barrera 1998: 147- 257; Pagan 2001: 164_168; Kohlenberger III 1997 :introductions), would notice the presence of a woman in the shadow of Judith, the story protagonist. This woman remains unnamed and enters the plot just as the central action starts. Judith has just rebuked two elders of her town Bethulia for the decision taken by Uzziah, the governor, and his council, that they would capitulate to the besieging Assyrians if no help came in view (Jdt 8). In the same breath, Judith announces that she is about to embark upon an initiative "that will go down through all generations of our descendants" (8,32, NRSV); but furnishes no information on what she was plotting, and no one was expecting anything spectacular (see 8,31). There follows a long prayer (Jdt 9) and then a flurry of action during which Judith transforms herself into the stunning and beautiful woman that she was (10, 3-4). It is at this stage that this mysterious woman enters the scene.

According to the NRSV, Judith considers this woman as 'her maid' (10, 2) whom she calls in order to help her in the preparations for a mysterious expedition. We are not told whether this maid changes clothes or indulges into any toiletries. She helps 'her mistress' to prepare a number of food and drink items(10,5) and then sets out with her towards the gates of the city and thence to the camp of the Assyrians and finally to the tent of the feared Holofernes, the commander-in-chief of the besieging army.

This woman remains in her mistress's shade: the various groups of men notice Judith and comment upon her astounding beauty; but they never ever pay any tribute to the woman who is constantly with her (Jdt 10). She accompanies Judith during her stay in the Assyrian camp (11-12) and is with her till just before the fatal action is about to happen (13, 3). It would seem that Judith wants no one to disturb her 80 Anthony Abela

during the climatic moment when she has in mind to kill her targeted victim as he sleeps, for which she sends 'her maid' outside his bedchamber wherein they are. On beheading the commander-in-chief, Judith herself comes out and gives his head to "her maid" who places it "in her food bag" (13, 9-10). Then they hurry back to Bethulia. This mysterious woman disappears from the narrative thread altogether except for the end of the story when the narrator is bringing his narrative to a close. It is here that we read following NRSV "She set her maid free" (16, 23).

Who is this woman who shares with Judith the highlights of her adventure? Is she aware from the beginning of what Judith her mistress is up to? Does she realise the ambiguity of her mistress's words to Holofernes as she seeks to persuade him that the Jews have sinned against God and hence their downfall is inevitable (Jdt 11)? How does Judith look at this 'her maid'? Why should she think of doing a good thing towards the end of her life in giving 'her maid' her freedom?

The term used in the Greek text to refer to this woman is habra which is employed only for her in the text. In 16,23 this is translated differently by different versions in English: 'maid' (NAB, NJB, NRSV, REB), 'maidservant' (CCB), 'handmaid' (Douay), 'serving-maid' (Knox). It would seem that the word was accepted as a neologism into Latin, for the Vulgate renders the lexeme in 16,23 by the word abra which is simply a transliteration of the Greek word habra. This was maintained by the Nova Vulgata (1998). Italian versions choose serva or the now rarely used ancella (why not domestica?). The French usually opt for servante (PdV and BJ) or suivante (TOB). Maltese translations usually render the word by qaddejja which means 'female servant' (cf. MBS and BS). There is a tendency therefore in versions for the word habra in Jdt 16,23 to be translated by the word 'maid' or its equivalents.

Unfortunately for our text, the word/concept 'maid' is slightly ambiguous. According to the Collins Dictionary and Thesaurus' 'maid' in English carries these nuances: a young unmarried girl; maiden; a female servant; a housemaid; a spinster. At least in English (and Maltese), the term implies a contractual relationship between a 'maid' and 'her mistress' or work giver. The maid is paid by her mistress or employer for her service; she may change her mistress to go and work for another. And, allowing for any contractual conditions, she may be released from her duties;

I. HarperCollins Publishers, Glasgow 1987, 603 Judith's Shadow 81

but she may never be 'given her liberty', 'emancipated' (NJB) as Judith's 'maid' is, since a maid is normally in modem parlance a free woman.

