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General Introduction: Features of Eighteenth-Century

The foundations of modern pharmacology are generally thought to have been laid during the first half of the nineteenth century. In 1805, Friedrich Wilhelm Sertü rner published his isolation of morphine from opium, i.e. the discovery of the first plant alkaloid. In 1821, Franç ois Magendie’s Formulaire pour la Pré paration et l’Emploi de Plusieurs Nouveaux Mé dicamens , the first textbook on chemically pure drugs, came out. And in 1847, Rudolf Buchheim of the University of Dorpat created the first laboratory for experimental pharmacology. Improved methods of analytical and the emerging discipline of experimenta l physiology contributed considerably to the new pharmacological research. 1 Moreover, increasing use of clinical statistics led to the rise of modern therapeutics. In his Recherches sur les Effets de la Saignée (1835), the hospital doctor Pierre Louis famously applied the “ numerical method” to evaluate bloodletting and drug treatments for pneumonia and other inflammatory . 2 Customary focus on these milestones in the history of pharmacology and therapeutics has resulted, however , in a relative lack of appreciation of important changes within the of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Gernot Rath for example, in a by now classic paper on this subject, argued that the transformation of pharmacology from a part of therapeutics to an experimental did not originate from materia medica itself, but was induced by the development of and physiology. 3 The history of modern pharmacology was thus firmly linked with the nineteenth century, the age of the natural in . By contrast, this book attempts to show that experimental pharmacology was not a nineteenth-century, but essentially an eighteenth-century creation. It will demonstrate that the basic methodology of the field was developed through critical examinations of key drugs of the period, such as opium and Peruvian

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Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology bark, and of important proprietary , such as Mrs Stephens’s remedy against bladder stones. It will also reveal that along with the methodological development an ethical awareness arose regarding the sacrifices and risks in animal and human testing. Finally, it will show that the evaluation of remedies was not confined to university medicine and learned scientific societies, but that many rank and file practitioners contributed to this enterprise as well. But how did it come about that certain drugs were put “on trial” in the first place? The historical preconditions for this step probably have to be sought in the challenges to Galenism, and its gradual transformation, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. As Harold Cook has argued in general terms, the of the seventeenth century led to an emphasis on the curative part of medicine, at the cost of the Galenist preoccupations with advice, diet, and regimen. 4 In other words, the focus of medical attention started to move away from the old art of prescribing for the individual patient according to his or her unique condition and circumstances, towards efficient, “specific” remedies for particular types of . It is consistent with this interpretation that highly effective medicines, such as opium and mercury preparations, and those used for specific illnesses, such as Peruvian bark (quinine) in fevers and lithontriptics in urinary stone disease, acquired a prominent position in therapeutics. 5 Iatrochemistry and its predecessor, , played a major part in this process. (1493/94-1541) had introduced new mineral, “chemical” remedies: mercury, antimony, arsenic, iron, , copper, sulphur. After initial resistance Galenic medicine accommodated these substances, adding them to its vast collection of plant drugs and its remedies of animal origin. For example, the first official of the Royal College of of London, published in December 1618, included calomel (mercurous chloride), mineral acids, and iron preparations; and in its second edition, in 1650, salts of mercury were added. 6 In 1566 the Paris Parlement had banned antimony, following an initiative of the University’s conservative Medical Faculty. But in 1638 a recipe for an antimony preparation was included in the Paris Faculty’s official pharmacopoeia, and in 1666 the antimony ban was lifted. 7 As has recently been shown in detail by Laurence Brockliss and Colin Jones, Galenism in seventeenth-century was “ plastic” and eclectic enough to take up new therapeutic items and practices. 8 This applied also to drugs from the New World, such as ipecacuanha, guaiac, and Peruvian bark. For instance, by the mid-1680s the latter had become 2 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology fully acceptable to the Paris Faculty. 9 The London Pharmacopoeia included the bark in 1677. 10 Enlargement of the through new “chemical” and “exotic” drugs did not mean, however, that Galenic pharmacology was profoundly changed. It continued to be based on the four Aristotelian primary qualities (hot, cold, wet, dry), and Galenic still aimed at the correction of imbalances of the Hippocratic four humours (blood, phlegm, yellow bile, black bile). But attention was drawn to “problem drugs” whose natural properties and therapeutic effects were hard to reconcile with Galenic doctrine. This was particularly true for Peruvian bark, which had been introduced to in the 1630s. It tasted bitter and should therefore have been classified as a hot medicine, and yet it removed the heat of fevers. It did not seem to evacuate the so-called peccant humour (materia peccans ), and yet it was obviously effective. Similar difficulties emerged for opium, although it had been used since antiquity. Experimental investigation of these drugs was the response of many seventeenth- and eighteenth-century medical men, and accordingly their efforts in this area constitute a major theme of this book. The iatrochemical doctrines, as taught by (1621- 75) in Oxford and Franciscus de le Boë (1614-72) in Leyden, provided a basis for such pharmacological explorations. 11 First of all, the general concept that bodily processes could be understood chemically as internal “” evoked a chemical (not merely qualitative) interpretation of drug action. More specifically , the iatrochemical idea of disease as an imbalance in the body’s acids and alkalis led to the notion that remedies acted through their acid or alkaline properties, based on the classical principle of contraria contrariis. The testing of substances for their acidity, respectively alkalinity, through their colour reaction with syrup of violets was introduced by in 1664 and soon became a standard method.12 Moreover, the assumption that certain chemical constituents in a drug must be responsible for its efficacy stimulated considerable work in chemical analysis, both “ by fire” (destructive ) and by testing reactions with other substances (precipitation, solubility, colour changes). Finally, within the iatrochemical paradigm of an effervescence of acids with alkalis it made sense to visualize the action of drugs on body fluids. Pharmacological in vitro experiments, especially on blood, were frequently carried out in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.13 3 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Also iatromechanics, the rival concept to iatrochemistry towards the end of the seventeenth century, was conducive to pharmacological research. The corpuscular chemistry of Boyle provided the theoretical framework for explanations of the action of drugs and poisons by their content of specially shaped particles. 14 A protagonist of this line of reasoning was the Swiss Johann Jakob Wepfer (1620-95), who is commonly regarded as the pioneer of experimental toxicology. 15 Vivisecting orally poisoned animals, he traced the lesions in their gastrointestinal tract. These were then explained with sharp particles or “spikes”, hidden in toxic plants, such as water hemlock, aconite and strychnos nux-vomica, or in corrosive mineral poisons, such as mercury sublimate (mercuric chloride). Yet, this corpuscular toxicology did not signify a complete departure from Galenic pharmacological doctrine. In the terminology of the latter , W epfer characterized those “sharp” poisons also as “hot” or “warm”. Neither was the corpuscular interpretation incompatible with iatrochemical ideas. Wepfer was sceptical about the “fight” between acids and alkalis, because it could not be observed in the stomachs of vivisected animals. But he integrated the concept of the archeus, i.e. the vital principle introduced by Paracelsus and elaborated by the early iatrochemist Jean Baptiste van Helmont (1579-1644). In Wepfer’s toxicology it was a personified archeus or, as he called him, Praeses systematis nervosi (“president of the nervous system”) who, enraged by the sharp poisons, tried to expel them and caused violent symptoms, such as convulsions and vomiting. 16 Iatromechanical concepts were likewise applied in the pharmacological work of Friedrich Hoffmann (1660-1742) and his students at the University of Halle, who, however, were also engaged in the chemical examination of drugs. 17 Though iatrochemistry and iatromechanism could lead to different accounts of drug action, they were sometimes combined to create more complex pharmacological theories. Nevertheless, adherence to a theoretical medical system produced therapeutic styles and preferences, which became increasingly prominent in the course of the eighteenth century. Controversial across the various systems was for instance the use of opium preparations. While iatrochemists endorsed them in the tradition of Paracelsus’ famous remedy “ laudanum”, Galenists and iatromechanists advocated merely their cautious and limited use. The followers of Galenic doctrines feared thickening of the humours through a strongly cooling effect of the drug; and the “mechanists” were concerned that the blood circulation and the movement of the “animal spirits” in the nervous system were slowed down too much. 4 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

For the adherents of the “ animism” of Georg Ernst Stahl (1659- 1734) opium was only a remedy of last resort, because it was thought to suppress the healing power of the soul ( anima).18 Stahlians had similar objections against the treatment of fevers with Peruvian bark. Their negative attitude was here shared by Galenists who were worried about the lack of evacuant power in the bark, while iatrochemists and iatromechanists appeared as supporters of the new drug.19 When a medical system relied heavily on one particular treatment, such as Brunonianism on the use of opium and alcohol, pharmacology became a matter of heated debate. The sedative- stimulant controversy on opium is an example of this. 20 It is quite clear from the historical record that such therapeutic predelections and controversies influenced contemporary decisions as to which cures or items of the materia medica to investigate. Experimental pharmacology was thus stimulated by theoretical issues in therapeutics. As has been shown by John Harley Warner for America, a reaction to eighteenth-century allegiances to “rational” systems of practice was a move to sceptical therapeutic empiricism around the middle of the nineteenth century. 21 In Europe such a reaction can already be observed during the eighteenth century itself, documented by the large amount of case histories in which treatments and their effects were carefully described. 22 This study will demonstrate that, apart from pharmacological experimentation as such, this “case history approach” was the contemporary method to ascertain and evaluate therapeutic efficacy. Finally, the revolutionary changes in eighteenth-century chemistry contributed to the development of pharmacology and therapy. In particular, the creation of pneumatic chemistry, from Stephen Hales’ first notions of “ fixed air” in the 1720s to the important work on gases by Henry Cavendish, Joseph Priestley, and Antoine-Laurent Lavoisier in the second half of the eighteenth century,23 influenced therapeutics in various ways. Fixed air (carbon dioxide) itself was temporarily propagated as a remedy, and it stimulated much interest in the therapeutic properties of artificial mineral waters, especially in urinary stone disease. The history of lithontriptics, a major theme of this book, was closely linked with developments in chemistry. 24 Lavoisier’s famous work on oxygen was not only at the core of the chemical revolution, but also highly relevant to the physiology of respiration. 25 Soon inhalation therapy for lung diseases such as tuberculosis emerged as another offshoot of the chemistry of “airs”. In the 1790s, the English physician Thomas Beddoes joined forces 5 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology with the engineer James Watt to explore the medicinal uses of various gases.26 And in Beddoes’ Pneumatic Institute, opened in 1799 in Clifton near Bristol, the young Humphry Davy studied among others the effects of nitrous oxide (laughing gas), which was “rediscovered” as an anaesthetic agent by the American dentist Horace Wells in 1844. Ultimately, eighteenth-century gas chemistry thus led to the discovery of inhalation anaesthesia. 27 The demise of Stahl’s phlogiston theory and the new chemical nomenclature, jointly proposed in 1787 by Lavoisier, Louis-Bernard Guyton de Moreau, Claude-Louis Berthollet, and Antoine François Fourcroy, seems to have had less direct impact on pharmacology and therapeutics. 28 As Anne Claire Déré has recently argued with reference to French physicians and , the new chemical language may even have been perceived as a threat to the professional authority of medical men, who were used to name chemical substances according to their therapeutic properties or their discoverers. 29 On the other hand, Fourcroy’s work on animal chemistry since 1787, published in his monumental Système des Connaissances Chimiques (1800), had therapeutic implications and commended the new chemistry of Lavoisier in this way also to medical readers. 30 There were thus a number of developments in medicine and chemistry during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that stimulated the testing of drugs and remedies. Relatively few historians, however, have examined this phenomenon in any depth. First studies into the beginnings of experimental pharmacology that gave full attention to the eighteenth century were carried out around 1960 by Melvin P. Earles. He traced the gradual recognition of pharmacological animal experimentation as a valid research method, described contemporary theories of the mode of action of drugs and poisons, and examined early contributions to the knowledge of dose- effect relations. 31 Earles’ discussion of the eighteenth century was mainly based on British sources. T en years later Rolf Winau also analysed some of this material, but in addition drew attention to trials with drugs and poisons by a number of Continental researchers, especially at the University of Gö ttingen. 32 This work was supplemented in the following years by detailed studies of some “pioneers” of the field. Karl-Werner Schweppe examined the trials of the Vienna clinician Anton Störck (1731-1803), who claimed success with poisonous plants such as hemlock and aconite in the treatment of cancer and other conditions. Peter K. Knoefel looked into the experimental investigation of poisons by the Florence naturalist 6 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Felice Fontana (1730-1805), in particular his work on the viper venom. And my own research focused on the Schaffhausen town physician Johann Jakob Wepfer, mentioned above. 33 In addition, a number of medico-his torical dissertations, mostly from the University of Mainz, have reviewed the further unfolding of experimental pharmacology in nineteenth-century Germany. 34 As for therapeutic innovation, the well-known hallmarks of the eighteenth century, the trials of James Lind (1716-94) on the cure and prevention of scurvy (most notably with citrus fruit), and William Withering’s (1741-99) use of digitalis in the treatment of dropsy , have been critically assessed and put into their historical contexts over recent years. 35 Examples of protostatistic al or “arithmetic” observations in contemporary British therapeutics have been discussed by Ulrich Tröhler. 36 On the whole these historical studies indicated that experimental pharmacology and “scientific” therapy were not entirely new creations of the nineteenth century, coming into being only with the help of modern chemistry, physiology , pathology , and clinical statistics. Rather, the old “pharmacology”37 or materia medica itself appeared to have developed an experimental tradition. It went back to the seventeenth century, and chemical analysis, in vitro tests on blood, animal experimentation, and trials on both healthy subjects and patients were all part of it. Yet, the actual extent and role of this experimental tradition within eighteenth-century pharmacology and therapeutics did not become fully clear . Frequently outstanding experimental work has been discussed in isolation rather than as part of long-standing research interests and therapeutic needs. Historians of pharmacology have often tended to select those sources and authors that seemed to have contributed in a major way to its development in terms of methodology , results, and concepts. In other words, there has been a certain bias towards events that appeared significant from the perspective of modern medicine. This “positivist” approach runs also through the relevant chapters of general histories of pharmacology and therapeutics. 38 In this way the role of experiment and innovation in the eighteenth century may occasionally have been overemphasized. On the other hand, historical judgements drawn from such reviews have sometimes been coloured by the contrast of enormous progress during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Erwin H. Ackerknecht characterized the pharmacotherapy of the eighteenth century as “ dominated by eclecticism” and “a chaotic mixture of chemiatric and Galenistic practices”, noted “a very dangerous 7 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology therapeutic activism”, and thought that the “ mad desire… to systematize” was “not always conducive to reasonable therapeutics”. Yet he acknowledged that the pharmacopoeias were “ relieved of magic and ineffective medicaments”, that “useful folk remedies” were adopted, and he observed an “increasing tendency toward empiricism, partly even true experimentalism”. 39 Chauncey D. Leake spoke of a “protopharmacology” that “led into real pharmacology at the close of the eighteenth century”. 40 Only occasional efforts have been made to examine this “protopharmacology” and contemporary pharmacothe rapeutic practice in detail and to understand their inner logic. Studies of this kind have been performed by J. W orth Estes concerning medical practice in colonial New England, by Guenter Risse and Estes on the use of drugs at the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh, and most recently by Almut Lanz on the remedies of Friedrich Hoffmann, as prescribed or recommended in his “medical consultations”. 41 However, focusing on therapeutic practice, these works do not specifically discuss its relation to pharmacological experimentation. By contrast, the general aim of the present study is to elucidate the relations between experimental approaches, pharmacological theories, and therapeutic principles in eighteenth-century medicine. As a side issue ethical considerations are traced, particularly with regard to human and animal experimentation. 42 Necessarily, this study had to be selective as well, and it also concentrates on methods, results, and concepts. However, it does not revisit the well-known “classics” of the period, such as Lind and lemon juice and Withering and the foxglove. Instead it takes its departure from a quantitative analysis of articles on “pharmacology” in relevant contemporary periodicals. Because of the blurred boundaries of the field “pharmacology” in the eighteenth century not only contributions on materia medica (observatio nal and experimental) have been included, but also such on pharmacotherapeutic and toxicological topics. This overview to three selected subject areas, which were of major interest at the time: lithontriptics (i.e. remedies against urinary stones), opium, and Peruvian bark. These are examined in detail in three “case studies” for the period from about 1700 to 1820. In this way the impact of the major new medical concepts of iatrochemistry, iatromechanics, Stahlian animism, and Brunonianism on traditional Galenic therapeutics is captured. The time span also includes Lavoisier’s chemical revolution, the opening of a new era with the advent of alkaloid chemistry, and the first steps into (“animal chemistry”). 8 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

