REVISITING THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS ON THE PORTAL OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE CHURCH IN JERUSALEM*
For centuries, pilgrims carved their names on the columns flanking the southern entrance to the Holy Sepulchre Church in Jerusalem in a variety of scripts – Greek, Latin, Arabic, Armenian, Georgian, Syriac, and Sla- vonic. This paper is dedicated to the graffiti left there by Georgian pil- grims. The study is based on data that was gathered in the 1980s by the “Rock Inscriptions and Graffiti Project” (RIGP) of the Hebrew Univer- sity of Jerusalem, and on personal observations of the authors. None of the inscriptions has a date; however, most of them can be attributed to the 13th-17th centuries by paleographic criteria and comparative evi- dence of Georgian manuscripts.
1. Research history
The first Georgian traveler who left an account of his pilgrimage to the Holy Land was the Georgian archbishop Ṭimote Gabašvili, who visited the Holy Land in the years 1757-58. His text mentions various evidence of lost Georgian glory “written on stone or in books”1. More detailed evidence comes from the Georgian monk Laurentius of Oḳriba, who made a pil- grimage to the Holy Land in the years 1805-1807, and described “the wooden doors of the Temple [Holy Sepulchre] which were all covered by old Georgian inscriptions”. He also contributed new information regarding the church and the city, and important evidence to the role of Georgians in the Holy Land”2. In the year 1883 Alexander Cagareli, an eminent Georgian scholar who was sent on an expedition to the Holy Land and Sinai to document and study Georgian antiquities, examined the inscriptions of the Holy Sepulchre. His report displays no special excitement: “I saw Georgian letters, or better to say, scratches, on the wall near the main doors. But those, as much as I could see, were only the names of pilgrims, besides – they were late ones”3.
* This article was written in Hebrew University of Jerusalem, during my research project conducted in the Center for the Study of Christianity (T. Pataridze). 1 GABASHVILI, Pilgrimage, p. 144-145. 2 Cit. according to CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 114. 3 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 115.
Le Muséon 129 (3-4), 395-422. doi: 10.2143/MUS.129.3.3180785 - Tous droits réservés. © Le Muséon, 2016. 396 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
For almost a century the Georgian inscriptions of the Holy Sepulchre remained neglected. The first attempt to collect the graffiti of pilgrims in the Holy Land was made in the 1980’s by members of the RIGP, directed by Michael E. Stone. Work concentrated primarily on the inscriptions of the Sinai Peninsula, to which were added the graffiti from the main holy places: the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, the Church of Nativity in Bethlehem, etc.4. The latter, which remains largely unpublished, includes numerous inscriptions on the entrance to the Holy Sepulchre5. Even in the case of this site, which is open to the public and researchers alike, the graphic and photographic documentation of RIGP is crucial, since some of the inscriptions have partially deteriorated already, or have even been demolished6. A preliminary account of the Georgian graffiti of the Holy Sepulchre has been written by the Georgian scholar G. Gagošiʒe7: these inscriptions are revisited in this study.
2. The Southern Portal of the Holy Sepulchre
The well-known entrance to the Holy Sepulchre8 has been in service for almost 900 years. In July 15, 1149, the fiftieth anniversary commem- orating the capture of the Holy City by the Crusaders, the renovated build- ing was dedicated9. Three entrances led to the original Crusader structure: on the west, the entrance from Patriarch Street; on the south, the large twin doors to the large new parvis, from the street connecting the city market with Patriarch Street; and a minor entrance from the parvis through the stairway leading to Calvary. The southern façade of the church is one of the most remarkable and eclectic examples of Crusader architecture, combining various decorative styles and media, new and reused frag- ments. It incorporates Byzantine and even Roman elements – columns,
4 STONE, The Rock Inscriptions. The Armenian, Georgian, Latin, and Ethiopian inscrip- tions from Sinai were published separately by VAN ESBROECK, The Georgian Inscriptions; ADLER, Latin Inscriptions; and PUECH, Une inscription éthiopienne. 5 The Syriac inscriptions were published independently of the RIGP work: BROCK et al., The Syriac Inscriptions. 6 The authors are indebted to M.E. Stone of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for his kind permission to use the RIGP collection. 7 GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions. 8 Literature on the architecture and archaeology of the Holy Sepulchre Church is enor- mous. To mention only a few main studies: COÜASNON, The Church of the Holy Sepulchre; CORBO, Il Santo Sepolcro; PATRICH, The Early Church of the Holy Sepulchre; GIBSON – TAYLOR, Beneath the Church; BIDDLE, The Tomb of Christ; KRUGER, Die Grabeskirche; PRINGLE, The Churches, p. 6-72. 