One should note that while in the text the lexeme habra is reserved for this particular woman in the story, other terms are employed in the 'Book of Judith' that belong to the same semantic domain. In 8,7 the word paidisk_ is used to mean 'female slave', though one should notice that in 12,13 the same term is politely given by the butler of Holofemes to Judith herself with the meaning of 'pretty girl'(NRSV,MBS,DHH). It is meant as a compliment. The term douC is found on Judith's reverential though beguiling lips as she addresses Holofernes in 11,5. In this verse Judith also calls herself the commander-in-chief's paidisk_, and here she 2 may be playing with his point of view • A similar shift of point of view happens in 12, 15. 19 where the butler looks at Judith's habra as her douC. This means that while the narrator is conscious of other words which more or less belong to the same semantic domain and applies them to this mysterious lady, he or she reserves habra only in reference to Judith's maid. What does this word mean, therefore?

A Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint, 2nd Edition, Part 1, edited by 1. Lust, E. Eynikel, and K. Hauspie3 defines habra as a 'favourite, faithful, or devoted slave'. The dictionary suggests that the word may have been a neologism, at least with this meaning, and cites for its definition Amusin 1986: 121; Har1 1986:204 and Wevers 1990: 13. The problem with this definition is that the dictionary refers to the Greek translation of Gen 24,61; Ex 2,5(twice), Est 2,9 and 4,4 but leaves the Book of Judith completely out where the word features no less than seven times: 8,10. 10,2.5.17; 13,9 and 16,23 and it always refers to the same character in the story. The choice of the Lexicon's not to include references to Judith may have been simply editorial, space; but this definition fits this character perfectly. She is highly trusted by Judith her mistress who sends her on important errands (8, 10) and takes her with her on this secret and dangerous mission. Only when the final act of actually killing the general is about to be carried out that Judith asks her

2. The presence of different and at times, may be, conflicting perspectives is discussed by Linda Day in "Faith, Character and Perspective in Judith," Journalfor the Study of the Old Testament, 95(2001) 71-93. Her work is insightful though not always aware of the subtleties of the language of the story and also of the 'authorial intention' of building the character of Judith as a positive not a negative one. One may find a number of other essays on the personage of Judith in Athalia Brenner (ed.), A Feminist Companioll to Esther, Judith and Susanna, Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffieldl995. 3. Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart 1992, I. 82 Anthony Abela

faithful 'maid' to step out of Holofernes's bedroom, surely to avoid having to deal with reactions of horror from her companion which would thereby alert the guards that something strange is being perpetrated in their chief's tent. The narrator though rep011s of no impulsive reaction from this woman when later on her mistress hands over to her female companion waiting outside the bedroom of the general the head of the dead Holofernes that she may throw it into their food bag (13, 9-10).

This woman proved herself to be faithful indeed to Judith. But she was Judith's 'slave', not simply her 'maid'. And it is for this reason that JUdith, towards the end of her life, feels the need to grant freedom this faithful slave of hers. In this she is not original as such was an established custom in the context of sla very: that people who would possess slaves, on their deathbed, would often free those slaves who proved to be faithful and good (cf. Wettinger 2002). In including this detail, the narrator means to enhance his portraiture of Judith as a positive character (contra Day).

Such exegesis was recognised only by a handful of Bible translations. The Bible of the Italian Catholic Bishops' Conference reproduced the nuance of special relationship between Judith and her slave, but preferred the archaic word ancella derived from the Latin ancilla that means both 'maid-servant' as well as 'female slave'.4 Their translation of Jdt 16, 23 reads: alia sua ancella prejerita aveva concesso fa liberta 'to her prefeITed slave woman she conceded freedom'. Therefore this version of the Bible opts for an ambiguous term (the same term is employed by NV but not by BLC which uses the more current lexeme serva, maidservant). I have come across only two versions which chose an unambiguous term for the Greek word habra of Jdt 16,23. TEV reads the relative clause in the verse: "and set her slave woman free." One should read the recently published UBS Handbook on Tobit and Judith (2001) on Jdt 8, 10. The other translation where Judith's slave real status is recognised is the Spanish Santa Biblia. Dios Habia Hoy where we read Dio fa libertad a su esclava, 'she gave freedom to her slave'.5

4. Cf. I1!e Englishman S Pocket Latin-English and English-Latin Dictionary. Routledge, London 1955. 5. I was informed by my colleague Dr Seppo SipiUi. who offered many useful comments to an earlier edition of the paper, that the new Swedish Bibeln (2000)translates the word throughout the book by slavinna which means 'female slave'; so does the new Finnish version(2003) which renders the word by orjator that carries the same meaning. With this note I wish to aCknowledge and thank my colleague for his valid contribution. Judith's Shadow 83