The periodicals chosen for analysis are the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, from volume 22 (1700/01) to 90 (1800), and the Edinburgh journals Medical Essays and Observations (1733-44, 5 vols), Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary (1754-71, 3 vols), Medical and Philosophi cal Commentaries (1773-79, 6 vols), Medical Commentaries (1780-95, 14 vols), and Annals of Medicine (1796-1800, 5 vols). This choice is meant to provide a kind of balance between London and Scottish “medical science” , though the metropolitan medical periodicals of the second half of the eighteenth century, such as Medical Observations and Inquiries (1757-84) and the London Medical Journal (1781-90), have not been included here. The reader will find valuable insights into the medical and surgical research published in these latter journals in Susan Lawrence’s recent book on London . 43 Though covering shorter periods, the Edinburgh periodicals can broadly be taken as a historical “unit” like the Philosophical Transactions . The first four volumes of Medical Essays and Observations were edited by Alexander Monro primus, professor of anatomy, on behalf of the Edinburgh Medical Society , which had been founded in 1731 by the medical professors of the University of Edinburgh and a number of local physicians and surgeons. In 1737 the Medical Society was superseded by the Philosophical Society of Edinburgh, which had wider scientific aims, but in which medicine was still strongly represented both in terms of its membership and the contents of its publication, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary. The Philosophical Society – with Colin MacLaurin, professor of mathematics, and Andrew Plummer, professor of medicine, as secretaries – also published the fifth and last volume of Medical Essays and Observations , which appeared in two parts in 1742 and 1744. Already before the Philosophical Society was transformed into the more broad-based Royal Society of Edinburgh (1783), Andrew Duncan senior, then extra-mural lecturer in medicine in Edinburgh, provided a new forum for medical and surgical communications with his Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , which started in 1773. These were renamed Medical Commentaries in 1780, the new title reflecting their actual contents. Duncan, who became professor of the institutes (theory) of medicine in 1789, continued the Medical Commentaries from 1795 as Annals of Medicine with the help of his son, the physician Andrew Duncan junior. In 1805, finally, the Annals of Medicine were replaced by the Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal .44 In view of these 9 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology continuities and institutional links it can be assumed that the selected Edinburgh journals reflected major interests of what may be called “eighteenth-century medical science” , forming thus a kind of counterpart to the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London.45 Yet it has to be noted that important Continental scientific periodicals, such as the Ephemerides of the German Leopoldina and the Mémoires of the Académie Royale des Sciences in Paris, still await comparable analysis. For the three case studies of this book, however, ample use has been made of German sources and occasionally of French and other European works, in addition to British publications which form the backbone of its narrative. The articles identified in the selected British periodicals as belonging to the broad area of materia medica, pharmacotherapy , and poisons can be categorized into several “fields”. 46 As shown in Table 1, of 240 such articles published in the Philosophical Transactions during the eighteenth century, 148 (61.7 %) can be allocated to sixteen rather narrowly circumscribed, specific fields under contemporary headings. 92 articles (38.3 %) can be assigned only to five broad categories of “ various” (materia medica and therapeutics, exotic drugs and plants, poisons, pharmaceutical chemistry, pharmacology), which are constructed from the historian’s perspective. 47 Not all of the fields had contributions throughout the century. The years of the first and last article in a certain field have been given here in order to allow identification of those topics which were of passing interest only. Of the specific fields, “ mineral waters” was the largest, about every tenth of the identified articles in the Philosophical Transactions belonging to it (Table 1). It was also the leading “pharmacological” topic in the Medical Essays and Observations with nearly one fifth of the identified articles (Table 2). The preoccupation of the eighteenth- century with the chemical and therapeutic properties of “waters” is well known. The socio-ecomomic side to this interest was the growing “spa business” in Britain, which followed the same trend in Continental Europe. In fact most of the articles considered here dealt with the properties of particular wells or spas in England or Scotland. Physicians were usually those who had the necessary chemical knowledge and skills to analyse waters. Moreover, they claimed the professional authority to conclude a certain water’s medical indications, or to determine them on the basis of therapeutic experience, which was sometimes illustrated with case histories. Although doctors traditionally warned that indiscriminate use of 10 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Field Number % Years1 Mineral waters 25 10.41707-92 Vipers & other snakes 19 7.9 1700-89 Lithontriptics 2 15 6.3 1701-98 Cinchona bark 14 5.8 1704-84 Rabies remedies 11 4.6 1709-65 Styptics 10 4.2 1724-55 Noxious damps & airs 10 4.2 1729-79 Antiseptics 3 9 3.8 1750-90 Ambergris & spermaceti 8 3.3 1734-95 Hemlock 6 2.5 1744-65 Camphor 5 2.1 1724-67 Indian arrow poisons 4 1.7 1742-80 Ipecacuanha 3 1.3 1729-76 Cherry laurel 3 1.3 1731-39 Henbane 3 1.3 1733-52 Antimony 3 1.3 1752-91 Various: mat. medica & therapeutics 26 10.8 1701-85 Various: exotic drugs & plants 24 10.0 1700-91 Various: poisons 24 10.0 1701-76 Various: pharmaceutical chemistry 11 4.6 1724-99 Various: pharmacology 7 2.9 1702-58

Table 1 Articles on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 1700-1799 (n=240).

1Years of earliest and latest article in the sample. 2Including chemical analysis of urinary stones. 3Including putrefaction. mineral waters could be dangerous, indications were usually wide- ranging, a fact which probably had economic as well as medical reasons. The identification of fixed air (carbon dioxide) in certain waters in the second half of the eighteenth century provided a further stimulus, including increased efforts to produce artificial mineral waters.48 An important indication for many waters were urinary stones. In this respect the field “mineral waters” overlapped with the category “lithontriptics” (the so-called dissolvents for bladder and kidney