9 However, the renovation was not completed before 1167-1169. BIDDLE, The Tomb of Christ, p. 89-98. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 397 capitals, and frieze fragments10. The double portal, echoed by a double window in the upper storey, had marble lintels adorned with relief decora- tion. The left lintel depicts the events of the Holy Week, from the Raising of Lazarus to the Last Supper, and the right one presents a wine scroll, inhabited with fantastic beasts: centaurs, harpies, etc.11. It is possible that the pair of lintels was chosen with specific intent: the right door, deco- rated with symbols of temporal and ephemeral human nature, was intended for entrance, and the left one, symbolizing the imperishable nature of Christ, for exit12. The tympana above the entrance were originally deco- rated with mosaics – the Virgin and Child above the left door, Christ appearing to Mary Magdalene above the right13. The portal is flanked by two groups of three marble columns, with the third group between the two doors. The columns, clearly spolia from Byzantine structures, include three types of white-greyish Proconnesian marble and the dark green verde antico. The Crusader loss of Jerusalem to Salah ad-Din in 1187 led to signifi- cant changes in the Holy Sepulchre complex. The western entrance to the church was blocked, and never reopened. The southern, main entrance was narrowed: the eastern doorway of the double portal was walled up, leaving only one side for passage. The concentration of Georgian inscriptions on both sides of the left entrance clearly shows that the graffiti postdate this modification. The stairway leading to Calvary was turned into the Latin Chapel of Our Lady of Sorrows, known also as Chapel of the Franks. The columns that supported the Crusader arcade in the southern side of the parvis were removed and sent to Mecca in the 13th century. A relatively low but massive wall was erected opposite the central columns of the entrance. It formed part of the diwan of the Muslim doorkeepers, narrow- ing the passage even more. Notably, no Georgian inscriptions were pre- served on the lower part of the central columns and on their bases, which were blocked by the diwan wall. In 1808 the church was considerably damaged by fire. In the subsequent restoration of 1809-1810, the wooden doors were removed, and with them the inscriptions that were described by the monk Laurentius14.
10 A number of studies were dedicated to the decorative scheme of the southern portal of the church. See: KENAAN-KEDAR, Local Christian Art, esp. p. 221-227; PRAWER, The Lintels; ROSEN-AYALON, The Façade; KÜHNEL, Der Rankenfries; FOLDA, The Art of the Crusaders, p. 214-229; HUNT, Artistic and Cultural Inter-Relations; REUVEN, Early Moslem Capitals. 11 The marble lintels were removed to the Palestine Archaeological Museum by the British authorities after the earthquake of 1927. 12 HUNT, Artistic and Cultural Inter-Relations, p. 75. 13 PRINGLE, The Churches, p. 55. 14 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 114. 398 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
3. Georgians and the Holy Sepulchre Church
Georgian monks in the Holy Land appear in various historical, hagio- graphic, and pilgrimage sources since the 5th century AD. The earliest archaeological evidence of Georgian presence is dated to the same time15. Pilgrims’ inscriptions bear witness to active pilgrim-traffic from Georgia to Palestine and Sinai from the 5th century onward16. It is astonishing how soon after the adoption of Christianity Georgians began to go on pilgrim- age to the Holy Places. At this very early stage they succeeded in reaching even the most distant sanctuaries, which were not always part of the stand- ard pilgrimage. Surprisingly, the earliest Georgian graffiti were preserved in these distant places – Nazareth and Sinai. There is little doubt that pil- grims would not have bypassed the major sanctuaries of the Nativity and the Resurrection on their way to the more remote pilgrimage centers, and therefore the absence of early Georgian pilgrims’ graffiti in Jerusalem and Bethlehem can only be explained as random preservation. In the 11th century the Georgians began to settle in the vicinity of the Holy Sepulchre Church. Evidence to the existence of the Georgian “Mon- astery of Golgotha” dates to 1049. Colophons preserve names of monks that translated and copied manuscripts here: the hegumen Iovane Gol- goteli, Mikaeli, Nisṭereoni, and Ḳviriḳe aġdgomeli17. Most probably, the monastery was established as a result of King Bagrat IV (1027-1072) par- ticipation in the Byzantine project of rebuilding the Holy Sepulchre Church, which had been destroyed by Caliph al-Ḥakim18. At the same time the Georgian community renovated the Monastery of the Holy Cross, which will remain the main spiritual and cultural center of the Georgians in the Holy Land for almost half a millennium19. Georgian presence in the church was interrupted by the Crusaders, and was reestablished only in the 14th century. From this period on, the