One may wonder whether this short essay has not been an exercise in futility. After all, recognising that this mysterious woman in the Book of Judith has been Judith's slave rather than her maidservant has not improved our knowledge of this book a deal. However, the author of the book has considered this detail worth including as a prop to his positive evaluation of Judith the main character; and translators should make every effort not to neglect anything that the authors of Scripture thought useful for their narrative strategy in telling their story. Probably the narrator needed to include the character of this slave in the story both to underline Judith's status as a woman of worth, who moves about accompanied by her attendant (the slave as a status symbol), and to havc a witness in front of her Jewish post­ exilic society that "it was my face that seduced him to his destruction, and that he committed no sin with me, to defile and shame" (13, 16). This slave can testify to this oath of her mistress and in this way she is able to protect her against 'shame' (cf. Klein 1995; Van der Jagt 2002; Stiebert 2002).

Short Bibliography

A number of Bible versions are referred to by abbreviations only:

BJ: La Bible de Jerusalem( 1978). BLC: La Bibbia in Lingua Corrente( 1985). BS: Bibbja Saydon. Societas Ooctrinae Chlistianae, Malta (1977.1982.1990). CCB: Christian Community Bible. Catholic Pastoral Edition (1988). OHH: Santa Biblia. Dios Habla Hoy (1992). Oouay: Holy Bible. Oouay Version(l956) Knox: The Holy Bible by Ronald Knox(1956) MBS: Il-Bibbja. Malta Bible Society. NJB: The New Jerusalem Bible (1985). NRSV: New Revised Standard Version (1989). NV: La Bibbia Nuovissima Versione dai Testi Originali( (983). PdV: La Bible Parole de Vie (200 I) REB: The Revised English Bible (1989). TEV: Good News Bible. Today's English Version (1992). TaB: La Bible. Traduction oecumenique (1995).

Amusin 1.0., "I termini designanti la schiavitu dell'Egitto ellenistico in base ai dati dei Settanta" in 1. Biezunska Malowist (ed.), Schiavitu e produzione nella Rama repubblicana, Problemi e Ricerche di Storia Antica, 9; Rome 1986, 107-146. 84 Anthony Abela

Bullard R.A. & Hatton H.A., A Handbook on Tobit and Judith, United Bible Societies, New York 2001. Kohlenberger III J.R., The Parallel Apocrypha, Oxford University Press, New York & Oxford 1997. Lust J. & Eynike1 E. & Hauspie K., A Greek-English Lexicon ofthe Septuagint, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, Stuttgart 1992(Part I), 1996 (Part II). Harl M., "Les origines grecques du mot et de la notion de 'componction' dans la Septante et chez Ie Gommentateurs" Revue des etudes augustiniennes 32(1986) 3-21. van der Jagt K., Anthropological Approaches to the Interpretation of the Bible, UBS Monograph Series, 8; United Bible Societies, New York 2002. Klein L. R., "Honor and Shame in Esther" in Athalia Brenner(ed.), A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna, Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffield 1995, 149-175. Pagan S., "The Canon of the Old Testament", in Roger Omanson(ed.),Discover the Bible. A Manual for Biblical Studies, United Bible Societies, New York 2001, 154-172 Stiebert J., The Construction of Shame in the Hebrew Bible, JSOT Supplement Series 346. Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffield 2002. Trebolle Barrera J., The Jewish Bible and the Christian Bible. An Introduction to the History of the Bible, Brill, Leiden & Eerdmans, Grand Rapids, Michigan 1998. Wettinger G., Slavery in the Islands ofMalta and Gozo ca. 1000-1912, Publishers Enterprises Group, Malta 2002. Wevers J.W., Notes on the Greek Text ofExodus, Septuagint and Cognate Studies, 30; Atlanta 1990.

Department of Holy Scriptures Faculty of Theology University of Malta Msida. BOOK REVIEWS

Montonati Angelo, Coraggio e Profezia. Un pioniere del Vaticano II. II Beato Giorgio Preca (Malta 1880-1962), San Paolo, Cinisello Balsamo (Milano), 2003, pp.l28, ISBN 88-215-4948-8 [16 pages with photographs].