11 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology stones), to which over six per cent of the identified articles in the Philosophical T ransactions can be assigned, and which was also prominent in the Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary (Tables 1 and 3) . Additional bibliographical research has revealed a wealth of monographs and further articles on lithontriptics in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 49 Other than in the case of mineral waters, very little historical work has been done on this topic, and there is no general account of the development of this kind of medicines. The field “lithontriptics” has therefore been selected as the subject of the first case study of this book. “Opium” has been chosen as the topic of the second case study. It featured prominently in the Medical Essays and Observations and Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary(T ables 2 and 3) , though not as a field of its own in the other Edinburgh periodicals and the Philosophical T ransactions . On the other hand, bibliographical research shows that it was clearly one of the major topics of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century pharmacological writings. 50 On this basis it has to be assumed that the medical use of opium was actually so common, that – besides experimental studies – only “extraordinary” observations on the drug found their way into the analysed periodicals. The contents of such contributions, dealing with poisonings or unusual phenomena and successes in opium treatment, support this thesis. “Opium” is of course a rather familiar territory for historians. However, with the exception of the work of Earles and a few other authors, the general pharmacological and therapeutic aspects have largely been neglected in favour of analyses of opiate addiction and its social implications in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 51 This case study therefore attempts to redress the balance towards the medical uses and pharmacological understanding of the drug, while attention is also given to early interpretations of opium addiction and moral comments on it. Another main topic identified by my analysis of periodicals was cinchona or “Peruvian bark”, as it was commonly called in the eighteenth century. In the Philosophical Transactions it turned out be the fourth largest of the specific “ pharmacological” fields, after mineral waters, vipers and other venomous snakes, and lithontriptics (Table 1). It furthermore ranks second in the Medical Essays and Observations , and fifth, on a par with tobacco, in the Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries (Tables 2 and 4) . Again, bibliographical research has revealed great numbers of contemporary monographs and additional articles on the bark, which was chiefly known as a “specific” remedy against intermittent fevers (i.e. malaria). 52 The first 12 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology phase of the drug’s history, from its introduction from South America in the 1630s up to its more general acceptance in European medicine in the early eighteenth century, has recently found extensive scholarly treatment by Saul Jarcho. Moreover , Mauricio Nieto Olarte has studied botanical, pharmaceutical, and commercial aspects of cinchona in the Spanish Empire during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. 53 Yet the medical history of the bark in the major part of the eighteenth century has remained in the dark. Historical work in this field usually “restarts” only with the isolation of the alkaloids cinchonine by Gomè s (1810) and quinine by Pelletier and Caventou (1820). 54 Peruvian bark has therefore been selected as the topic of the third case study. Together, these three studies provide exemplary insights into a number of important issues of eighteenth-century pharmacology and therapeutics. In the case of opium, the major changes in interpretations of pharmacological action, the therapeutic problem of relative toxicity, and contemporary perceptions of drug addiction become apparent. In the study on lithontriptics, the links with the rise of modern chemistry and the role of patent and proprietary remedies are central themes. And the history of Peruvian bark sheds light on the notion of a “specific”, the widening of therapeutic indications for an effective medicine over time, and on the quality assessment of drugs and their trade. All three studies are not strictly limited to the eighteenth century, but include also relevant developments in the seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries. In the case of lithontriptics, the tradition of this type of medicines is traced back to antiquity. This detailed research into the history of relevant remedies not only reveals the true wealth of pharmacological literature before the formation of pharmacology as an academic discipline in the second half of the nineteenth century. It also makes clear that a limitation solely to British sources cannot be adequate in view of the internationality of the medical and scientific discourses before 1800.55 In other words, the “ Republic of Letters” extended also to pharmacology and therapeutics. Not surprisingly, important Continental contributions came from contemporary centres of “medical science”, such as the universities of Halle, Göttingen, and Vienna, and the Académie Royale des Sciences in Paris. 56 As this book will show , Edinburgh and London were doubtlessly centres of pharmacological research and therapeutic innovation in the eighteenth century. But the work carried out here cannot be fully understood and appreciated without reference to developments on 13 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology the European Continent. The nature of the substances (respectively groups of substances) chosen for the three case studies has directed my historical account more towards therapeutics and its relations to pharmacology than into the opposite direction of toxicology. For this reason the field of vipers and other venomous snakes, which was strongly represented in the Philosophical Transactions (Table 1) , but not in the Edinburgh periodicals, has not been included as a topic for a further case study. In view of the obvious eighteenth-century interest into this toxicological area, however, a few explanatory remarks may be appropriate here. Ever since Andromachus, physician to the Roman Emperor Nero, had substituted lizards with vipers in the recipe for the famous antidote Mithridatium, viper flesh had become a regular item of the materia medica. T ogether with opium it became an essential ingredient of the antidote, soon known as “Andromachus’ ”, which in the Middle Ages developed into a panacea and an important article of commerce. Besides theriac, viper wine, broth and jelly of viper flesh, powder and salt of vipers, and other “viperine” preparations were recommended as remedies. Based on ’s doctrine of primary qualities, they were thought to have a heating and drying effect on the body. 57 Viper catchers provided physicians and with the live animals. Against this background, the seventeenth century witnessed eminent scientific controversies, involving numerous animal experiments, between , physician to the Grand Duke of T uscany, and Moyse Charas, to the Duke of Orleans, on the nature of the viper venom, and between Redi and the Jesuit Athanasius Kircher on the antidotal efficacy of so-called snakestones. In view of the culture and epistemological status of experimentation in the early modern period especially Redi’s viper trials have been examined by various scholars in recent years. 58 My own search for early experiments with vipers has revealed their remarkable extent. Alone in seven pertinent writings by six authors, published between 1640 and 1688, 95 descriptions of trials with vipers have been found, 57 of which seem to have been original. 59 In the early eighteenth-century volumes of the Philosophical Transactions the experimental evaluation of olive oil as a new “antidote” against viper bites played a major role. The oil had initially been the secret remedy of an English viper catcher named William Oliver, who used it both externally and orally. It was not only of interest to the Royal Society for this particular purpose, but also as a 14 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology possible remedy against the stings of scorpions and bites of rattlesnakes, which would have been of use in the Colonies. 60 The alleged antidote appears to have been discredited, however, after the French Claude-Joseph Geoffroy and the anatomist François-Joseph Hunauld had examined it by order of the Paris Academy of Sciences and shown its lack of efficacy in controlled animal experiments in 1737. 61 Vipers and rattlesnakes themselves (and other serpents) were moreover objects of curiosity within natural history, which is reflected in several other articles in the Philosophical Transactions .62 No doubt the interest in vipers and other snakes was also a continuation of the learned debates of the seventeenth century. 63 Finally, it should be remembered that Felice Fontana’s toxicological work was chiefly concerned with the mode of action of the viper venom and the testing on animals of numerous alleged antidotes against it, most of which he found useless. 64 Besides the viper venom, a number of other substances command our historical attention by their strong representation in the analysed periodicals. Especially mercury and the various preparations made from it were another prominent topic. In the Edinburgh journals (Tables 2-5) contributions on mercurial remedies make about 10 to almost 40 per cent of the identified articles. In the Philosophical Transactions , on the other hand, they do not constitute a “field” of their own. The only two articles specifically on mercury, which were published here during the eighteenth century, deal rather with toxicological than curative aspects. 65 A possible explanation for this discrepancy could be that mercury treatment was more a matter of medical practice than of scientific inquiry, though a number of animal experiments of the seventeenth and eighteenth century with crude mercury, sublimate (mercuric chloride), and calomel (mercurous chloride) are known. 66 The considerably more, or exclusively, medical periodicals of Edinburgh may have been seen here as more appropriate places of publication than the more general, “scientific” Philosophical Transactions . This may also have been so in view of the main therapeutic indication for mercury. In the eighteenth century it had become very widely accepted as the most effective agent against venereal disease, i.e. syphilis and gonorrhoea, which were not regarded as different entities for most of the period. Although the substance’s harmful side effects, such as stomatitis and gingivitis, and its neurotoxicity, were well known, its various preparations were not only used against “the pox”, but in many other skin affections, various “tumours”, against worms, intestinal obstruction, and many other conditions. Salivation and a purging 15 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology effect (the latter especially after calomel) characterized mercury as an evacuant medicine, which expelled the “ venereal poison” or other morbific matter. It thus fitted the still prevailing humoral theory, but also iatrochemical and iatromechanical reasons were given for its application. Claude Quétel has observed that much of the contemporary literature was concerned with the question of how the mercury should be given, and he noted that towards the end of the eighteenth century internal administration (orally and rectally) took over from the traditional ointments and frictions. Gerard van Swieten’s famous antivenereal liquor (i.e. sublimate dissolved in water and alcohol), which was taken internally, formed an important part of this development. Quétel, and most recently also Laurence Brockliss and Colin Jones, have further mentioned numerous other antivenereal proprietary medicines (with and without mercury), that were propagated both by doctors and “empirics” in eighteenth- century France. Sometimes they were “tested”, with rather dubious results, in military hospitals, prisons, or on the venereal patients of the Bicêtre hospital in Paris. 67 As for eighteenth-century Britain, W. F. Bynum has shown that mercury was clearly the orthodox remedy against venereal disease, supplemented by the three American drugs guaiac, sarsaparilla and sassafras, and by mezereon (bark of the roots of spurge laurel). Yet the patients’ shame about their condition encouraged quackish behaviour both by regular and irregular practitioners in the form of blatant advertising of proprietary medicines and exaggerated claims of therapeutic success. The usual effects of mercury treatment, in particular salivation and a fetid smell from the mouth, could hardly be concealed. Therefore, as Roy Porter has emphasized, the claim to cure “the pox” quickly and discreetly without mercury was at the core of the many antivenereal secret medicines offered at the time. 68 The articles on mercurial remedies in the Edinburgh periodicals partly reflect these tendencies. As a new mercurial medicine “Plummer’s pills” (combining calomel and antimony sulfides) were tried out in venereal and other diseases. 69 Some reports dealt with particulars of the customary mercurial treatments of lues and constipation, but others were concerned with new indications: convulsive disorders, hydrocephalus, yellow fever , and croup. 70 Virtually all of them presented one or more case histories, some of which illustrated also failures and intoxications. 71 The widening of the use of mercury , from a “specific” antivenereal remedy to a “panacea”,72 is tangible in these articles. The study of mercurial therapy was evidently a largely empirical enterprise. There is no 16 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology mention of pharmacological animal experiments in this sample. Certainly, the mercury remedies of the eighteenth century would have made a fascinating topic for a separate case study, yet such work can hardly be undertaken without full exploration of the pharmacological and therapeutic aspects of the numerous quack medicines of the time. Undoubtedly the topic deserves monographic treatment in its own right, not least as a supplement to Roy Porter’s social history of English quackery. 73 As mentioned above, mercury was also given against intestinal worms,74 yet it was only one of many anthelmintics known and tried in the eighteenth century. Daniel Le Clerc’ s Historia naturalis et medica latorum lumbricorum (1715), a standard work of the field, listed 416 simple drugs against worms, 368 of which were of vegetable, 18 of mineral, and 30 of animal origin, as Charles Alston (1683-1760), professor of and materia medica in Edinburgh, counted.75 The efficacy of many , however, appears to have been doubtful. Commonly used anthelmintics were male fern, flowers of Artemisia species and of Chrysanthemum, American wormseed, and filings of tin. Usually these medicines were combined with purgatives in order to facilitate the expulsion of the parasites. 76 In the Medical Essays and Observations for example, Alston reported favourable experiences with powder of tin, which he thought to act chiefly by getting between the worms and the inner coat of the intestines, thus making the action of the purgative remedies more effective. 77 Not surprisingly, anthelmintics were a major topic in the subsequent Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary and the Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries (Tables 3 and 4) . Characteristically , physicians and surgeons practising in the West Indies and American colonies reported about indigenous plant remedies against worms, such as Indian Pink, bark of the cabbage tree, couhage, and Angeline tree bark.78 Case histories were sometimes given to illustrate their efficacy. Occasionally in vitro trials on worms were carried out in order to test and compare the anthelmintic power of various substances – a method, which had already been used by Redi in the late seventeenth century. 79 Experiments on worm-infected horses were performed in the late eighteenth century in the context of . 80 Yet, as in the case of mercurial remedies, contemporary work on anthelmintics seems to have been mainly empirical, i.e. a matter of therapeutic practice. It appeared therefore less suitable as a special topic for the present study into the relations between experimenta l pharmacolo gy and therapeutics. The parasitologists Karl Enigk and David I. Grove have in recent years 17 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology dealt with historical anthelmintics as part of general accounts of the development of helminthology. 81 A comprehensive study into these remedies, however, remains a desideratum. A number of smaller fields, partly of temporary, but at the time strong interest, deserves to be mentioned. The analysis of Duncan’s Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries has revealed much interest in flowers of zinc (zinc oxide) and cuprum ammoniacum (ammoniated copper) since the 1770s and 1780s (Table 4). This therapeutic “fashion” seems to have originated from ’s successor at Leyden, Hieronymus David Gaub (1705- 80), who is said to have adopted the treatment of epilepsy with zinc from an empiric, a cobbler named Ludemann. 82 Both substances were given as antispasmodics in a variety of convulsive disorders, from epilepsy, hysterical fits, and chorea St. Viti to dysphagia and obstinate cough. Convulsions were understood as arising from an excessive “mobility of the nervous system”, and the copper and zinc compounds (sometimes also given in combination) were thought to help through their “tonic” property . The case histories presented on these treatments were usually “ successes”, though failures were not withheld. There was no reference to animal experimentation with the two compounds. The generally positive assessment was entirely clinical, i.e. based on improvements in individual patients. 83 Tobacco was another field of interest in the Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries . Introduced from the New World into Europe around the middle of the sixteenth century, it had soon gained a reputation as a herbal remedy , despite the moral controversies surrounding its early medical and recreational use. By the eighteenth century it was firmly established as a therapeutic agent.84 A common form of application, for example, were clysters with tobacco smoke against various intestinal obstructions. Accordingly, the identified articles deal with details of the drug’s form of application in particular diseases, for instance Thomas Fowler’ s Infusum Nicotianae in dropsy, or with intoxications, rather than with principally new developments. 85 My analysis of the Philosophical Transactions (Table 1) suggests furthermore remedies against rabies, styptics, noxious damps and airs, and antiseptics as topics of considerable contemporary interest. In rabies, of course, the prognosis was hopeless. Euthanasia in patients in the final stages of the disease, performed either by medical men through excessive bloodletting or by others through suffocation with the bedding, seems to have been a not uncommon practice. 86 On the other hand, even the remotest chances of effecting an early 18 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology cure were sought. Besides local treatment of the bite with cauterisation and resection, and general measures, such as cold baths and submerging the hydrophobic patient, a multitude of medicines were tried. In particular mercury (to expel the rabies “poison” by salivation and purgation) and Richard Mead’s Pulvis antilyssus or Dampier’s powder (a mixture of the Lichen cinereus terrestris or ash- coloured ground liverwort with black pepper), were thought to be effective.87 The identified articles were typically case histories of human rabies with accounts of the particular therapy or remedy used. As one would expect in this topic, experiences with treatments on rabid animals (dogs, horses) were also reported. 88 Yet, despite these efforts, other medical men, such as the military doctor John Hunter (1754-1809), remained sceptical, arguing that the alleged successes were cases of people bitten by merely enraged (not rabid) dogs, and that the only method to prevent real rabies consisted in rigorous local treatment of the wound. 89 Styptics, i.e. substances for local application to stop bleeding, especially after amputations, had already been a matter of debate in the 1690s. John Colbatch’s “Vulnerary Powder” had then been tested on dogs and subsequently – with controversial results – on patients of St. Bartholomew’ s Hospital. The topic continued to be of occasional interest in the early eighteenth century, as articles on “Dr. Eaton’s styptick” and the Pulvis stypticus Helvetii (alum with the gum resin “sanguis draconis”) document. 90 Yet it was fully revived in the middle of the eighteenth century by a report of a French surgeon about successes with agaric (i.e. fungus) of oak as a new effective styptic. Within a few years a number of English surgeons repeated the “ experiment” and communicated their own success cases. 91 Following French trials on horses, Lycoperdon (puff ball mushroom) was used as a further styptic. The enthusiasm seems to have been short-lived, however. The last article of this kind in the Philosophical Transactions appeared in 1755, and there was also none after that time in the examined Edinburgh periodicals. 92 The application of styptics could obviously not prevail over conventional methods of controlling haemorrhages, such as cauterisation, application of the tourniquet, and tight bandaging. “Noxious” damps and airs was already a traditional topic in the eighteenth century. 93 The London physician Richard Mead, for example, discussed “venomous exhalations from the earth, poisonous airs, and waters” in a separate essay within his highly successful Mechanical Account of Poisons (1st edn 1702), starting with the knowledge of the ancients about the Mephitis (venomous steam) of 19 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Hierapolis and the “ stinking deadly air” of the cave Corycius in Cilicia. Modern examples were the “fumes” in mines and pits, yet the prototype was the Grotta de’ Cani near Naples, named after the practice of demonstrating its poisonous exhalations on dogs. Mead had visited the place himself, described it at length, and speculated about the nature of its “fume” on the basis of experiments on dogs and frogs.94 It is therefore no surprise that some of the identified articles in the Philosophical Transactions also dealt with this Grotta. Other contributions reported about damps in a well, poisoning by coal fumes, and effluvia from putrid marshes. 95 The latter, of course, and other “bad” airs were regarded as causes of fevers. As Christopher Lawrence has emphasized, also Joseph Priestley’s chemical work on different “kinds of air” had many of these medical connotations. 96 Against “putrid fevers” so-called antiseptics, i.e. substances delaying or preventing putrefaction, were hoped to be effective. Especially the renowned military physician John Pringle and the Dublin doctor David Macbride made numerous in vitro experiments in this field. They were followed by the Edinburgh surgeon William Alexander, who proceeded to trials with antiseptics on whole animals and his own body. 97 Peruvian bark was among the substances found to have “antiseptic power” in such experiments, some of which will therefore be discussed in this book. 98 The special interest in a number of further substances, as revealed by my analysis of the Philosophical T ransactions (Table 1) , may be ascribed to their unusual origin (ambergris and spermaceti), 99 their therapeutic importance (ipecacuanha, antimony), 100 their ambiguous role as remedy and poison (hemlock, camphor), 101 or their marked toxic effects (Indian arrow poisons, cherry laurel, henbane). 102 Finally it can be seen that the interest in exotic plants and drugs was not only a characteristic of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but continued throughout the eighteenth century. It may appear surprising at first glance that digitalis did not constitute a “field” of its own in the examined periodicals, though the drug came to prominence only with Withering’s work in 1785. Merely two articles on therapy with foxglove, both inspired by Withering, have been found in Duncan’s Medical Commentaries . They do not deal with the “classic” indication of dropsy, but with the use of the drug in two cases of insanity and one of haemoptysis. In the insanity cases digitalis was given as a diuretic on the supposition that the disease was caused by extravasated fluid in the brain; and in the patient who coughed up blood the drug was used to slow down his pulse.103 This relative scarcity of articles on digitalis might be 20 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology taken as a warning not to overestimate the contemporary significance of drugs which have usually been regarded as important in medical historiography. Similarly , the history of rhubarb has recently been examined in great detail (including a chapter on the eighteenth century) by Clifford M. Foust, yet our search of periodicals has brought to light only one article dealing specifically with this drug. 104 However, both examples also show that our results are very much a reflection of our choice of sources. Withering did publish in the Philosophical Transactions , yet not on the foxglove, but on mineralogy, chemistry, and physics. 105 As it is well known, his digitalis studies appeared as a monograph, his famous Account of the Foxglove (1785).106 The picture further changes if one considers the “newer” London-based medical journals, such as the Medical T ransactions (1768-1820) of the Royal College of Physicians, the Memoirs of the Medical Society of London (1787-1805), and the London Medical Journal (1781-90), which contain pertinent papers on digitalis by Erasmus Darwin, Sir George Baker, John Coakley Lettsom, William Currie, and John Warren. 107 Foust’s account of rhubarb in eighteenth- century medicine is based on different, often monographical sources. The examples of foxglove and rhubarb thus remind us of the limitations of the above analysis of selected periodicals. It cannot be more than a first step towards a more objective historiography of pharmacology. Indirectly, its results underline the importance of detailed “case studies” of particular substances, that include a variety of sources, as they will follow in the main parts of this book. Still, my analysis of periodicals can provide orientation about some further aspects: the methodology , on which the identified “pharmacological” articles were based, the professional status of their authors, and the geographical distribution of the latter. Research into these areas has been performed on the selected Edinburgh periodicals. Together they carry the sufficiently high number of 160 articles within the broad area of materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons, during the years 1733 to 1800. As can be seen in Tables 2-4, drawing up and presenting one or a few case histories was the predominant method used in the vast majority of contributions. It was found in more than two thirds of the identified articles in the Medical Essays and Observations and Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary and in over 80 per cent, respectively over 90 per cent, of those in the Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries and Annals of Medicine . These results principally confirm, and actually accentuate, a finding of Jacqueline Jenkinson, who has counted a total of 217 medical articles in the five 21 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology volumes of the Medical Essays and Observations (1733-44), of which 88 (41 per cent) were case histories. 108 In my samples (Tables 2-4) the case histories were supplemented by a considerable number of articles which presented “general therapeutic experience”, i.e. an intellectual digest of cases without going into the details of particular patients. Only exceptionally, simple arithmetics (“protostatistics”) were applied to evaluate treatment in a number of similar cases (Table 4), and there were only a few attempts to give detailed iatromechanical explanations (Table 2). The non-therapeutic experimental approach was on the whole much less used in the study of drugs and poisons than the clinical with case histories. Chemical and pharmaceutical experimentation with the drug in question, to learn about its components, its acidity or alkalinity, or to improve its preparation, was here the most common method, being used in about one quarter of the identified articles in the Medical Essays and Observations and in one fifth of those in Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary . Self- and human experimentation, animal experiments, and pharmacological in vitro trials were described only in a small proportion of articles (Tables 2-4) . This prominence of the case history approach can be seen as a typical feature of Enlightenment medicine. Our results correspond for example to Susan Lawrence’s observations on the central role of individual cases in the publications of eighteenth-century London hospital physicians and surgeons. She locates this predilection for the case history in the neo-Hippocratism following Thomas Sydenham and the Royal Society’s commitment to Baconian inductive science, concluding that this type of account constituted “a place to display expertise and appropriate character, careful observations and rational deductions, detachment and kindness”. 109 As for the relative proportions of case observations and experimental work, Philip Wilson’s analysis of 220 surgical articles published in the Philosophical Transactions between 1726 and 1778 has also come to similar results. Whereas 63-89 per cent of such articles presented case descriptions, surgical experiments comprised merely 0-27 per cent during this period. 110 The importance of case histories has likewise been demonstrated for Continental medicine. With reference to Friedrich Hoffmann’s and Georg Ernst Stahl’s published collections of cases, Johanna Geyer-Kordesch has argued that they were meant to provide a new, empirical foundation for medicine in opposition to traditional, Galenic doctrine, and that they were thought to help in the exploration of the aetiology of diseases as well as in the correction of therapeutic errors. On the basis of Albrecht von Haller’s case 22 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology records, Urs Boschung has recently suggested that they represented the inductive method in codifying medical experience. 111 In my sample of articles (Tables 2-4) , the non-therapeutic experimental methods were chiefly used by the Edinburgh professors of medicine, Andrew Plummer, Charles Alston, Alexander Monro primus and secundus, and Robert Whytt, who contributed considerably to the Medical Essays and Observations and Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary . Conversely, among the articles identified in the Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries and Annals of Medicine , none of which came from a medical professor , this experimental approach played a very small or no role. As one would expect in (broadly) pharmacological articles, physicians dominated as authors (Tables 3-5) , except in the Medical Essays and Observations , where surgeons were the stronger group. In this case the influence of the editor, Alexander Monro primus (1697- 1767), who was surgically trained himself, may have been a reason. However, a remarkable finding are the generally very high proportions of surgeons who published on the topics of materia medica, pharmacotherapy , and poisons. In the Medical Essays and Observations , Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries , and Annals of Medicine between 40 and 48 per cent of the contributors of the identified articles were surgeons (Tables 2 and 4-5) .112 Only in the more broadly “science-oriented” Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary their proportion was lower, yet with more than one fifth still considerable (Table 3). This result indicates that many surgeons practised to a great extent , probably as surgeon-apothecaries. More than this, they took part in the assessment of new remedies as well as in the search for new indications for known medicines. This happened, however, almost entirely by way of trial in one or a few patients and was reported in the form of case histories or more general accounts of therapeutic experience. Chemical work and methods of experimental pharmacology, such as in vitro testing, animal trials, and self-experimentation, were chiefly the realm of the physicians and especially of the few university professors. Yet it has also to be emphasized that case observations constituted the by far predominant method of physicians as well. The finding that surgeons, through the case history approach, were like the physicians part of therapeutic innovation refers to Scotland, England, and the British Colonies (Table 6). Of the 25 contributors who published “pharmacological” articles in the Medical Essays and Observations , 11 were surgeons in Scotland (6 in 23 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Edinburgh or Glasgow, 5 elsewhere). This was the strongest group in this sample, followed by 5 Scottish university professors (4 in Edinburgh, 1 in St. Andrews). Of the 74 authors of such articles in the Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries , 30 were surgeons: 16 in England, 5 in Scotland, 7 in the Colonies, and 2 in the Army . None of the 16 English surgeons practised in London, only one of the 5 Scottish surgeons in Edinburgh. This picture of Provincial, and to a lesser extent Colonial, practitioners contributing considerably to pharmacotherapeutic knowledge (in addition to the urban élites) emerges also from the contingent of 39 physicians in this sample: 22 of them contributed from the English provinces, only one from London (and this anonymously), 4 each from Scotland and the Colonies, 3 from Ireland, 5 from various places in Europe. In the successor of the Medical Commentaries , the Annals of Medicine , 5 of the 15 authors of “pharmacological” articles between 1796 and 1800 practised in the Colonies (4 physicians, 1 surgeon), two further were naval surgeons. And also in our sample from the predecessor of Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , the Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , 3 of the 18 identified authors were Colonial practitioners (2 physicians, 1 surgeon). The professional status and geographical distribution of the sampled contributors are of course also a reflection of the general profiles of the respective journals. The high proportions of Scottish authors in the samples from Medical Essays and Observations (18 out of 25) and Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary (10 out of 18) were predictable. The editors of these two periodicals, the Edinburgh Medical Society and the Philosophical Society of Edinburgh, launched them as a Scottish counterpart to the Philosophical T ransactions of the Royal Society of London and in imitation of the memoirs of scientific academies in Europe, such as those of Paris and Berlin. 113 As for the strong representation of Scottish surgeons in the Medical Essays and Observations , the probable influence of Alexander Monro primus has already been mentioned. After publication of the first volume, Monro, as secretary of the Medical Society, actually collected and edited the articles on his own, the other members not even seeing them before they were printed.114 The composition of Scottish authors in our sample from Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary (5 physicians, 3 Edinburgh university professors, 2 surgeons) appears to reflect the combined influence of Robert Whytt as one of the vice presidents and Monro as one of the secretaries of the Philosophical Society during the 1750s and 1760s. 115 Of the 18 Scottish contributors of 24 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