15 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki; PERADZE, An Account. The archaeological remains of the ancient Georgian monasteries and epigraphic material that dates to the Byzantine and Early Islamic periods were first discovered in the 1930s, and the corpus is constantly growing. See ILLIFE, Cemeteries and “Monastery”; CORBO, Monastero di Bir El-Qutt; LANDAU – AVI YONAH, Excavations of the Family Vault; DI SEGNI, The Date of the Beit Safafa Inscription; SELIGMAN, A Georgian Monastery; IDEM, Excavations at the Georgian Monastery. 16 TCHEKHANOVETS, Early Georgian Pilgrimage. 17 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 182-183; TOMADZE, Literaturnye chkoly. 18 OUSTERHOUT, Rebuilding the Temple, with further references. 19 The Monastery of the Holy Cross to the west of Jerusalem was renovated by the Georgian monk Prochorus Shavsheli in 1050-60. The construction of the monastery church was completed ca. 1056, the oldest manuscript of the Holy Cross scriptorium (Sin. Geo. 77) is dated to 1055: vAN ESBROECK, Le couvent de Sainte-Croix. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 399
Georgian community had full possession of Golgotha20. The sources of the Armenians, their main competitors for possession of the holy place, state that the first attempt to gain the rights for the Place of Crucifixion goes back to 1316. The struggle between the Georgians and the Armenians continued, with varying degree of success, for two centuries21. Scattered evidence also testifies to Georgian possession of other parts of the Holy Sepulchre complex: the Chapel of the Finding of the Holy Cross; the Chapels of St. Helena, St. Mary Magdalene, and the Prison of Christ; and the chapel on the footsteps of Golgotha, the burial place of the Latin Kings of Jerusalem22. A number of treaties that were signed between the Geor- gian kings and the Egyptian Mamelukes during the 15th-early 16th centu- ries guaranteed the special rights of the Georgian community in the Holy Places. In addition to parts of the Holy Sepulchre Church, the community owned fifteen monasteries and nunneries in Jerusalem, as well as altars in Gethsemane, the Nativity Church in Bethlehem, and the Monastery of St. Catherine in Sinai23. However, the community lost its influence after the Ottoman conquest of the Holy Land, and gradual loss of all the Geor- gian property ensued in the 17th-18th centuries. There is evidence to the Georgians being one of the Christian commu- nities that controlled the Holy Sepulchre Church since the middle of the 11th century and until the beginning of the 17th century. This evidence seems to constitute a relevant background for a discussion of the Geor- gian inscriptions from the portal of the Holy Sepulchre.
4. The Inscriptions
To facilitate the reading, the columns that have inscriptions on them will be numbered from left to the right. Columns 1-3 are to the left of the open entrance; columns 4-8 to the right. Georgian inscriptions were found on columns 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 (Fig. 1).
20 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 57-61; PERADZE, An Account, p. 217-218. 21 TER-HOVHANNESIANTS, Chronological History, p. 222-229, presents the translation of numerous archival documents in the possession of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jeru- salem. See also: SAWALANIANTS, History of Jerusalem, р. 533-535. We thank Fr. Pakrat Berjekian of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem for his generous help with the Arme- nian sources. For a brief overview of the struggle between the Armenians and Georgians over Golgotha, see also SANJIAN, The Armenian Communities, p. 172-173. 22 For review of relevant sources see PERADZE, An Account, p. 218-220. 23 The first list of the Georgian property in Jerusalem was compiled by archbishop Ṭimote Gabašvili in 1758: GABASHVILI, Pilgrimage, p. 140-141. See also CAGARELI, Pami- atniki, p. 89-130; VAN ESBROECK, Le couvent de Sainte-Croix. The location of certain mon- asteries remains in doubt. 400 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
The inscriptions are written in the Asomtavruli and Nusxuri scripts, although they date to a period in which the Mxedruli script was also in use24. The reason for excluding the Mxedruli script can be found in it being used primarily for non-religious purposes. It should be noted that repertories containing information about Geor- gian clergy and pilgrims associated with the Holy Land are published and analyzed. An example is the study of the agapae of the Monastery of the Holy Cross by E. Meṭreveli. The agapae give invaluable information about the activities of the community in the 13th-17th centuries25. Meṭreveli’s work complements the repertory available in the Sin. Geo. 77 manuscript. The final quire of Sin. Geo. 77 was written by a later hand than the main body of the text, and offers a Synodikon with a long list of the names of Georgian clergy who worshipped in the Holy Land and Sinai, ktetors of the Georgian monasteries and the eminent pilgrims who visited holy places26; all with requests for divine mercy27. The main part of the manuscript is from the 13th-15th centuries, while most of the final quire was written at the beginning of 15th century, and gradually added to during the 15th- 16th centuries28.