Angelo Montonati is a professional journalist who presents us with a full biography of the life and works of Blessed Giorgio Preca. The text is original in a two-fold manner: in the way in which the life of Blessed Preca is presented to the reader and in the fact that this is the first biography of Blessed Preca in the Italian language. In this respect one can extract the significance of this historical account: it makes the life and the works of Blessed Giorgio Preca, especially the foundation of the Societas Doctrinae Cristianae, known beyond the shores of the Maltese archipelago, reaching a far greater number of people.

Montonati starts the biography of Blessed Giorgio Preca by giving an outline ofthe history of Christianity in Malta and Gozo starting with the dramatic event of St. Paul's unexpected shipwreck on the island of Malta. The author also traces the major events which have coloured the history of Christianity in Malta. Montonati ends this excursus by describing Christianity in Malta in our contemporary times.

It is precisely at this point that the author introduces the early beginnings of the life of Blessed Giorgio Preca who was born on the 12th February 1880. Although much of his childhood is unknown the author is able to synthesise the known facts into an interesting story commencing with the childhood of Blessed Preca, then moving on to his priestly formation at the Seminary and the first encounters which he had with the youths at Hamrun. The foundations of the Societas Doctrinae Cristiagae, originally referred to by Blessed Preca as Societas Papiducum et Papidissarum is Society of the spiritual sons and daughters of the Pope, can be traced back to the encounters with these youths at Hamrun.

When Blessed Preca wanted to establish a name for the group, one of the Hamrun youths suggested that it should be referred to as a museum because in such a place one usually finds precious objects, and within the newly founded group they had really found a precious thing, that is, spiritual formation. Later on, Blessed Preca gave a more profound meaning to the acronym M.U.S.E.U.M. is an abbreviation 86 Book Reviews

for "Magister, utinam sequatur Evangelium universus mundus", (p.35) that is, Master, may the whole world follow the Gospel.

Every new initiative usually faces moments of trial and this was not an exception for the society set up by Blessed Preca. Many were those who looked suspiciously at Fr Preca's initiative, and many even wrote in the newspapers criticising his efforts. At a certain moment the criticism was so strong that the Maltese Ecclesiastical Authorities asked Fr Preca to close clown the edifices which he had already started using to conduct catechism classes. However, this was soon revoked on the insistence of some parish priests who argued with the Ecclesiastical Authorities that the initiative begun by Fr Preca was beneficial. After an inquiry by the Maltese Curia, the Church in Malta approved Fr Preca's initiative. It was now time for M.U.S .E.U .M. to consolidate itself and to spread throughout the Maltese Islands in two separate branches: male and female. It was also at this time that Fr Preca sent his first missionaries to Australia.

The biography of the life of Blessed Preca reveals also that he was a very prolific writer who based most of his writings on Sacred Scriptures. He also spent much time in administering the Sacrament of Reconciliation, in Spiritual Direction and in private prayer, especially to the Blessed Virgin Mary to whom Blessed Preca was a great devotee. Blessed Preca died on the 26th July 1962, and after a funerary service at the Parish Church of Hamrun he was buried at the Mother House of the Society which he founded at Blata I-Bajda.

In 1976, the diocesan process for the beatification of Fr Preca was initiated and in 1988 it was presented to Rome for the official approval as a process which ended by the formal approval on the 12th October 1999. Pope John Paul II held the beatification ceremony of Blessed Giorgio Preca together with two other Maltese candidates for the beatification at The Granmies in Floriana on the 9th May 2001.

This biography of Blessed Giorgio Preca by Montonati proves to be a well­ researched work with the most up-to-date information about Blessed Giorgio Preca. However, it lacks a bibliography. Notwithstanding this, the author not only presents the real facts about the life of Blessed Preca but does so in such a way, and with such clarity, that the reader inevitably feels involved in the story and wants to keep on reading. One cannot ignore that the fluidity of the text helps the reader move on smoothly from one aspect of the life of Blessed Preca to another, this is a positive feature which Montonati is able to achieve in an excellent manner. Besides, the Book Reviews 87

few photos inserted in the book help readers to contextualise the facts and the major character with which the biography deals.

This biography by Montonati is an achievement which can be recommended especially to all those who are interested in the history of Catechesis in Malta because it presents us with an initiative of a humble priest who was able to set up a Society which partially transposed the responsibility of catechesis from the clerical domain and hand it over to the laity even before the Second Vatican Council had discussed issues. However, the biography by Montonati is also interesting to the general public because it presents the life of a person who was totally dedicated to teaching and forming others, starting from the youngest to adults. Blessed Giorgio Preca is indeed an example to all believers who are called to play an active role in the Ecclesial ministry of the Proclamation of the Word of God. Consequently, it would also be interesting and valuable if the book about the life and the works of Blessed Giorgio Preca were to be translated into other major languages, especially in Spanish.