“pharmacological” articles to the Medical Essays and Observations , 8 were or became members of the Philosophical Society; and of the total of 18 “pharmacological” authors in Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , 16 can be identified as its members. Y et, membership of the Philosophical Society did not seem to play a role any longer in our sample from Medical (and Philosophi cal) Commentaries (i.e. before 1783, when the Philosophical Society became the Royal Society of Edinburgh). 116 The Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries , nominally edited by “ a Society in Edinburgh” before 1780, but actually by Andrew Duncan senior (1744-1828) all the way through, present a somewhat different composition of authors within our “pharmacological section”. With 38 (out of 74) authors contributing from provincial England (22 physicians, 16 surgeons), compared to only 9 from Scotland (4 physicians, 5 surgeons), it shows a broader spectrum, also through its 11 Colonial contributors (4 physicians, 7 surgeons) and 5 European correspondents (all physicians). One conceivable explanation might be that Duncan was merely extra-mural lecturer in Edinburgh and may therefore have played a relatively marginal role at home, before he was chosen for the chair of the institutes of medicine in 1789. On the other hand it is known that he had been supported in his publishing venture as well as in his professional aspirations by the Edinburgh medical faculty, which then included such luminaries as William Cullen and Joseph Black. 117 The wider spectrum and English orientation of the authorship in Duncan’s Commentaries had probably more to do with the journal’ s broader design. Besides its original medical observations and cases, it gave space to reviews of books in medicine and related sciences, medical news, and lists of relevant new publications. 118 Particularly for practitioners at a distance from the medical centres of Edinburgh and London this must have been an attractive combination. The fact that the periodical was published by J. Murray in London also points towards the whole British or even international market. The successor of the Medical Commentaries , the Annals of Medicine , kept this broad format, especially with international book reviews, which may to some extent explain its appeal to practitioners in the Colonies. By contrast, London physicians and surgeons, in particular those associated with the seven major metropolitan hospitals, 119 preferred to publish in the Philosophical Transactions , alongside the new London-based medical journals. 120 Interestingly, however, as Susan Lawrence has shown, in the more general of these latter periodicals, i.e. the London Medical Journal , Medical Facts and 25 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Observations , and Memoirs of the Medical Society of London , Provincial and Colonial practitioners were strongly represented, amounting to over half of the authors in the 1780s and 1790s. 121 Here the authorship profile thus resembled that of Duncan’s Commentaries . Evidently the periodical literature of the eighteenth century was welcomed by a wide range of practitioners as a forum for scientific contributions, which would raise their professional image. Articles on pharmacological and pharmacotherapeutic topics were an important part of this tendency. Though the discussed journals had all certain characteristics, the general point that many “common” practitioners were involved in therapeutic innovation can be upheld. A general background to this phenomenon was the beginning transformation of surgeons into the general practitioners of the nineteenth century, as part of the “ academic rise of the surgeon ”. English Provincial surgeons of the eighteenth century already practised out of economical necessity to some extent in other branches of medicine as well, i.e. in physic (internal medicine), , and midwifery. 122 Such surgeons prescribed internal remedies, and prepared and dispensed them, thus fulfilling functions that were in theory task of the physician and apothecary, respectively. Only in the hospitals the distinctions between the professional groups seem to have been observed rather strictly. 123 The importance of pharmacy was also recognized when the Edinburgh College of Surgeons introduced its diploma for country surgeons in 1770. It required “skill in the arts of and pharmacy”, though successful candidates were only designated “surgeon”. As recent research by Lisa Rosner indicates, this pharmaceutical part clearly figured in the courses Edinburgh licentiates of surgery (i.e. the diploma holders) had attended. Chemistry, medical practice, and materia medica (in this order) had the three highest attendance rates in the period 1770-1826. 124 In view of such overlaps between physic, surgery, and pharmacy, the high proportions of surgeons in our “pharmacological” samples are understandable. It also partially explains the at first sight perplexing absence of pure “apothecaries”: the “surgeons” were often actually “surgeon-apothecaries”. 125 Without doubt also pure apothecaries made substantial scientific contributions. However, their achievements appear to have been lying in botany and chemistry rather than in experimental pharmacology and therapeutics. 126 The importance of pharmacy, pharmacology, and pharmacother- apeutic innovation is ultimately a reflection of the central role of 26 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology drugs in eighteenth-century health care and society. Many of the common diseases of the time, such as the various fevers, smallpox, consumption, scurvy, dropsy, gout, rheumatism, and nervous disor- ders, could not be causally cured – but their symptoms could be relieved by medicines. Many sufferers practised self-, extending their drugtaking also to the prevention of disease. 127 Apothecaries flourished, not only through dispensing remedies, but – in England after the Rose case of 1704 – also by rightfully pre- scribing them (though they could charge only for the medicines themselves, not for medical advice). 128 Druggists built up lucrative wholesale businesses, which included trade with the American colonies.129 Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, English physicians had come under pressure by the Navy and Army to pro- vide them with fast-acting, “specific” medicines against specific dis- eases instead of relying on individualized Galenic treatments of humoral imbalances with diet, regimen, and evacuants. 130 Public demand for “specifics” was a fertile ground for the business of empir- ics and quacks, who offered countless secret remedies, making skilful use of the new advertising possibilities that came with the newspa- pers. Joshua Ward’s Pill and Drop and Joanna Stephens’s Medicines against the Stone are only the most famous examples. But also renowned physicians followed the trend to proprietary medicines, as John Radcliffe’s Purging Elixir and Royal Tincture, Richard Mead’s Pulvis antilyssus , James Jurin’s Lixivium lithontripticum , and Robert James’s Febrifuge Powders testify. 131 Continental physicians were not different in this respect. Both Friedrich Hoffmann and Georg Ernst Stahl had their own secret medicines; and the Halle orphanage, an example of Pietist philanthropy, relied financially to a large extent on the profitable trade with the nostrums of its pharmacy shop. 132 In France, a Royal Commission was entrusted with the licensing of proprietary medicines in 1728. Yet, it failed to effectively regulate the production and sale of such remedies, providing rather an additional source of income for its chairman, the King’s premier physician. Also the Royal Society of Medicine, which took over the Commission’s function in 1778, was largely unable to police this market, and post- revolutionary governmental efforts to control and eventually abolish the secret remedy trade likewise failed. 133 The widespread need for drugs in eighteenth-century European society is finally reflected in the general adoption of tea, coffee, chocolate, and tobacco, which started to become goods of mass consumption. 134 A development that at first glance may seem at variance with this 27 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