24 The Georgian alphabet had three stages of development. Between the 5th-10th cen- turies the uncial Asomtavruli script was primarily used. In the 9th century, the Nusxuri script first appeared, and developed as a cursive variety of Asomtavruli. It is first attested in the inscription of Aṭenis Sioni (AD 835), and is present in the colophon of Sinai Polykephalon which was copied at St. Sabbas monastery in AD 864. From the 10th century the number of manuscripts written in the Nusxuri script increased considerably. The first use of the third, Mxedruli script, is attested in the inscription of the same Aṭenis Sioni (AD 982-986), demonstrating that by the 10th century all three scripts were used concur- rently. Nevertheless, the Asomtavruli and Nusxuri scripts were primarily used in religious literature, while Mxedruli script was considered as the most appropriate for secular litera- ture. Since the 17th century all types of texts have been written in Mxedruli, which is the only remaining script today. 25 MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History. This publication compiles the repertory of agapae from different sources, carefully dated and analyzed: Jer. Iber. 24-25, a Synaxarium which began in the 11th century, and continued to compile the repertory of agapae from the Monastery of the Holy Cross until the 13th-14th centuries. This material was first published by MARR, Sinodik. Another source are the parchment folios containing agapae from the Monastery of the Holy Cross, which were brought to Leipzig in 1845 by Constantin von Tischendorf. Meṭreveli dates the first part of this repertory to the 13th-15th centuries, and its second part to the 15th-beginning of the 17th centuries. 26 CAGARELI was the first scholar to pay attention to this list. It is partly reproduced in CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 218-221. The text was published again by ǮAVAXIŠVILI, Catalogue, p. 241-251. For the integral edition based on a thorough study, see ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika. 27 This repertory, which apears on ff. 129r-205v, has a general title: ძოსახსენებელი და ძატიანე პატიოსნისა წძიდისა ძონასტრისა, ღძრთისა დაძყარებულისა სინაჲსაჲ [Commemoration and Chronicle of the Honourable Holy Sinai Monastery Established by the Lord]. 28 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 61-62 and 194. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 401
Column 1 INSCR. 1 (RIGP GEO HS 2) Right side, 199 cm above ground; length: 9.5 cm; height: 3.5 cm; Asomtavruli script (Fig. 2). ბა(რ)თ(ო)ლ(ო)ძ(ე)ს შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ God have mercy on Bartolome.
Bartolome is mentioned in the manuscript Sin. Geo. 77: “ბართოლოძეს და ძისთა ძშ(ო)ბ(ე)ლთა შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God, have mercy on Bartolome and his parents”)29, – dated to the 15th century. Another ბართოლოძე is mentioned by Jer. Iber. 39, dated to the 12th-14th cen- turies30.
Column 2 INSCR. 2 (RIGP 5) Left side, 113 cm above ground. The inscription has three lines: the first is 6.4 cm long and 3.3 cm high; the second is 11 cm long and 4 cm high; and the third is 12.2 cm long and 4.5 cm high. The script is Asomtavruli, but some letters have a features of Nusxuri script (Figs. 3a, 3b). ჯ(უა)რო ქ(რისტე)ს(ო) და ს(ა)ფ(ლავ)ო ქ(რისტ)ესო, შ(ეიწყალ)ე ჯეაKე The Cross of Christ and the tomb of Christ, have mercy on Ǯeaʒe.
The reading of the patronym as suggested by Gagošiʒe – ჯვა(რა)Kე, seems implausible because of the letters e and a which are clearly legible. It should be noted that both of these letters, as well as every other e in this line, have features of the Nusxuri script: they are angular, inclined, and smaller than the letter a. On the other hand, for the reading ჯვა(რა)Kე to be possible, we must consider the letter v to be likewise written in Nusxuri. All the abbreviated words in this inscription are written below the sign ქარაგძა [karagma], which signifies abbreviation. This sign is missing in the full patronym ჯეაKე. As far as we know, there are no common abbreviations that omit consonants from the roots of patronyms, because abbreviations require obvious interpretation. No mention of ჯეაKე, or ჯვარაKე exists in the ancient Georgian sources that relate to the Holy Land.