Rev. Carl-Mario Sultana 88 Book Reviews

Xavier Leon-Dufour, Lecture de l'Evangile selon Jean. Tome IV, L'heur de la glorification (chapitre 18-21). Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1996, ISBN 2-02-030411-2.

Melita Theologica apologizes for this belated review; a string of events which includes the premature death of the would-be original reviewer, the late Rev Dr Joseph Calleja OFM Conv, led to the postponement to such a late date of the presentation and comment of the work under study.

The present volume of Xavier Leon-Dufour is the fourth of what looks like being his opus magnum. The three previous volumes were published, always by Seuil, in 1988,1990, and 1993. And in many ways this last member of the series appears as the conclusion of the entire work. Hence, besides a brief introduction (pp.lI-12), a . general introduction to the Passion Narrative in the Fourth Gospel(pp.l3-24), and five chapters of commentary or lecture as the author calls his study of the text: on Jn 18,1-27(pp.2S-64); 18,28-19,22(pp.6S-124); 19,23-42(pp.12S-192);20,1-31(pp. 193-264); and 21,1-2S(pp. 269-304); one finds a 'Postface' (pp.307-331), a kind of postscript in which the author discusses some general issues like who the Beloved Disciple in John could have been, and whether one could detect possible Gnostic influences in the Gospel; here the author reviews also some of his methodological options enunciated in his Liminaire in the first volume; one finds too a short bibliography of the mostly cited studies in his work (pp.33l-332), indexes of abbreviations of reviews and of the biblical books that have been employed in his work(pp.333-338), and, the most important, a thematic index for the four volumes(pp.339-355).

Naturally, the chapters where the author discusses the various units of the text constitute the fruit of his fifteen years of work to finish the whole opus. Thus, his discussion of Jn 18,28-19,22 which narrates the proceedings of Jesus' Roman court case, starts with a translation of the text(pp.6S-67); then comes a discussion of the general issues that the text raises(pp. 67 -73), to be followed by an examination of the various literary segments of this particular text: 18,28-32(pp.73-81); 18,33-38a(pp.81-90); 18,38b- 40(pp.90-92); 19,1-3(pp.92-9S); 19,4-8 (pp.9S-101); 19,9- I 2a(pp.l02-lOS); 19,12b- 16(pp.l06-11S); 19,17-22(pp.l1S-l20). One should add that the various abstracts of the text to be discussed are reproduced sometimes more than once as the commentary revolves upon them. Once the commentary or better the lecture on the pericope comes to an end, the writer offers an Ouverture, that is, a pastoral application of the text to Leon-Dufour's social and historical context. One would expect that these 'actualization' exercises be addressed to the sophisticated European cultural context Book Reviews 89

wherein the writer resides. On pp. 326-330 the author offers the 'last Ouverture' which takes into account the entire work as a whole.

How should one evaluate this work? On general issues of the method employed by the author during the writing of these four volumes, one should read the retrospective postscript on. 307 -331 and of course the general introduction in volume One. In the postscript he admits that his approach has been' synchronical' not' diachronical' , that is, he has not attempted to understand the 'text finale' of John's Gospel by reconstructing its pre-textual history thus identifying John's hypothetical sources, as historical-critical research normally does. Leon-Dufour considers such research as not leading to the discovery of the meaning of the text, which discovery "est mon seul objectif' (p.308). On the other hand, he admits that the writer of the Gospel must have used sources and that the final text does entail previous editorial activity. This means that a synchronic investigation may require a diachronic research which would ensure that the text as it stands is a unity. Only after this has been assured one may speak of synchronic or literary or narratological study of the text in order to arrive to its meaning which requires that the text to be studied be established first[cf. Rene Wellek & Austin Warren, Theory of Literature, Penguin Books, Harmondtsworth, Middlesex1949, chapter six]. One should add that as one goes through the text of this last volume of the lecture, one notices that Leon­ Dufour is constantly aware of the diachronical dimension of the text (cf. his discussion of Jn 21 especially on p.27l). His decision to leave out detailed discussions on the possible sources employed by the writer of the Gospel may have been dictated by the target readership to which the work is addressed, to general informed readers and not to NT scholars. And marketing has its value in a successful publication.