“obsession” with drugs is the “ contraction and cleansing” of the pharmacopoeias, such as those of the Royal Colleges of Physicians of London and Edinburgh and those of Prussia and Austria. The trend to remove many traditional medicines from these lists, often such of complex composition, animal origin, or with alleged magical powers, has been broadly explained with Enlightenment rationality and the rise of chemistry and scientific botany. 135 There are also indications that attitudes to prescribing changed in the course of the eighteenth century. For example, the first general rule of Hieronymus David Gaub in his Leyden textbook on remedies (1739) read: “The physician, as a prudent man, should prescribe nothing, unless he can give a sufficient reason why something is required”. 136 In other rules he demanded that prescriptions were kept simple, making use of a choice of “proven” remedies; that natural products should be preferred to preparations, and simples to compounds, if their medicinal properties were the same; and that one should not amass in a formula substances which differed merely by name, origin, or preparation, but not in their nature and efficacy. 137 Similar views were expressed by Henry Pemberton, professor of physic at Gresham College and F.R.S., whose chemical expertise had contributed to the considerable revisions of the pharmacopoeia of the Royal College of Physicians of London for its fifth edition in 1746. 138 In the introduction to his English translation of this edition, he highlighted two arguments against the ancient practice of “redundancy” in the composition of medicines. Ingredients with opposite effects were often combined, and an effective substance might be prescribed in an insufficient dose because of the host of accompanying drugs. If Peruvian bark had been given together with numerous other so-called febrifuges, he argued, its singular efficacy would never have been discovered. 139 Theriac was the prime example of traditional multi- ingredient remedies which began to fall out of favour with the Royal College. As the College’s revision committee boasted, with the new pharmacopoeia they had “furnished the {apothecaries’} shops with a number of elegant and simple medicines, that physicians may always have in readiness remedies efficacious, well tried, and as little ungrateful as possible”. 140 Yet, even with such evidence, the precise reasons why particular medicinal substances were declared useless or obsolete are often unknown. The beginnings of experimental pharmacology seem to have had little to do with this. Perhaps the reduction of remedies can best be understood in terms of practical necessity, as a counteractive measure against the excessive polypharmacy of the time. After all, the 28 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology drugs listed in an official pharmacopoeia were generally expected to be kept in stock by the apothecaries. The experimental pharmacology and therapeutic innovations which form the topic of this book are thus just the tip of the iceberg. Drugs pervaded eighteenth-century medicine and society in many ways. The present study looks mainly into the scientific dimension of this historical phenomenon. It will basically illustrate how the so-called New Science, with its Baconian methods of experiment, observation, and induction, 141 was applied in the field of materia medica. As mentioned above, chemistry played a major role in this process: in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries through iatrochemistry, in the new tradition of the Paracelsians; and in the second half of the eighteenth century through the birth of pneumatic chemistry and Lavoisier’s chemical revolution. With the emergence of animal chemistry and the discovery of the first plant alkaloids at the beginning of the nineteenth century modern chemical methods became essential to the further development of pharmacological research. 142 As general findings of this introductory survey the role of “common” practitioners and of the case history method have been emphasized. The following three studies will make clear , however , that the most influential work was carried out by élite physicians and naturalists at the eighteenth-century centres of medical science: the universities of Edinburgh, Halle, and Göttingen; the Royal Society of London and the Acadé mie des Sciences in Paris; and in the new voluntary hospitals, especially the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh and Guy’s Hospital in London. Historiographically, these case studies aim at the reconstruction of pharmacological and pharmacotherapeutical discourses at an international level. Yet British authors are frequently taken as – and often were – the starting points. My approach is largely that of the history of ideas, which seemed most appropriate in investigating the relations between pharmacolo gical experimenta tion, theory- building, and therapy. Still, my following accounts will be quite detailed on the experimental procedures described and discussed in those discourses and should therefore be also relevant to historians of “science in action”, experimental systems, and the laboratory world.143 On the other hand it is hoped that the professional and institutional backgrounds of the many contributors to eighteenth- century pharmacology and therapeutics will be of sufficient interest to gain the attention of social historians of medicine as well.

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Tables 1-6

Field Number % Years1 Mineral waters 25 10.41707-92 Vipers & other snakes 19 7.9 1700-89 Lithontriptics 2 15 6.3 1701-98 Cinchona bark 14 5.8 1704-84 Rabies remedies 11 4.6 1709-65 Styptics 10 4.2 1724-55 Noxious damps & airs 10 4.2 1729-79 Antiseptics 3 9 3.8 1750-90 Ambergris & spermaceti 8 3.3 1734-95 Hemlock 6 2.5 1744-65 Camphor 5 2.1 1724-67 Indian arrow poisons 4 1.7 1742-80 Ipecacuanha 3 1.3 1729-76 Cherry laurel 3 1.3 1731-39 Henbane 3 1.3 1733-52 Antimony 3 1.3 1752-91 Various: mat. medica & therapeutics 26 10.8 1701-85 Various: exotic drugs & plants 24 10.0 1700-91 Various: poisons 24 10.0 1701-76 Various: pharmaceutical chemistry 11 4.6 1724-99 Various: pharmacology 7 2.9 1702-58

Table 1 Articles on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 1700-1799 (n=240).

1Years of earliest and latest article in the sample. 2Including chemical analysis of urinary stones. 3Including putrefaction.

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Main Fields Number % Mineral waters 6 19.4 Cinchona bark 4 12.9 Mercurial remedies 3 9.7 Opium 3 9.7

Methods 1 Case histories 21 67.7 General therapeutic experience 6 19.4 Iatromechanical speculation 3 9.7 Self-experimentation 2 6.5 Animal experimentation 1 3.2 Pharmacological in vitro experimentation 2 6.5 Chemical & pharmaceutical experimentation 8 25.8

Authors (n=25) University Professor 5 20.0 Physician 6 24.0 Surgeon 12 48.0 Apothecary 1 4.0 Unidentified 1 4.0

Table 2 Articles on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons in the Medical Essays and Observations , 1733–1744, of the Medical Society and Philosophical Society of Edinburgh (n=31).

1For some articles several methods had been applied in combination.

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Main Fields Number % Anthelmintics 5 20.0 Lithontriptics 3 12.0 Mercurial remedies 3 12.0 Opium 3 12.0

Methods 1 Case histories 17 68.0 General therapeutic experience 6 24.0 Human trials 1 4.0 Animal Experimentation 2 8.0 Experiments on isolated organs 1 4.0 Chemical & pharmaceutical experimentation 5 20.0

Authors (n=18) University Professor 3 16.7 Physician 10 55.6 Surgeon 4 22.2 Unidentified 1 5.6

Table 3 Articles on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons in the Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , 1754-1771, of the Philosophical Society of Edinburgh (n=25).

1For some articles several methods had been applied in combination.

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Main Fields Number % Mercurial remedies 12 14.0 Flowers of zinc 1 8 9.3 Cuprum ammoniacum 6 7.0 Anthelmintics 2 6 7.0 Tobacco remedies 5 5.8 Cinchona bark 3 5 5.8

Methods4 Case histories 71 82.6 Protostatistics 2 2.3 General therapeutic experience 16 18.6 Pharmacological in vitro experimentation 3 3.5 Chemical & pharmaceutical experimentation 2 2.3

Authors (n=74) Physician 39 52.7 Surgeon 31 41.9 Medical Student 1 1.4 Unidentified 3 4.1

Table 4 Articles on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons in the Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , 1773-1779, and Medical Commentaries , 1780-1795, edited by Andrew Duncan senior, Edinburgh (n=86).

1 Includes one article on combined therapy with Flowers of zinc and Cuprum ammoniacum (counted only once). 2 Includes one article on tobacco as an anthelmintic (counted only once). 3 Includes one article that covers also mercurial remedies (counted only once). 4 For some articles several methods had been applied in combination.

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Main Field Number % Mercurial remedies 7 38.9

Methods Case histories 17 94.4 General therapeutic experience 1 5.6

Authors (n=15) Physician 9 60.0 Surgeon 6 40.0

Table 5 Articles on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons in the Annals of Medicine , 1796-1800, edited by Andrew Duncan senior and junior, Edinburgh (n=18).

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MEO EOPL MPC/MC AM n=25 n=18 n=74 n=15 Univ. Prof. Scotland5 (20.0) 3 (16.7) - -

Physician Scotland 2(8.0) 5(27.8) 4 (5.4) - England 3 (12.0) 3(16.7) 23 (31.1) 2 (13.3) Ireland 1(4.0)- 3 (4.1) - Br. Colonies - 2(11.1)4 (5.4)4 (26.7) Br. Army - - - 1 (6.7) Cont. Europe - - 5(6.8) 1 (6.7) United n/a n/a - 1 (6.7) States

Surgeon Scotland 11 (44.0) 2 (11.1) 5 (6.8) 2 (13.3) England 1 (4.0) - 16 (21.6) - Ireland - - - 1 (6.7) Br. Colonies - 1 (5.6) 7 (9.5) 1 (6.7) Br. Army- 1 (5.6) 2 (2.7)- Br. Navy- - - 2 (13.3)

Apothecary Ireland 1(4.0)- - -

Med. Student Scotland - - 1 (1.4) -

Unidentified 1 (4.0) 1 (5.6) 4 (5.4)-

Table 6 Professional status and locations of authors on materia medica, pharmacotherapy, and poisons, in Medical Essays and Observations (MEO), 1733-44, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary (EOPL), 1754-71, Medical (and Philosophical) Commentaries (MPC/MC), 1773-95, and Annals of Medicine (AM), 1796-1800. Absolute numbers and in brackets percentages.

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Notes

1See for example G. Kuschinsky, ‘The Influence of Dorpat on the Emergence of Pharmacology as a Distinct Discipline’, Jounal of the and Allied Sciences , xxiii (1968), 258-71; B. Holmstedt and G. Liljestrand (eds), Readings in Pharmacology (New York: Raven Press, 1981); J. E. Lesch, Science and Medicine in France: the Emergence of Experimental Physiology, 1790-1855 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984); G. Stille, Der Weg der Arznei von der Materia medica zur Pharmakologie , with contributions by M. H. Bickel and H. Göing (Karlsruhe: G. Braun Fachverlage, 1994). 2See W. F. Bynum, Science and the Practice of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 43-4. 3G. Rath, ‘Zeiteinflüsse in der Pharmakologie des 16. bis 19. Jahrhunderts’, Sudhoffs Archiv , xlvii (1963), 1-18. 4H. J. Cook, ‘The New Philosophy and Medicine in Seventeenth- Century England’, in D. C. Lindberg and R. S. Westman (eds), Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 397-436. 5See this chapter below. 6L. G. Matthews, History of Pharmacy in Britain (Edinburgh: E. & S. Livingstone Ltd., 1962), 76, 79. 7L. Brockliss and C. Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 123, 127, 138. 8 Ibid., 119-69. 9 Ibid., 128, 161. 10S. Jarcho, Quinine’s Predecessor: Francesco Torti and the Early History of Cinchona (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 52. 11For seventeenth-century iatrochemistry see A. G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy: Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries , vol. ii (New York: Science History Publications, 1977); idem, The French Paracelsians: The Chemical Challenge to Medical and Scientific Tradition in Early Modern France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 12 Debus, The Chemical Philosophy , vol. ii, 491. Syrup of violets turns red with acids and green with alkalis. 13See chapters 3 and 4 below, and M. Lindenberger, ‘Pharmakologische Versuche mit dem menschlichen Blut im 18. Jahrhundert’ (Med. dent. Diss., Berlin, 1937). 14For an account of Boyle’s corpuscular philosophy, which explained 36 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

the properties of bulk matter with the size, shape, motion, and interaction of minute particles, see W. H. Brock, The Fontana (London: Fontana Press, 1992), 63-70. 15See A.-H. Maehle, Johann Jakob Wepfer (1620-1695) als Toxikologe: Die Fallstudien und Tierexperimente aus seiner Abhandlung über den Wasserschierling (1679) (Aarau: Verlag Sauerländer, 1987). 16J. J. Wepfer, Cicutae aquaticae historia et noxae. Commentario illustrata (Basel: J. R. König and J. R. Genathius, 1679). For a full discussion of Wepfer’s toxicology see Maehle, Johann Jakob Wepfer . On the Helmontian archeus see Debus, The Chemical Philosophy , vol. ii, 340-4, 360-2. 17See chapters 3 and 4 below, and I. W. Müller, Iatromechanische Theorie und ärztliche Praxis im Vergleich zur galenistischen Medizin (Friedrich Hoffmann – Pieter van Foreest – Jan van Heurne) (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag, 1991); A. Lanz, Arzneimittel in der Therapie Friedrich Hoffmanns (1660-1742) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Medicina Consultatoria (1721-1723) (Braunschweig: Deutscher Apotheker Verlag, 1995). 18See chapter 3 below. 19See chapter 4 below. 20See chapter 3 below. 21J. Harley Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820-1885 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986). 22See this chapter below. 23For brief summaries of the history of pneumatic chemistry see Brock, Fontana History of Chemistry , 96-111, and D. Knight, Ideas in Chemistry: a History of the Science (London: Athlone Press, 1992), 44-53. 24See chapter 2 below. 25See A. L. Donovan, Antoine Lavoisier: Science, Administration and Revolution (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 133-56. 26For Beddoes see R. Porter, Doctor of Society: Thomas Beddoes and the Sick Trade in Late-Enlightenment England (London: Routledge, 1992). 27See B. M. Duncum, The Development of Inhalation Anaesthesia , reprint of the 1947 edn, with an introduction by C. Lawrence (London: Royal Society of Medicine Press, 1994); D. Knight, Humphry Davy: Science and Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 28For recent discussion of the chemical revolution, and eighteenth- century chemistry in general, see B. Bensaude-Vincent and F. Abbri 37 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