29 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 167 and 217. 30 G. Gagošiʒe draws attention to this name in GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions, p. 144. The number of the manuscript referred to here, is from the catalog of Cagareli. Carageli him- self did not mention this note, which was copied only by N. Marr in his own catalogue (MARR, A Short Catalogue, number 48). Marr transcribes the commemorative note that mentions Bartolome: MARR, A Short Catalogue, p. 83. However no dating based on palaeography is suggested for this note. Blake could not found this evidence in the library. 402 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
INSCR. 3 (RIGP 8) Left side, 118 cm above ground (Fig. 4). The inscription in Asomtavruli script has four lines, measuring (from the top): 12.5 cm long and 4 cm high; 4.8 cm long and 7 cm high ; 6 cm long and 3.2 cm high; 6 cm long and 3.8 cm high. თოძ(ა) ყ(ო)ფ(ი)ლი ივკ ვნც ბრKნ შ(ეუ)ნ(დო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ Toma previously Ivḳ Vnc brʒn God, have mercy.
The reading at the beginning is unambiguous: თოძ(ა) ყ(ო)ფ(ი)ლი…: “Toma, previously…”, the same is true for the last line: შ(ეუ)ნ(დო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ: “God have mercy”. The middle part of this inscription is quite difficult to interpret. ივკ ვნც ბრKნ are abbreviated words. ივკ must be another name for Toma, his secular name, before he became a monk. Gagošiʒe interpreted the sentence as: თოძ(ა) ყ(ო)ფ(ი)ლი ი(ო)ვ(ა)კ(იძ). ვ(ი)ნც ბრK(ა)ნ(ოს), შ(ეუ)ნ(დო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ: “Iovaḳim, previously Toma. God have mercy (on he) who mentions (him)”. Request of divine mercy for anyone who will mention the name of the dedicator is indeed a frequent formula, even if it is more usual to use the verb ძოიჴსენოს instead of ბრK(ა)ნ(ოს)31. It seems that there is a mention of the name Ioaḳim in the Church of Nativity in Bethlehem, precisely in the same location, on the column just to the right of the door leading to the grotto of the Nativity. The column is now incorporated in the newly constructed wall. The inscription says: ქ(რისტე) ღ(ძერთ)ო შ(ეიწყალ)ე იოკი ქ… ლელი(K ?) 32 [Christ God, have mercy on Ioḳi k…leli(ʒ ?)] (Fig. 5). The reading Iovaḳim, which Gagošiʒe suggests, poses a problem of uncom- mon abbreviation, which is formed by omitting the last consonant of the
31 Similar requests: “ესე ჯუარი ბარნაბაჲსი რ(ოძელძა)ნ აღძოიკითხოს, ლოცვა[სა ძოძიჴსენეთ]” (“Anyone who will read this cross of Barnabas, please, mention me in prayer”): FÄHNRICH, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, p. 38-39 and ŠOŠIAŠVILI, Corpus, p. 84; “სალოცველად ჩეძდა და Kძათა ჩეძთა ძეოხებისათჳს ყოველსა ჭირსა აძას საწუთროს და საუკუნეს და ვინ აღძოიკითხოს ლოვცასა ძოძიჴსენიეთ” (“…to pray for me and for the assistance of my brothers in all pains occurring in this world and the one who will read this please, mention me in your prayer”): FÄHNRICH, Das ältesten geor- gischen Inschriften, p. 64, and ŠOŠIAŠVILI, Corpus, p. 103; “... და როძელთა აღძოიკითხოთ, ძე, ბეჟან ცოდვილი ლოცვასა ძოძიჴსენეთ” (“…anyone who will read this, please men- tion me, the sinner Bejan, in your prayer”): FÄHNRICH, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, p. 71-72, and ŠOŠIAŠVILI, Corpus, p. 107; “როძელძან თ(აჳყან)ისცეს ს(უ)ლი ჩუენი ლოცვასა ძოიჴსენენ” (“anyone who will venerate it, please, mention our soul”): FÄHN- RICH, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, p. 69-70, and ŠOŠIAŠVILI, Corpus, p. 105; “ვინ წაიკითხოთ, ლოცვა ყავთ” (“anyone who will read this, pray”): VAN ESBROECK, The Georgian Inscriptions, p. 174. 32 იოაკიძ ქართლელი (Ioaḳim from Kartli) is the reading proposed by GAGOŠIƷE, Georgian Inscriptions, p. 35. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 403 first name. In the case of Iovaḳim for example, the usual abbreviation would be Ivḳm or Iḳm33 instead of Ivḳ or Ioḳi. It should also be pointed out that the monastic and secular names often, although not always, begin with the same letter. Clearly, this is not the case if Toma was indeed replaced by Iovaḳim. If Iovaḳim can be consid- ered a legitimate reading, then the only Iovaḳim known in the context of the Holy Land is an abbot of the Monastery of the Holy Cross ca. 1538 AD. He was mentioned in the inscription on the Patriarchal throne which was donated by the Georgians to the Holy Sepulchre: “The King of the Geor- gians and Kakhetians, King Leon, sent Ioakim, Abbot of the Cross, with money, and he rebuilt Christ’s ruined Sepulchre and Golgotha”34. There is no other information about this Iovaḳim’s other name or his origin (from Kartli). A certain Toma is mentioned by the agape of the Monastery of the Holy Cross as someone who offered money and an icon to the monas- tery. Paleographically this note is datable to the 12th-13th centuries, a date that seems too early for the present inscription on paleographic consideration35.