Leon-Dufour defines his reading of the text as lecture symbolique and refers back to a study he made in the seventies "Pour une lecture symbolique du ivc evangile" published in New Testament Studies 27(1980-1981)439-456. For our writer a 'symbolic operation' moves in two stages: the first stage consists" a reconnaitre qu'une correspondance analogique unit deux realites d'un monde culturel determine"(p.309). In this manner 'bread' in the Bible may also denote spiritual nourishment. "C'est Ie milieu culturel qui nous permet de preciser Ie rapport entre les deux nourritures"(ibid), and there is no need for allegorization. In the second stage "l'operation symbo1ique peut jouer differemment, selon que Ie lecteur se place au temps des auditeurs de Jesus ou au temps des chretiens" (ibid). He brings the example of 'liv'ing waters' in Jn 4. To the Samaritan woman Jesus first promises 90 Book Reviews

a revelation that was superior to that of the Law; but from the point of view of Christians, the living waters promised by Jesus meant the Holy Spirit (In 7,37).

Because of its Jewish and Christian backgrounds John's text is capable of two interpretations; John expresses this in his repor6ng Jesus' discussion with the Jews concerning 'this temple' (In 2). A symbolic reading of Scripture does not mean attempting to discover hidden meanings in the words or texts, but seeing the link between the various meanings allowed by the historical contexts in which and for which John wrote (p.311). Of course it will always remain a problem finding the exact meaning chosen by the evangelist especially when he offers no explicit statement about what he meant to say. Thus, the reader would have remained mystified by Jesus' statement in 2.19 has not John intervened to clarify the precise content of his prophecy (2,21). And even if John is deeply rooted in the OT tradition (cf. p.35) and one may search for the precise meaning of some signs or words or events in his cultural background, the meaning of the falling backward of Jesus' captors in 18,4-6 remains a mystery which the evangelist chooses not to interpret explicitly. Which means that a symbolic reading of the text does not necessarily illuminate the entire text, and dark spots in the text may have to remain mysterious either because the author has chosen to leave them that way or because he was relaying tradition he himself did not understand completely though he does integrate them within the texture of his own narrative.

In view of contributing to eventual further editions of the work under review, one would point out its pluses and the minuses. On the basis of this fourth volume of Leon-Dufour's Lecture de I'Evangile selon Jean, it is quite easy to identify its strengths, but not that easy to spot its weaknesses. Its holistic approach to the text is certainly positive as also the author's capability, witnessed to in various parts of the book, of dealing with complex issues and explicating everything in a way that its general though informed readership would be able to appreciate what the evangelist means to communicate. There is Leon-Dufour's mastery of the exegetical art through which he stops to what the text is actually saying and not to what subsequent theological readings have thought to have discovered in the text. His sensitivity then to the symbolic texture of the Gospel opened his mind and heart to the evangelist's rich theological message as he 'paints' the portrait of Jesus; Leon­ Dufour often consciously assnmes the point of view of the Gospel writer. In his last Ouverture Ultime (pp. 326-330) which sounds very much like a spiritual testament, Leon-Dufour confesses: "Ne devrais-je pas modifier ma conception de ce que j'appelle 'historique'? Est-ce que je ne ramene pas rna connaissance des Book Reviews 9l

evenements a l'i'monce de ce qui s'est reellement passe? S'il en etait ainsi, il me faudrait conceder que, en dehors de quelques remarques adventices, Ie portrait johannique n'arien d'historique. Mais sije prend l'optique de In, qui estcelle d'un peintre, je dois admettre que l'evangeliste a su s'installer au creur meme du personage. 11 a pu Ie faire parce qu'il s' est place aSOIl origine eternelle, parce qu' il a disceme dans Jesus de Nazareth Ie glorifie. Loin de moi I 'audace d' aplatir sur Ie niveau 'historique' de comptes rendus ce qui est envahi par la gloire" ( pp. 326-327). The author of this touching statement has penned in 1963 the very popular monograph L'Evangiles et I'Histoire de Usus which by 1987 has seen ten editions and which has been translated in several languages. And it needs no further comments.