(eds), Lavoisier in European Context: Negotiating a New Language for Chemistry (Canton, Mass.: Science History Publications, 1995); M. Beretta, The Enlightenment of Matter: The Definition of Chemistry from Agricola to Lavoisier (Canton, Mass.: Science History Publications, 1993); Donovan, Antoine Lavoisier ; A. Duncan, Laws and Order in Eighteenth-Century Chemistry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); F. L. Holmes, Eighteenth-Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: University of California, 1989); J. Golinski, Science as Public Culture: Chemistry and Enlightenment in Britain, 1760-1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 29A. C. Déré , ‘La Réception de la nomenclature reformée par le corps médical français’ , in Bensaude-Vincent and Abbri (eds), Lavoisier in European Context , 207-24. See also the critical examination of the oxydation- versus phlogiston-theory by the Halle professor of chemistry and physics, F. A. C. Gren, who belonged to the medical faculty; M. Seils, Friedrich Albert Carl Gren in seiner Zeit 1760-1798. Spekulant oder Selbstdenker? (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1995). 30See chapter 2 below. 31M. P. Earles, ‘Studies in the Development of Experimental Pharmacology in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1961); idem, ‘The Experimental Investigation of Viper Venom by Felice Fontana (1730-1805)’, Annals of Science , xvi (1960), 255-68; idem, ‘Early Theories of the Mode of Action of Drugs and Poisons’, ibid., xvii (1961), 97-110; idem, ‘Experiments with Drugs and Poisons in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, ibid., xix (1963), 241-54. 32R. Winau, ‘Experimentelle Pharmakologie und Toxikologie im 18. Jahrhundert’ (Habil.-Schrift, Universität Mainz, 1971); idem, ‘Experimentelle Pharmakologie an der Universität Göttingen im 18. Jahrhundert’, Medizinhistorisches Journal , vii (1972), 135-45. See also the collections of eighteenth-century pharmacological experiments, compiled in Paul Diepgen’s Institut für Geschichte der Medizin und Naturwissenschaften in Berlin, by P. Bernknopf, ‘Tierversuche mit Arzneimitteln im 18. Jahrhundert’ (Med. Diss., Berlin, 1936), and Lindenberger, ‘Pharmakologische Versuche’. 33K.-W . Schweppe, ‘Experimentelle Arzneimittelforschung in der Älteren Wiener Schule und der Streit um den Schierling als Medikament in der Zeit von 1760-1771’ (Med. Diss., Techn. Universität München, 1976); idem and C. Probst, ‘Die Versuche zur medikamentösen Karzinomtherapie des Anton Störck (1731-1803)’, in K. Ganzinger, M. Skopec, and H. Wyklicky (eds), Festschrift für 38 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Erna Lesky zum 70. Geburtstag (Vienna: Verlag Brüder Hollinek, 1981), 105-22; idem, ‘Anton Störck und seine Bedeutung für die Ältere Wiener Schule’, Medizinhistorisches Journal , xvii (1982), 342- 56; P. K. Knoefel, ‘Felice Fontana on Poisons’, Clio Medica , xv (1980), 35-65; idem, Felice Fontana. Life and Works (Trento: Società di Studi Trentini di Scienze Storiche, 1984); Maehle, Johann Jakob Wepfer; idem, ‘Johann Jakob Wepfers experimentelle Toxikologie’, Gesnerus, xlii (1985), 7-18; idem, ‘Zur wissenschaftlichen und moralischen Rechtfertigung toxikologischer Tierversuche im 17. Jahrhundert: Johann Jakob Wepfer und Johann Jakob Harder’, ibid., xliii (1986), 213-21. 34I. Hahn, ‘Tierversuche mit Arzneimitteln in der deutschen Fachliteratur von 1800 bis 1830’ (Med. Diss., Universität Mainz, 1969); H.-G. Langjahr, ‘Der pharmakologische Tierversuch in der deutschen Fachliteratur 1830-1860’ (Med. dent. Diss., Universität Mainz, 1977); C. Fischer, ‘Zur Theorie des Arzneimittelversuchs am Menschen in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts’ (Med. Diss., Universität Mainz, 1977); G. Gerken, ‘Zur Entwicklung des klinischen Arzneimittelversuches am Menschen’ (Med. Diss., Universität Mainz, 1977); I. Barthel, ‘Arzneimittelversuche des 19. Jahrhunderts am gesunden Menschen im deutschsprachigen Raum’ (Med. Diss., Universität Düsseldorf, 1982). See also the influential article by E. Heischkel-Artelt, ‘Pharmakologie in der Goethezeit’, Sudhoffs Archiv , xlii (1958), 302-11; and I. Kästner, ‘Reils “Beitrag zu den Prinzipien für jede künftige Pharmakologie”’, in W. Kaiser and A. Völker (eds), Johann Christian Reil (1759-1813) und seine Zeit (Halle: Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 1989), 48-53. 35K. J. Carpenter, The History of Scurvy and Vitamin C (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); W. M. McBride, ‘“Normal” Medical Science and British Treatment of the Sea Scurvy, 1753-75’, Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences , xlvi (1991), 158-77; C. Lawrence, ‘Disciplining Disease: Scurvy, the Navy, and Imperial Expansion, 1750-1825’, in D. P. Miller and P. H. Reill (eds), Visions of Empire. Voyages, Botany, and Representations of Nature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 80-106; F. E. Cuppage, James Cook and the Conquest of Scurvy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1994); A. Overhamm, Zur Geschichte der Digitalis unter besonderer Berücksichtigung ihrer äußerlichen Anwendung (Würzburg: jal-Verlag, 1976); J. W. Estes, Hall Jackson and the Purple Foxglove: Medical Practice and Research in Revolutionary America 1760-1820 (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1979); J. K. Aronson, An Account of the Foxglove and Its 39 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Medical Uses 1785-1985 (London: Oxford University Press, 1985). 36U. Tröhler, ‘Quantification in British Medicine and Surgery 1750- 1850, with Special Reference to Its Introduction into Therapeutics’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1978); idem, ‘“To Improve the Evidence of Medicine”: Arithmetic Observation in Clinical Medicine in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries’, History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences , x (1988), suppl., 31-40. 37The term “pharmacologia” was first used in the seventeenth century. See G. Preiser, ‘Zur Geschichte und Bildung der Termini Pharmakologie und Toxikologie’, Medizinhistorisches Journal , ii (1967), 124-34. 38E. H. Ackerknecht, Therapeutics from the Primitives to the 20th Century (New York: Hafner Press, 1973), transl. of idem, Therapie von den Primitiven bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: F. Enke Verlag, 1970); B. Issekutz sen., Die Geschichte der Arzneimittelforschung (Budapest: Akadémia Kiadó, 1971); C. D. Leake, An Historical Account of Pharmacology to the 20th Century (Springfield, Ill.: C. C. Thomas, 1975); H. Haas, Ursprung, Geschichte und Idee der Arzneimittelkunde (Mannheim: Bibliographisches Institut, 1981); H. M. Koelbing, Die ärztliche Therapie: Grundzüge ihrer Geschichte (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985); W. Sneader, : the Evolution of Modern Medicines (Chichester: J. Wiley & Sons, 1985); M. Weatherall, In Search of a Cure: a History of Pharmaceutical Discovery (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); J. Mann, Murder, Magic, and Medicine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992); Stille, Weg der Arznei; W.-D. Müller-Jahncke and C. Friedrich, Geschichte der Arzneimitteltherapie (Stuttgart: Deutscher Apotheker Verlag, 1996). 39Ackerknecht, Therapeutics , 78. See also idem, ‘Aspects of the History of Therapeutics’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine , xxxvi (1962), 389-419; idem, ‘Die therapeutische Erfahrung und ihre allmähliche Objektivierung’, Gesnerus, xxvi (1969), 26-35. 40 Leake, Historical Account of Pharmacology , 118. 41J. W. Estes, ‘Making Therapeutic Decisions with Protopharmacologic Evidence’, Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia , series v, i (1979), 116-37; idem, ‘Therapeutic Practice in Colonial New England’, in P. Cash, E. H. Christianson, and J. W. Estes (eds), Medicine in Colonial Massachusetts 1620-1820 (Boston: The Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1980), 289-383; G. B. Risse, Hospital Life in Enlightenment Scotland: Care and Teaching at the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986); J. W. 40 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Estes, ‘Drug Usage at the Infirmary: the Example of Dr. Andrew Duncan, Sr.’, ibid., 351-84; Lanz, Arzneimittel in der Therapie Friedrich Hoffmanns . On Hoffmann’s therapy, as opposed to Georg Ernst Stahl’s, see also C. Habrich, ‘Characteristic Features of Eighteenth-Century Therapeutics in Germany’, in W. F. Bynum and V. Nutton (eds), Essays in the History of Therapeutics (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1991), 39-49. On the contemporary physicotheological interpretation of drugs see G. Dehmel, Die Arzneimittel in der Physikotheologie , with a preface by F. Krafft (Münster: Lit Verlag, 1996). 42For a more general history of ethics in animal experimentation see A.-H. Maehle, Kritik und Verteidigung des Tierversuchs: Die Anfänge der Diskussion im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag, 1992); idem, ‘The Ethical Discourse on Animal Experimentation, 1650-1900’, in A. Wear, J. Geyer-Kordesch, and R. French (eds), Doctors and Ethics: the Earlier Historical Setting of Professional Ethics (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1993), 203-51. 43S. C. Lawrence, Charitable Knowledge: Hospital Pupils and Practitioners in Eighteenth-Century London (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), chapters 6-8. For bibliographical information about these journals see W. R. LeFanu, British Periodicals of Medicine, 1640-1899 , rev. edn, ed. by J. Loudon (Oxford: Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, 1984), and for their historical place R. Porter, ‘The Rise of Medical Journalism in Britain to 1800’, in W. F. Bynum, S. Lock, and R. Porter (eds), Medical Journals and Medical Knowledge: Historical Essays (London: Routledge, 1992), 6-28. 44On the various Edinburgh societies involved see J. Jenkinson, Scottish Medical Societies 1731-1939: Their History and Records (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1993). For details consult R. L. Emerson, ‘The Philosophical Society of Edinburgh 1737- 1747’, British Journal for the , xii (1979), 154-91; idem, ‘The Philosophical Society of Edinburgh 1748-1768’, ibid., xiv (1981), 133-76; idem, ‘The Philosophical Society of Edinburgh 1768-1783’, ibid., xviii (1985), 255-303. 45There is an extensive literature on the Royal Society’s early development and activities in the seventeenth century. See, among others, M. Hunter, The Royal Society and Its Fellows 1660-1700: the Morphology of an Early Scientific Institution (Chalfont St Giles: The British Society for the History of Science, 1982); S. Shapin and S. Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); S. Shapin, ‘The House of Experiment in Seventeenth-Century 41 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

England’, Isis, lxxix (1988), 373-404; R. Porter, ‘The Early Royal Society and the Spread of Medical Knowledge’, in R. French and A. Wear (eds), The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 272-93. See also with regard to historiographical issues F. L. Holmes, ‘Do We Understand Historically How Experimental Knowledge is Acquired?’, History of Science , xxx (1992), 119-36. Much less is known about the Royal Society in the eighteenth century. See D. P. Miller, ‘“Into the Valley of Darkness”: Reflections on the Royal Society in the Eighteenth Century’, History of Science , xxvii (1989), 155-66; C. Bazerman, Shaping Written Knowledge: the Genre and Activity of the Experimental Article in Science (Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), 50-79; M. Boas Hall, Promoting Experimental Learning: Experiment and the Royal Society 1660-1727 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). 46 A minimum of three articles has been set as a requirement for inclusion as a “field”. Though some contributions could have been allocated to more than one such field, multiple assignations have been avoided. In such cases the allocation was made on the basis of the most prominent characteristic of the article in question. In long contributions, which were published in several parts, every part was counted as one article. This was done in order to recognize their significance as reflected in the space allowed to them in the periodical. 47Under “pharmacology” articles have been counted here, which dealt more generally with questions of the subject in a modern sense, such as absorption, mode of action of medicines, or dosage in relation to age, and which could not be allocated to a particular field. 48On the various aspects of the rich “waters literature” see R. Porter (ed.), The Medical History of Waters and Spas (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1990), especially D. Harley, ‘A Sword in a Madman’s Hand: Professional Opposition to Popular Consumption in the Waters Literature of Southern England and the Midlands, 1570-1870’, 48-55, N. G. Coley, ‘Physicians, Chemists and the Analysis of Mineral Waters: “The Most Difficult Part of Chemistry”’, 56-66, and C. Hamlin, ‘Chemistry, Medicine, and the Legitimization of English Spas, 1740-1840’, 67-81. See also N. G. Coley, ‘“Cures Without Care”: “Chymical Physicians” and Mineral Waters in Seventeenth-Century English Medicine’, Medical History , xxiii (1979), 191-214; idem, ‘Physicians and the Chemical Analysis of Mineral Waters in Eighteenth-Century England’, ibid., xxvi (1982), 123-44; idem, ‘The Preparation and Uses of Artificial 42 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Mineral Waters (ca. 1680-1825)’, Ambix, xxxi (1984), 32-48; C. Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth Century Britain (Bristol: A. Hilger, 1990), 16-46. For mineral waters in eighteenth-century France see Brockliss and Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France , 637-9 and passim. 49See chapter 2 below. 50See chapter 3 below. See also A.-H. Maehle, ‘Pharmacological Experimentation with Opium in the Eighteenth Century’, in R. Porter and M. Teich (eds), Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 52-76; idem, ‘Selbstversuche und subjektive Erfahrung in der Opiumforschung des 18. Jahrhunderts’, Würzburger medizinhistorische Mitteilungen , xiii (1995), 287-97. 51For details see chapter 3 below. 52See chapter 4 below. 53 Jarcho, Quinine’s Predecessor ; M. Nieto Olarte, ‘Remedies for the Empire: the Eighteenth Century Spanish Botanical Expeditions to the New World’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1993). 54For example J. E. Lesch, ‘Conceptual Change in an Empirical Science: the Discovery of the First Alkaloids’, Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences , xi (1981), 305-28. On the manufacture and marketing of quinine in the nineteenth century see A. Morson, Operative Chymist (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1997), 57-82. 55On the history of international scholarly communication see for example M. Ultee, ‘The Republic of Letters: Learned Correspondence, 1680-1720’, The Seventeenth Century , ii (1987), 95-112; R. Bröer, ‘Grenzüberschreitender wissenschaftlicher Diskurs im Europa der Frühen Neuzeit. Der gelehrte Brief im 17. Jahrhundert’, in W. U. Eckart and R. Jütte (eds), Das europäische Gesundheitssystem: Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in historischer Perspektive (Stuttgart: F. Steiner Verlag, 1994), 107-21. 56For background on the German medical faculties see T. H. Broman, The Transformation of German Academic Medicine 1750-1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), and on French academic medicine see Brockliss and Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France . 57See G. Watson, Theriac and Mithridatium: a Study in Therapeutics (London: The Wellcome Historical Library, 1966); T. Holste, Der Theriakkrämer. Ein Beitrag zur Frühgeschichte der Arzneimittelwerbung (Pattensen, Hannover: H. Wellm Verlag, 1976). 58J. Tribby, ‘Cooking (with) Clio and Cleo: Eloquence and Experiment in Seventeenth-Century Florence’, Journal of the History 43 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