INSCR. 4 (RIGP 4) At the centre of the column, 182 cm above ground (Fig. 6), there is an Asomtavruli inscription consisting of two lines: the first line is 7 cm long and 3 cm high, and the second is 6 cm long and 3 cm high. იოს(ე)ბს შ(ეეწიე)ნ ღ(ძერთძა)ნ May God have mercy on Ioseb.
Three abbots of the Monastery of the Cross in Jerusalem were called Ioseb36: the first lived in the 14th-15th centuries, the second, at the end of the 16th century, and the third was an abbot in 1666. There was also Ioseb Xunṭusʒe, a priest of the Church of Resurrection in the 13th-14th centuries. The first Ioseb is associated with two agapae of the Monastery of the Holy Cross, which were written by “archimandrite Ioseb”. These aga- pae, from the end of 14th century, determine the commemoration days
33 Iovaḳim is a name with a consonantic root, and it is usual to preserve the last con- sonant of the root in the abbreviated form. 34 See GABASHVILI, Pilgrimage, p. 134 and 139; MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 37. The throne vanished in the fire of 1808. 35 For this Toma see MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 103 and 173. 36 See the list of the abbots of the Monastery of the Holy Cross which was compiled by MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 37, 40; VAN ESBROECK, Le couvent de Sainte- Croix, p. 146; GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions, p. 143. 404 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS for the donors of the monastery37. Other agapae that were written by Ioseb the abbot, date to the end of the 14th-beginning of the 15th centuries38. There is also a note in Jer. Iber. 15 saying : “აძა წიგნისა შეძკაზძავსა პატრონსა ჯვარისა ძონასტრისა არქიძანდრიტსა ძაძას იოსებს შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God have mercy on the head of the Cross monastery, archimandrite father Ioseb, the binder of this book”)39. Ioseb Xunṭusʒe is mentioned numerous times: “სულსა აძა წიგნისა კაზძავსა აღდგოძელსა იოსებს ხუნტუს Kესა... ძისსა ძაძასა გობნასა და ძეუღლესა ძისსა ძზექალს შ(ეუნდო)ს ღძერთძან” (“God have mercy on the soul of the binder of this book Ioseb Xunṭusʒe from the (Church) of the Resurrection and on his father Gobna and his wife Mzekala”), Jer. Iber. 2 (14th-16th cent.)40; “შეძკაზძელი იოსებ ყოფილი – იონაჲ ძღდელ- ძონაზონი ხუნტუსKე” (“the bookbinder former Ioseb, (now) Iona, the hieromonachus Xunṭusʒe”), Jer. Iber. 111 (12th-14th cent.)41, and in the same manuscript, catalogued by Blake as Jer. Iber. 51 (12th cent.) – იოსებ ყოფილისაჲ [ი]ონაჲ ხუნტუს Kისა;42 in the Sin. Geo. 77 he is metioned twice: სულსა ი(ოვა)ნე – ყოფილსა ი(ო)ს(ე)ბს, ხუნტუსKესა, შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ [God have mercy on the soul of Ioane for- mer – Ioseb Xunṭusʒe] and სულსა ი(ოვა)ნე – ყ(ო)ფილსა ი(ო)ს(ე)ბს, შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ (“God have mercy on the soul of Ioane, for- mer – Ioseb”)43. According to paleographic analysis, both entries in the Sin. Geo. 77 date to the second half of the 15th century44. On the basis of these sources, it seems likely that this person named Iona/Iovane, or Ioseb in his secular life, became hieromonachus of the Church of Resurrection
37 See agapae 96 and 110 in MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 87, 144, and 89, 147 respectively. 38 See agapae 19, 82 and 208 in MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 81 and 123, 86 and 117, and 98 and 164 respectively. 39 A. Cagareli dates this manuscript to the 11th century, but the note dates to the 13th- 16th centuries: CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 156. Blake dates this manuscript (his number 76) to the 16th century, because it was “écrit en l’an 32 du régime des Turcs (1517+32=1549)” (“დაიწერა წინაშე წ(ძიდი)სა საფლავისა წელსა ლბ (32) თურქთა ქონებისასა”): BLAKE, Catalogue des manuscrits, 4/24, p. 409. Metreveli dates the manuscript to the 13th-14th centuries, and the above-mentioned note to the 14th-15th centuries, saying that they refer to the same Ioseb, the first abbot of the Monastery: MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 47. 40 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 153. The same manuscript is catalogued by Blake as No. 66. Blake noticed that Jer. Iber. 66, which he dated to the 13th-14th centuries, was repaired by Ioseb Xunṭusʒe in the 17th century: “Le réparateur (XVIIe siècle) du manu- scrit s’appelait Ioseb Khuntusdze (fol. 240v)”, BLAKE, Catalogue des manuscrits, 4/24, p. 400. 41 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 174. 42 BLAKE, Catalogue des manuscrits, 4/24, p. 393. 43 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 177 and 225. 44 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 405 in Jerusalem. He was the binder of two manuscripts in the Jerusalem col- lection. Ioseb Xunṭusʒe’s activity should be dated to the 15th century and not to the 17th century, as Blake assumed.