A more serious issue touches the segmentation of the text and Leon-Dufour's evaluation of the literary properties of j n' s gospeL The author of this Lecture is aware that John is writing literature and this awareness appears in every page of the book. He could not do otherwise seeing that his approach he describes as being synchronic. In the meantime, the so-called New Literary Criticism of Scripture has developed a branch of studies called 'Biblical narratology' which was originally applied to the narratives of the Hebrew B ible[cf. Robert Alter, The Art ql Biblical Narrative, Basic Books, New York1981; Adele Berlin, Poetics and Interpretation qlBoiblical Narrative, Almond Press, Sheffield 1983; Meir Sternberg, The Poetics of Biblical Narrative. Ideological Literature and the Drama of Reading, Indiana University Press, Bloomington 1987; and Shimon Narrative Art in the Bible ,Almond Press, Shetfield1989 just to mention a few] but has since over spilled onto the NT. One could mention J ean-Noel Aletti, L'Art de racconter Usus-Christ, Edition du Seuil, Paris 1989 for a work that has entered into this branch of studies[ see also J.-N. Aletti, Bible et Litterature. L-Homme et Dieu mis en intrigue, Press Universitaire de Namur, Namur 1999]. Leon-Dufour uses such terminology as 'narrateur', 'acte', 'recit' and 'scene' that are normally employed by biblical narratology [cf. Jean Louis Ska, "Our Fathers Have Told Us".lntroduction to the Analysis qfBebrew Narratives, Pontifical Biblical Institute, Rome 1990], but he is not well versed with the methodology of this branch of study and therefore could not make proper use of its insights that such method could have made available to the reader. We shall limit ourselves to just one example.

Where does the 'Garden Scene' ends and where does the 'Jewish Trial Scene' start? And what is the relationship, narratological and content wise, between this latter scene and the narration of Peter's denials? 92 Book Reviews

Unfortunately, Leon-Dufour does not treatthe Garden Scene, 18,1-12, as one whole but as three different pieces in the manner traditional exegetical approaches would have done. It is evident from the scene's Exposition (vv.1-3; cf. Ska,21-25 on this important feature of a biblical narrative) that the main characters of this scene are Jesus and Judas the betrayer. Peter, who is not mentioned alone in the Exposition is not considered by the narrator as main character in this scene; he becomes the subject of only part of the action, later on in the scene, action which seems to have been chosen simply in order to throw light upon Jesus' motivation for accepting his passion. But Judas does feature in the Exposition. Notice how Judas is specifically mentioned in v.5 as the narrator tells us what happened when Jesus pronounced his 'I am'. If as Leon-Dufour says on p.35, in biblical tradition in which the author of John was steeped, falling down meant prostration as one comes face to face with God's revelation, or as an act of adoration, it surfaces that the problem with Judas was his lack of faith in Jesus. Of course, John has already intimated that Judas' motivation for betraying Jesus could have been love of money (12,4-6). Now he presents him among those who came to the garden to capture Jesus and he suffered the same shock as those whom he led. But John does not know for sure what moved Judas to betray the Lord, so he leaves this falling backward of Jesus' enemies unexplained, perhaps hoping that the readers would supply the explanation themselves.

The 'Jewish Trial Scene' (18, 13-27) is more complicated. In the Exposition the narrator first brings 'on scene' the personages, Jesus ('him'), Hannah, who is identified as the father-in-law of Caiaphas the High Priest that year, and Simon Peter together with 'another disciple' who remains unnamed either because there was nothing in tradition about him, or because the narrator was not interested in his role except as a help to have Peter enter the palace of the High Priest. This is surely not because this anonymous disciple is being presented as being superior to Peter (so Leon-Dufour, 55). May be he disappears as soon as he sees danger looming on the horizon! One may conclude that vv .13-15 [Leon-Dufour does not consider verse 15 together with the previous two verses but as the opening of the sub-scene, vv .15- 18] are not simply 'une transition narrative' as Leon-Dufour describes them(p.43) but as part and parcel of the complicated scene 13-27. In this scene the writer is trying to narrate two separate actions that happen simultaneously, on the one hand the questioning of Jesus by Hannah, on the other Peter's experience at another part of the palace (cf. also Leon-Dufour, 53). In the Exposition, Jesus and Hannah are ..... introduced first, and then Peter. The 'other disciple' is mentioned only in so far he as procured permission for Peter to enter into the scene of action. This explains Book Reviews 93

why he remains anonymous. But then the narrator focuses first on Peter and his line of action. In order to create the impression of simultaneity the narrator alternates scenic units from the two lines of action: Peter, Jesus and Hannah, Peter. Whether the writer means to intimate any symbolic meaning in this alternation and parallelism needs to be seen.