of Ideas, lii (1991), 417-39; P. Findlen, ‘Controlling the Experiment: Rhetoric, Court Patronage and the Experimental Method of Francesco Redi’, History of Science , xxxi (1993), 35-64; M. Baldwin, ‘The Snakestone Experiments: an Early Modern Medical Debate’, Isis, lxxxvi (1995), 394-418. See also P. K. Knoefel (transl. and ed.), Francesco Redi on Vipers (Leyden: E. J. Brill, 1988). 59The writings included in this search were: U. Aldrovandi, Historiae serpentum et draconum libri duo (Bologna: M. A. Bernia, 1640); M. A. Severino, Vipera Pythia (Padua: Typis P. Frambotti, 1651); J. Zwelfer, Animadversiones in Pharmacopoeiam Augustanam et Annexam eius Mantissam (Nuremberg: Sumptibus M. & J. F. Endterorum, 1667); F. Redi, Experimenta circa res diversas naturales (Amsterdam: Sumptibus A. Frisii, 1675); idem, Observationes de viperis (Amsterdam: Sumptibus A. Frisii, 1678); J. J. Harder, ‘De viperarum morsu dissertatio’, Miscellanea curiosa sive Ephemerides , Dec. II, ann. iv (1685), 229-37; M. Ettmüller, ‘De morsu viperae’, in idem, Opera omnia (Frankfurt/Main: Sumptibus J. D. Zunneri, 1688), 102-16. Thanks to Dr. K.-H. Stubenrauch who assisted in this search. 60W . Burton, ‘Part of a Letter… Concerning the Viper-Catchers, and Their Remedy for the Bite of a Viper’, Philosophical Transactions , xxxix (1736), 312; C. Mortimer, ‘A Narration of the Experiments Made… on a Man, who Suffer’d Himself to be Bit by a Viper, or Common Adder; and on Other Animals Likewise Bitten by the Same, and Other Vipers’, ibid., 313-20; J. Atwell, ‘A Letter… Containing Some Observations on a Man and a Woman Bit by Vipers’, ibid., 394-9; S. Williams, ‘Extract of a Letter… Concerning the Viper-Catchers… and the Efficacy of Oil of Olives in Curing the Bite of Vipers’, ibid., xl (1737), 26-7; C. Mortimer, ‘An Abstract… of an Inaugural Dissertation Published at Wittemberg 1736. by Dr. Abraham Vater, F.R.S. Concerning the Cure of the Bite of a Viper, Cured by Sallad-Oil’, ibid., xl (1738), 440-4; idem, ‘Abstracts of Two Letters from M. Dufay, F.R.S… .Concerning the Efficacy of Oil of Olives in Curing the Bite of Vipers’, ibid., 444-5. See also A. Vater and F. Gensler, ‘De antidoto novo adversus viperarum morsum praesentissimo in Anglia haud ita pridem detecto’ (Wittenberg 1736), in A. von Haller (ed.), Disputationes ad morborum historiam et curationem facientes , 7 vols (Lausanne: Sumptibus M.-M. Bousquet & Socior. and Sumptibus S. D’Arnay, 1757-60), vol. vi, 593-609. 61C.-J. Geoffroy and F.-J. Hunauld, ‘Mémoire dans lequel on Examine si l’Huile d’Olive est un Spécifique contre la Morsure des Vipères’ , Histoire (Mémoires) de l’Acadé mie Royale des Sciences , année 1737 44 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

(Paris 1740), 183-205. 62For example J. Ranby, ‘The Anatomy of the Poisonous Apparatus of a Rattle-Snake… Together with an Account of the Quick Effects of Its Poison’, Philosophical Transactions , xxxv (1728), 377-81; H. Sloane, ‘Conjectures on the Charming or Fascinating Power Attributed to the Rattle-Snake: Grounded on Credible Accounts, Experiments and Observations’, ibid., xxxviii (1734), 321-31; J. Ellis, ‘A Letter… on the Colubar Cerastes or Horned Viper of Egypt’, ibid., lvi (1766), 287-90; E. Whitaker Gray, ‘Observations on the Class of Animals Called, by Linnaeus, Amphibia; Particularly on the Means of Distinguishing those Serpents which are Venomous, from those which are not so’, ibid., lxxix (1789), 21-36. 63The interest in snakestones, for example, was still alive. See H. Sloane, ‘A Letter… Containing Accounts of the Pretended Serpent Stone Called Pietra de Cobra de Cabelas’, Philosophical Transactions , xlvi (1749), 118-25. See also the wide-ranging and detailed discussion of the viper (incl. the rattlesnake) by R. Mead, ‘A Mechanical Account of Poisons’, in idem, The Medical Works , 3 vols (Edinburgh: A. Donaldson and J. Reid, 1765), vol. i, 1-158, on 21-58. 64F . Fontana, Traité sur le Vénin de la Vipère, sur les Poisons Americains, sur le Laurier-Cerise et sur Quelques Autres Poisons Vegetaux , 2 vols (Florence: Avec Approbation, 1781). 65T . Madden, ‘An Account of what was Observ’d upon Opening the Corpse of a Person who had Taken Several Ounces of Crude Mercury Internally’, Philosophical Transactions , xxxix (1736), 291-4; A. Cantwell, ‘Extract of a Letter… Containing an Account of a Large Glandular Tumor in the Pelvis; and on the Pernicious Effects of Crude Mercury Given Inwardly to the Patient’, ibid., xl (1737), 139-42. 66See Bernknopf, ‘Tierversuche mit Arzneimitteln’, 23-6; Maehle, Johann Jakob Wepfer , 103-10. 67C. Quétel, History of Syphilis , transl. by J. Braddock and B. Pike (London: Polity Press, 1990), 73-105; Brockliss and Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France , 633-7, 776-7. See also E. W. Abramowitz, ‘Historical Points of Interest on the Mode of Action and Ill Effects of Mercury’, Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, x (1934), 695-705; L. J. Goldwater, Mercury: a History of Quicksilver (Baltimore, Maryland: York Press, 1972), 239-43. 68W . F. Bynum, ‘Treating the Wages of Sin: Venereal Disease and Specialism in Eighteenth-Century Britain’, in idem and R. Porter (eds), Medical Fringe and Medical Orthodoxy 1750-1850 (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 5-28; R. Porter, Health for Sale: Quackery in England 1660-1850 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 45 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

1989), 149-56. 69A. Plummer, ‘An Alterative Mercurial Medicine’, Medical Essays and Observations , i (1733), 46-62; G. Denniston, ‘The History of a Cure Performed by Large Doses of an Alterative Medicine, Communicated to Dr. Plummer’, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , i (1754), 390-5; J. Bishopric, ‘Case of a General Lympho-Crustaceous Eruption of the Body, of Many Years Continuance, Cured in Five Months, by a Course of Alterative Pills, Composed of Calomel, and Golden Sulphur of Antimony’, Medical Commentaries , xviii (1793), 387-9; R. Bishoprick, ‘A Cancer-Like Case of the Uterus Cured by a Course of Mercurial Antimonial Pills’, ibid., xix (1794), 257-64. 70See for example D. Monro, ‘Of the Use of Mercury in Convulsive Disorders’, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , iii (1771), 551-6; J. Mackie, ‘Case of the Successful Treatment of Hydrocephalus internus, by Mercury’, Medical Commentaries , vii (1780), 290-8; Maclarty, ‘History of a Case of Epidemic Fever of Jamaica Terminating Successfully; in which a Very Large Quantity of Mercury was Employed’, Annals of Medicine , i (1796), 328-33; J. Anderson sen., ‘Examples of the Good Effects from the Use of the Hydrargyrus muriatus mitis, in Cases of the Cyanche trachealis, or Croup’, ibid., iv (1799), 459-65. 71See for example J. Hill, ‘Violent Effects of a Mercurial Suffumigation’, Medical Essays and Observations , iv (1737), 41-5; W. Lee Perkins, ‘The History of a Case of Hydrocephalus Terminating Fatally, after a Salivation was Excited by the Use of Mercury’, Medical Commentaries , xi (1786), 298-302; A. Gray, ‘The History of a Case of Rabies canina Attended with Singular Circumstances, and Terminating Fatally, after a Salivation had been Induced by Mercury’, ibid., xii (1787), 304-15; J. Todd, ‘Observations on the Epidemic Fever of Jamaica: with the History of a Remarkable Case Terminating Fatally; in which a Great Quantity of Mercury was Employed without any Obvious Operation’, Annals of Medicine , i (1796), 334-42. 72Cf. Goldwater, Mercury, 239-48. 73See Porter, Health for Sale . 74Also van Swieten’s remedy was tried in this way. See J. Gardiner, ‘A Particular Method of Giving the Solution of Corrosive Sublimate Mercury in Small Doses, as an Anthelmintic’, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , iii (1771), 380-90; D. Clerk, ‘Remarks on Dr Gardiner’s Paper on the Use of Corrosive Sublimate, as an Anthelmintic’, ibid., 391-4. 46 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

75D. Le Clerc, Historia naturalis et medica latorum lumbricorum, intra hominem et alia animalia, nascentium, ex variis auctoribus et propriis observationibus (Geneva: Fratres de Tournes, 1715), 381-449; see also the English transl., idem, A Natural and Medicinal History of Worms (London: J. Wilcox, 1721), 366-436. C. Alston, Lectures on the Materia Medica , publ. by J. Hope, 2 vols (London: E. and C. Dilly, 1770), vol. i, 56. 76K. Enigk, Geschichte der Helminthologie im deutschsprachigen Raum (Stuttgart: G. Fischer Verlag, 1986), 242-3; D. I. Grove, A History of Human Helminthology (Wallingford: C.A.B. International, 1990), 75-82. 77C. Alston, ‘Powder of Tin an Anthelmintic Medicine’, Medical Essays and Observations , v/1 (1742), 89-92. 78See for example J. Lining, ‘Of the Anthelmintic Virtues of the Root of the Indian Pink’, Essays and Observations, Physical and Literary , i (1754), 386-9; P. Duguid, ‘The Anthelmintic Virtue of the Bark of the Wild Cabbage or Bulge-Water Tree’, ibid., ii (1756), 264-5; T. Cochrane, ‘Extract of a Letter… Concerning the Use of Couhage as an Anthelmintic’, Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , ii (1774), 82-3; W. Grieve, ‘Extract of a Letter… on the Use of the Bark of the Angeline Tree, as an Anthelmintic’, Medical Commentaries , ix (1783/84), 365-7. 79T . Kilgour, ‘The History of a Case, in which Worms in the Nose, Productive of Alarming Symptoms, were Successfully Removed by the Use of Tobacco’, Medical Commentaries , viii (1781/82), 75-83; T. Fowler, ‘Observations and Experiments on the Effects of Different Anthelmintics Applied to Earth-Worms’, ibid., 336-45; Enigk, Geschichte der Helminthologie , 241. 80 See ibid., 240, 243. 81 Ibid., 240-7; Grove, History of Human Helminthology , 75-101. 82Ackerknecht, Therapie, 86. On Gaub’s influential nosology and pathology see P. Pogány-Wnendt, Das mechanistische Denken in der modernen Medizin im Spiegel ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung: Hieronimus David Gaub (1705-1780) (Frankfurt/Main: P. Lang, 1991). 83See for example B. Bell, ‘The Case of a Man Affected with an Obstinate Epilepsy, Considerably Relieved by the Use of the Flowers of Zinc’, Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , i (1773), 204-8; P. Dugud, ‘The History of a Convulsive Disorder, Treated by the Use of the Flowers of Zinc’, ibid., v (1777), 84-91; J. Storer, ‘Observations on the Benefit Derived from the Use of the Cuprum ammoniacum, in a Spasmodic Affection of the Viscera, and in 47 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Hysteria’, Medical Commentaries , vii (1780), 298-308; J. Walker, ‘Observations on the Use of the Cuprum ammoniacum, in the Cure of Chorea Sancti Viti’, ibid., x (1785), 288-93. 84See D. Harley, ‘The Beginning of the Tobacco Controversy: Puritanism, James I, and the Royal Physicians’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine , lxvii (1993), 28-50; R. Matthee, ‘Exotic Substances: the Introduction and Global Spread of Tobacco, Coffee, Cocoa, Tea, and Distilled Liquor, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries’, in Porter and Teich, Drugs and Narcotics , 24-51; J. Goodman, ‘Excitantia or, How Enlightenment Europe Took to Soft Drugs’, in idem, P. E. Lovejoy and A. Sherratt (eds), Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (London: Routledge, 1995), 126-47. 85See for example J. Evans, ‘The History of an Obstinate Affection of the Bowels, Cured by the Injection of a Decoction of Tobacco’, Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , vi (1779), 332-7; P. Grant, ‘Account of Singular Effects of the External Application of a Strong Infusion of Tobacco, Employed for the Cure of Psora’, Medical Commentaries , xi (1786), 327-9; T. Garnet, ‘History of a Case of Dropsy, Cured by the Use of the Infusum Nicotianae’, ibid., xvi (1791), 271-3. 86See K. Burghard, Die Tollwuttherapie im Jahrhundert vor Pasteur (Frankfurt/Main: P. Lang, 1991), 97-101. 87See Mead, Medical Works , vol. i, 88-101; Burghard, Tollwuttherapie , 105-10; J. Théodoridè s, Histoire de la Rage. Cave Canem (Paris: Masson, 1986), 149-55; V. Klimpel, ‘Das sächsische Tollwutmandat von 1782’, in J. Kiefer and H. Heinecke (eds), Aufsätze zur Geschichte der Medizin und ihrer Grenzgebiete in Mitteldeutschland (Erfurt: Akademie Gemeinnütziger Wissenschaften, 1997), 93-102. 88See for example R. James, ‘A Letter… Containing Some Experiments Made upon Mad Dogs with Mercury’, Philosophical Transactions , xxxix (1736), 244-50; J. Fuller, ‘A Letter… Concerning the Effects of Dampier’s Powder, in Curing the Bite of a Mad Dog’, ibid., xl (1738), 272-4; C. Peters, ‘The Case of a Person Bit by a Mad Dog’, ibid., xliii (1745), 257-62; J. Starr, ‘A Letter… Containing an Account of an Horse Bit by a Mad Dog’, ibid., xlvi (1750), 474-8; T. Wilbraham, ‘An Account of an Hydrophoby’, ibid., xlvii (1751/52), 412-4; Houlston, ‘Remarks on the Hydrophobia, and on the Efficacy of the Ormskirk Medicine for the Bite of a Mad Dog’, Medical Commentaries , xi (1786), 330-3. 89Not to be mistaken with the famous anatomist John Hunter (1728- 1793). See Théodoridè s, Histoire de la Rage , 154-5. 90See H. J. Cook, ‘Sir John Colbatch and Augustan Medicine: 48 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Experimentalism, Character, and Entrepreneurialism’, Annals of Science, xlvii (1990), 475-505; idem, ‘Practical Medicine and the British Armed Forces after the “Glorious Revolution”’, Medical History, xxxiv (1990), 1-26; C. J. Sprengell, ‘Some Observations upon Dr. Eaton’s Styptick’, Philosophical Transactions , xxxiii (1724), 108-14; A. Thomson, ‘Pulvis stypticus Recommended Particularly in Uterine Haemorrhagies’, Medical Essays and Observations , iv (1737), 38-40. 91J. Theobald, ‘Mons. Faget’s Remarks on the Use, etc. of the Styptic, Purchased by His Most Christian Majesty’, Philosophical Transactions , xlvii (1751/52), 560-5; P. Wilson, ‘An Enlightenment Science? Surgery and the Royal Society’, in R. Porter (ed.), Medicine in the Enlightenment (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), 360-86. 92J. Latterman, ‘Extracts of Two Letters… Concerning the Effects of the Agaric of the Oak… to which are Added Some Remarkable Experiments Made upon the Arteries of Horses, with the Powder of the Lycoperdon, or Lupi Crepitus; by Monsieur La Fosse, Farrier to the King of France’, Philosophical Transactions , il (1755), 36-8; J. Parsons, ‘A Letter… Concerning the Use of Lycoperdon, in Stopping Blood after Amputations’, ibid., 38-43; W. Thornhill, ‘An Account of the Success of Agaric in Amputations’, ibid., 264-5. 93On the continuing tradition of the Hippocratic “airs, waters, places” as disease factors see J. Riley, The Eighteenth-Century Campaign to Avoid Disease (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987). 94 Mead, Medical Works , vol. i, 141-58. 95J. P. Seip, ‘Relatio de caverna vaporifera sulphurea in lapicidina Pyrmontana, quae similis est foveae Neapolitanae Grotta del Cane dictae’, Philosophical Transactions , xl (1738), 266-72; T. Stack, ‘Extract of the Observations Made in Italy by the Abbé Nollet on the Grotta de Cani’, ibid., xlvii (1751/52), 48-61; B. Cooke, ‘An Observation of an Extraordinary Damp in a Well in the Isle of Wight’, ibid., xl (1738), 379-83; M. Guthrie, ‘Account of the Manner in which the Russians Treat Persons Affected by the Fumes of Burning Charcoal, and Other Effluvia of the Same Nature’, ibid., lxix (1779), 325-31; J. Priestley, ‘On the Noxious Quality of the Effluvia of Putrid Marshes’, ibid., lxiv (1773/74), 90-5. 96C. Lawrence, ‘Priestley in Tahiti: the Medical Interests of a Dissenting Chemist’, in R. G. W. Anderson and C. Lawrence (eds), Science, Medicine and Dissent: Joseph Priestley (1733-1804) (London: Wellcome Trust/Science Museum, 1987), 1-10. 97J. Pringle, ‘Experiments on Substances Resisting Putrefaction’, Philosophical Transactions , xlvi (1750), 480-8, 525-34, 550-8; D. 49 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