Column 3 INSCR. 5 (RIGP 12) The Asomtavruli inscription is split by a breaking line (Fig. 7). The inscription is 14.5 cm long, the letters are 5.5 cm high. ნიკ(ოლოზ) გ(რ)K(ე)ლს შ(ეუნდვე)ნ ღ(ძერთძა)ნ God have mercy on Niḳoloz G(r)ʒeli.
Three letters are clearly legible in the first name niḳ. The following letter is only partly preserved, and it may be l or e. Since there are no more letters before, the reading თორნიკე becomes impossible and the name should presumably be ნიკოლოზ. The same Niḳoloz G(r)ʒeli left his mark in the Church of Nativity in Bethlehem, on the first column to the left, next to the newly built wall adjacent to the entrance to the grotto (Fig. 8 and 9). This inscription is almost identical: ნიკ(ო)ლ(ოზ)ს გ(რ)K(ელ)ს შ(ეუნდვე)ნ ღ(ძერთძა)ნ (“God have mercy on Niḳoloz G(r)ʒ(el)i”). The only Niḳoloz known in the context of the Holy Land was an influ- ential person named ნიკოლოზ in his secular life, who became ნიკიფორე (Niḳipore), an abbot of the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem in 1643-1649 AD45. However, his family name was Čoloqašvili,̇ which rules out any possible identification with the visitor of the Holy Sepulchre and the Nativity Church. Gʒeli/Grʒeli is a known surname/patronym in Georgian onomastic. For example, the colophon of Sinai Polykephalon Sin. Geo. 32-33-57 (864 AD) mentions გრიგოლი გრKელი (Grigoli Grʒeli)46. სტეფანე გრKელი (Stepane Grʒeli) is mentioned in Jer. Iber. 119 (10th-11th centuries)47.
45 Three surviving building inscriptions in the Monastery of the Holy Cross refer to this person, saying that thanks to the donation of the Georgian Prince Levon Dadiani, abbot Niḳipore-Niḳoloz repaired the Church in 1643 AD: CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 243 and 250; GABASHVILI, Pilgrimage, p. 140, see also p. 145; a great number of agapae are linked to abbot Niḳipore’s name, see MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 47, 74, 76, 79-81, 83, 87, 88, 95, 102, 106. 46 “ძე ძაკარი ლეთელელი Kჱ გრიგოლი გრKელისაჲ ცოდვილი ფრიად ღირს ძყო ღძერთძან შესაქძედ წძიდისა აძის წიგნისა ძრავალთავისა” (“God gave grace to me, Maḳari Leteleli, son of Grigoli Grʒeli, to create this holy book of Polycephalion”): see GARITTE, Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens, p. 94. 47 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 178; BLAKE, Catalogue des manuscrits, 3/23, p. 411-412, Jer. Iber. 32. 406 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
INSCR. 6 (RIGP 11) At the central part there is an Asomtavruli inscription of two lines: the first line is 10 cm long and 3.5 cm high, and the second is 9.9 cm long and 4.7 cm high (Fig. 10). ს(ა)ფლ(ავ)ო ქ(რ)ი(სტეს)ი შ(ეიწყალ)ე ს(უ)ლი ჩ(ე)ძი The tomb of Christ, have mercy on my soul.
INSCR. 7 (RIGP 13) On the wall between the third column and the wooden door, 269 cm above ground, there is a carved Asomtavruli inscription, 22 by 13 cm. (Figs. 11 and 12)48. ს(ა)ფლ(ავ)ო ქ(რისტ)ე(ს)ო შ(ეიწყალ)ე ს(ო)ფ(რო)ნ The tomb of Christ, have a mercy on Sopron.