Some of these insights and remarks are to be found in Leon-Dufour's reading of the text; but the analysis of these narratological aspects is not constantly and coherently carried out so that the reading of the texts risks becoming somehow subjective. A narratological approach does not focus only on the vocabulary chosen but also on the narrative strategies adopted by the narrator as he tells his story. Leon-Dufour's lecture is historical and theological. Unfortunately, this approach does not account for some of the details in the text. For instance, the choice of Hannah as the interrogating agent, instead of Caiaphas, the High Priest, the legitimate authority, a detail which does not feature in tradition. As Leon-Dufour explains very well, this has always constituted an insoluble enigma since. But the narrator's reasoning could have been another. The cue is in the qualification of Caiaphas in verses 13-14. Not only is he described as the High Priest of that year, something which is redundant information because we have known it already from Jn 11,49, but also as the one who advised the Jews that it would be better if one man died for the people, an information that has been too in the same episode (18,50) together with the narrator's commentary (vv .51-52). So why is the narrator repeating such information at this junction in the narrative? This question needs to be answer especially because Caiaphas as such does not to enter the scene at alL Instead we meet Hannah about whom the narrator adds nothing except that he was the father­ in-law of Caiaphas and that he somehow carried the title 'High Priest'. What is the narrator's strategy here? I think the answer to these queries lies in what the narrator says, or reminds us of, about Caiaphas, and in Jesus' reply to Hannah as he asks him about his disciples and his teaching. Jesus' answer implies, as Leon-Dufour says, that the Priesthood and the Jewish leadership in general has not accepted his teaching and himself. They are accused of unbelief, and this Jesus confirms it as the truth when he retorts to the bystander who struck him (v.23). Jesus' answer actually characterises Hannah and the people for whom he stood including the current High Priest. But the narrator tries to avoid implicating the High Priest Caiaphas in this accusation by Jesus since he was the High Priest that year and as such he has been used by the Holy Spirit to pronounce the prophecy about the need of the death of Jesus (11,49-52). John is not interested in Hannah as a historical figure but as the type of the Jewish leadership which in mass refuses to believe in 94 Book Reviews

Jesus. Cf. the authors cited above as developing the study of biblical narratives for the role of characters in narratives.

There are here and there in this fourth volume, details where the author's judgement could have been slightly different. And some of these are listed and shortly discussed not to diminish the value of Leon-Dufour's work, rather to enhance it and to help prepare it for subsequent editions. Our author suggests (on p.39) that Peter's attack on Malchus may have symbolized an attack upon Jewish priesthood. But does John's failure to narrate the healing by Jesus of Malchus' ear that had been injured by Peter fit within this interpretative framework? Is John in controversy with the Jewish priesthood at a time when this priesthood had no longer any social or political function within Judaism? Rather, the subject-matter here is the theme of violence vis-a-vis the carrying out of God's will entrusted to Jesus. Another small detail concerns a reference: as he was speaking about Jesus' motivation for undergoing his passion, Leon-Dufour refers to Jn 14,28 which does not seem to have anything to do with the subject-matter. Instead, he possibly meant Jn 14,31. The present reviewer was not convinced by Leon-Dufour's suggestion that the time indication in 18,28 could have a symbolic meaning (p.75); also the explanations for the Jewish considering the houses of the Romans 'impure' (p. 75 note 27).Leon-Dufour was not completely clear on pp.78-79 about the Jews' motivation for handing Jesus to the Romans and by the hypothesis made by others to which Leon-Dufour seems to subscribe, that Pilate's ecce homo in 19,5 echoes I Sam 9,17 (on p.98). Leon­ Dufour's translation of Jn 20,27b on p. 247-248 is slightly subtle but it accords with the picture of Thomas the Gospel as a whole.

This is a well written 'reading' of John and the present reviewer is sure it has helped and will help its readers to understand John not only by giving adequate information, but also by offering a balanced evaluation of the 'facts of the text'. The book received also excellent editorial attention; the present reviewer could remember of having detected only one typo: on p. 195(Acts).

Rev Dr Anthony Abela