Macbride, Experimental Essays on Medical and Philosophical Subjects , 2nd edn (London: A. Millar and T. Cadell, 1767); W. Alexander, Experimental Essays (London: E. and C. Dilly, 1768), 1-77. See also for example F. L. F. Crell, ‘Some Experiments on Putrefaction’, Philosophical Transactions , lxi (1771), 332-44; A. Crawford, ‘Experiments and Observations on the Matter of Cancer, and on the Aerial Fluids Extricated from Animal Substances by Distillation and Putrefaction’, ibid., lxxx (1790), 391-426. 98See chapter 4 below. 99Ambergris is formed in the intestines of the sperm whale, spermaceti in its head. They were seen as one substance and valued as relaxing demulcents and emollients. Cf. J. W. Estes, Dictionary of Protopharmacology: Therapeutic Practices, 1700-1850 (Canton, Mass.: Science History Publications, 1990), 8, 181. Towards the end of the 18th century its medical use seems to have become obsolete, the substance being used almost exclusively for perfumery. Cf. F. X. Schwediawer, ‘An Account of Ambergrise’, Philosophical Transactions , lxxiii (1783), 226-41. 100Antimonial preparations and ipecacuanha were widely used as emetics, the former also as diaphoretics and the latter also as an expectorant. On antimony see H. Fischer, Metaphysische, experimentelle und utilitaristische Traditionen in der Antimonliteratur zur Zeit der “wissenschaftlichen Revolution” (1520-1820) (Braunschweig: Technische Universität, 1988). On the introduction of ipecacuanha from South America since the middle of the 17th century see S. Engelen, ‘Die Einführung der Radix Ipecacuanha in Europa’ (Med. Diss. Düsseldorf, 1967/68). 101On Anton Störck’ s trials with hemlock as an internal and external remedy for cancer see Schweppe, ‘Experimentelle Arzneimittelforschung’; idem and Probst, ‘Versuche zur medikamentösen Karzinomtherapie’ in Ganzinger et al., Festschrift für Erna Lesky . In response to Störck, John Andrée, co-founder and first physician of the London Hospital, published in 1761 his and other London practitioners’ experiences with hemlock in the internal treatment of cancer. The new therapy failed, patients showing typical symptoms of hemlock poisoning. See Lawrence, Charitable Knowledge, 246-7. On Johann Jakob Wepfer’s observations and experiments on water hemlock poisoning, see Maehle, Johann Jakob Wepfer. As a reflection of the hemlock’s “double” role see W. Watson, ‘A Letter… Concerning Some Persons being Poisoned by Eating Boiled Hemlock’, Philosophical Transactions , xliii (1744), 18-22, and idem, ‘An Account of the Cicuta, Recommended by Dr. Storke {sic}’, 50 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

ibid., lii (1761), 89-93. William Alexander almost killed himself in self-experiments with camphor; see Alexander, Experimental Essays , 127-37, and idem, ‘Experiments with Camphire’, Philosophical Transactions , lvii (1767), 65-71. 102On the experiments with Indian arrow poisons (curare), especially by Fontana, and on the toxicological observations and experiments on cherry laurel (containing hydrocyanic acid), as reported in the Philosophical Transactions , see Earles, ‘Studies in the Development’, and Knoefel, Felice Fontana , 283-7, 301-2. On henbane poisoning see for example H. Sloane, ‘An Account of Symptoms Arising from Eating the Seeds of Henbane, with Their Cure’, Philosophical Transactions , xxxviii (1733), 99-101. 103W . Jones, ‘An Account of Two Cases of Insanity, One of which was Cured by the Use of the Fox-Glove: also a Case of Hemoptysis, Cured by the Same Remedy’, Medical Commentaries , xi (1786), 302- 16; J. Mason Fox, ‘History of a Case of Insanity, Cured by the Use of the Digitalis purpurea’, ibid., xiv (1789), 261-70. 104C. M. Foust, Rhubarb: the Wondrous Drug (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 136-57; J. Hope, ‘Extract of a Letter… to Dr. Pringle; dated Edinburgh, 24 September, 1765’, Philosophical Transactions , lv (1765), 290-3. 105See Withering’s bibliography in Aronson, Account of the Foxglove , 265-7. 106W . Withering, An Account of the Foxglove, and Some of Its Medical Uses: with Practical Remarks on Dropsy, and Other Diseases (Birmingham: M. Swinney, 1785). 107On all of these articles see Aronson, Account of the Foxglove . See also Estes, Hall Jackson . 108Jenkinson, Scottish Medical Societies , 29. 109Cf. Lawrence, Charitable Knowledge , 234-49. 110Wilson, ‘An Enlightenment Science?’. 111J. Geyer-Kordesch, ‘Medizinische Fallbeschreibungen und ihre Bedeutung in der Wissensreform des 17. und 18. Jahrhunderts’, Medizin, Gesellschaft und Geschichte , ix (1990), 7-19; U. Boschung, ‘Albrecht Haller’s Patient Records (Berne 1731-1736)’, Gesnerus, liii (1996), 5-14. 112The designations “Surgeon”, “Physician”, “Professor of… in the University of… ”, “Apothecary”, and “Student of Medicine” have been taken from the headings of the articles, thus giving the professional status as seen by the authors themselves or the editor. 113Emerson, ‘Philosophical Society of Edinburgh, 1737-1747’, 157-8, 161, 167. 51 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

114 Ibid., 157. 115The other vice president was Lord Kames, the other secretary David Hume. Cf. Emerson, ‘Philosophical Society of Edinburgh, 1748- 1768’, 143. 116According to Emerson, however, Duncan’s Commentaries profited from the “exchange of information” that had been promoted by the Philosophical Society. Cf. Emerson, ‘Philosophical Society of Edinburgh, 1768-1783’, 267. 117 Ibid., 266-7, 279; Jenkinson, Scottish Medical Societies , 12-13. 118 Medical and Philosophical Commentaries , i (1773), introduction. See also Porter, ‘Rise of Medical Journalism’. 119St. Bartholomew’s, St. Thomas’s, The Westminster, Guy’s, St. George’s, The London, and The Middlesex Hospital. 120Cf. Lawrence, Charitable Knowledge , 272-86. 121 Ibid., 275. 122See I. Loudon, ‘The Nature of Provincial Medical Practice in Eighteenth-Century England’, Medical History , xxix (1985), 1-32; idem, Medical Care and the General Practitioner, 1750-1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986). 123Lawrence, Charitable Knowledge , 301-10. 124L. Rosner, in the Age of Improvement: Edinburgh Students and Apprentices 1760-1826 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991), 142-6. 125The only pure apothecary in our “pharmacological” samples is Charles Lucas of Dublin with ‘An Essay on Extracting the Acid of Sulphur’, Medical Essays and Observations , v/1 (1742), 183-94. 126See J. G. Burnby, A Study of the English Apothecary from 1660 to 1760 (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1983), 62-78. Burnby’s main examples of “apothecaries” contributing in a major way to medicine – John Fothergill, John Coakley Lettsom, William Withering, and Edward Jenner – were actually physicians who had been apprenticed to an apothecary or surgeon-apothecary at the beginning of their careers. Cf. ibid., 72-6. 127R. Porter, ‘The Patient in England, c.1660-c.1800’, in A. Wear (ed.), Medicine in Society: Historical Essays (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 91-118; Porter, Health for Sale , 22-5, 36-43. 128Burnby , Study of the English Apothecary , 8-13; G. E. Trease, Pharmacy in History (London: Baillière, Tindall and Cox, 1964), 151-2; H. J. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 246-50. 129R. Porter and D. Porter, ‘The Rise of the English Drugs Industry: the Role of Thomas Corbyn’, Medical History , xxxiii (1989), 277-95. 52 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

130Cook, ‘Practical Medicine and the British Armed Forces’. 131Porter, Health for Sale ;M. H. Nicolson, ‘Ward’s “Pill and Drop” and Men of Letters’, Journal of the History of Ideas , xxix (1968), 177-96. 132Habrich, ‘Characteristic Features’; Lanz, Arzneimittel , 157-8, 170-1; R. Wilson, ‘Die Halleschen Waisenhausmedikamente und die “Höchst nöthige Erkenntnis” im amerikanischen Kolonialstaat Georgia’, NTM – Schriftenreihe für Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften, Technik und Medizin , xxviii (1991), 109-28. 133Brockliss and Jones, The Medical World of Early Modern France , 628- 9, 769-79; M. Ramsey, ‘Property Rights and the Right to Health: the Regulation of Secret Remedies in France, 1789-1815’, in Bynum and Porter, Medical Fringe , 79-105. 134See Goodman, ‘Excitantia’. 135See D. L. Cowen, ‘The Edinburgh Pharmacopoeia’, Medical History , i (1957), 123-39; idem, ‘The Edinburgh Pharmacopoeia’ in R. G. W. Anderson and A. D. C. Simpson (eds), The Early Years of the Edinburgh (Edinburgh: Royal Scottish Museum, 1976), 25-45; Matthews, History of Pharmacy in Britain , 74-83; J. Kühn, Untersuchungen zur Arzneischatzverringerung in Deutschland um 1800 (Braunschweig: Technische Universität, 1976). 136H. D. Gaub, Libellus de methodo concinnandi formulas medicamentorum (Leyden: C. Wishoff, 1739), 3-4 (my translation). 137 Ibid., 7-9. 138Cf. Matthews, History of Pharmacy in Britain , 79-80. 139H. Pemberton (transl.), The Dispensatory of the Royal College of Physicians, London , 2nd edn (London: T. Longman and J. Nourse, 1748), 3-4. 140 Ibid., viii-x. 141For a recent survey and discussion of Francis Bacon’s thoughts on the “instauration” of science see B. Gower, Scientific Method: an Historical and Philosophical Introduction (London: Routledge, 1997), 40-62. 142For major developments in pharmacology and therapeutics in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries see W. F. Bynum, ‘Chemical Structure and Pharmacological Action: a Chapter in the History of 19th Century Molecular Pharmacology’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, xliv (1970), 518-38; J. Parascandola, The Development of American Pharmacology: John J. Abel and the Shaping of a Discipline (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); M. H. Bickel, ‘Eli K. Marshall, Jr. (1889-1966): From Biochemistry and Physiology to Pharmacology and Pharmacokinetics’, Drug Metabolism Reviews , xxviii (1996), 311-44; idem, ‘Carl Binz (1832- 53 Andreas-Holger Maehle - 9789004333291 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 04:33:25AM via free access Features of Eighteenth-Century Pharmacology

1913): an Early Pioneer of Pharmacology and Chemotherapy’, Pharmacy in History , xxxviii (1996), 134-9; Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective . 143An up-to-date overview of this research branch and its current trends is given in H.-J. Rheinberger and M. Hagner, ‘Plädoyer für eine Wissenschaftsgeschichte des Experiments’, Theory in Biosciences , cxvi (1997), 11-31.

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