Gagošiʒe already pointed out that the name სოფრონ is mentioned in two manuscripts in the Jerusalem collection49. Indeed, Jer. Iber. 12, which is dated to the 11th century50, has a note written by a “later hand” that mentions “ცოდვილი სოფრონ, შეგირდი ყოველთა” (“a sinner Sopron, disciple of everyone”). Interesting testimony is found also in Jer. Iber. 93 (14th-16th centuries)51, where it says: “აძა წიგნისა შეძძოსავსა, ცოდვილსა საბა, ყოფილსა სოფრონს, შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“May God have mercy on the sinner Saba, former Sopron, binder of this book”). The same Sopron is likewise named in the manuscript Jer. Iber. 39 (12th-14th centuries)52, which mentions the Georgian kings Aleksandre (1389-1442) and his son Giorgi VIII († 1469), and immediately continues to say: “ფ(რია)დ ცოდვილსა საბა ყოფილსა სოფრონს შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God have mercy on the greatest sinner Saba, previously Sopron”). This Sopron is undoubtedly the same person who left his signature on the entrance to the Church of St. Nicholas in Jerusalem53: “ცოდვ(ი)ლს
48 Precise measurements are not available due to the distance of the inscription from the ground. 49 GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions, p. 139. 50 MARR, A Short Catalogue, p. 68. For this manuscript see also BLAKE, Catalogue des manuscrits, 3/23, p. 376-377, and CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 176-177. 51 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 171. For Blake this is manuscript Jer. Iber. 119 (13th- 14th cent): Catalogue des manuscrits, p. 427, but he did not cite this note. See also GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions, p. 139. 52 CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 165. Blake did not find this manuscript in the Jerusalem collection. 53 See GAGOŠIƷE, Georgian Inscriptions, p. 36. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 407
ს(ა)ბა ყო(ფი)ლს სოფრ(ო)ნს შ(ეუ)ნ(დო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God have mercy on the sinner Saba, previously Sopron”) (Fig. 13). Presumably, we have here a monk who worshipped in the 15th century in the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem and paid for the binding of manuscript(s), or bound them himself, and probably left his name on the stone of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher54.
Column 4 INSCR. 8 (RIGP 15) On the lower part of the fourth column several Asomtavruli inscriptions are carved (Figs. 14 and 15). დ(ავი)თ შ(ეიწყალე)ნ ღ(ძერთძა)ნ [ა](ძე)ნ God have mercy on Davit.
David (დავითი/Davit) is a very common name in the Georgian tradi- tion, and it is therefore difficult to identify this person without further information. Indeed, many agapae are dedicated to different Davids who were donors to the Monastery of the Holy Cross55. There are also numer- ous commemorations of David in the manuscript Sin. Geo. 7756.
INSCR. 9 (RIGP 19) The next inscription is 8.8 cm long, with letters 5 cm high. It is written in the Nusxuri script (Fig. 16) and reads as follows: ქ(რისტ)ე, შ(ეიწყალ)ე იოს(ებ)/იოს(ია) Christ have mercy on Ios(eb) (Iosia?)
Of the first name only Ios is preserved, and it may have been either Ioseb or Iosia. We have already discussed the name Ioseb in the context of the Holy Land. No mention of Iosia is known in this context.
INSCR. 10 (RIGP 20) Only a few letters are preserved from the final Asomtavruli inscription on column 4 (Fig. 17). The inscription is 4 cm long, the letters are 3 cm high.
54 Not to be confused with another Saba, who was an abbot of the Monastery of the Holy Cross in the second part of the 13th century. For the list of the abbots see MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 36-40 and VAN ESBROECK, Le couvent de Sainte-Croix, p. 146. 55 Agape 305 refers to a David from the end of 13th and beginning of 14th centuries; another agape, 191 mentions a David in the 14th-15th centuries; a third David is men- tioned in agape 298, which is dated to the 13th-14th centuries. See respectively MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 107 and 177; 96 and 128; 106 and 176. 56 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 166, 168, 170, 172. 408 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
ქ(რისტ)ე, შ(ეძიწყალ)ე Christ, have mercy on me.
Column 5 INSCR. 11 (RIGP 26) Left side, 124 cm above ground; 11.5 cm long, and the letters are 5 cm high. This inscription is the first line associated with the Fig. 18, in which the Nusxuri and the Asomtavruli scripts are used together. The name Mate is written in Nusxuri. Indeed, the letters ძ, ა and ე are already rec- tangular and the letter თ is likewise in Nusxuri script. The letters ღ, შ show characteristics of the Asomtavruli script. ნ is written twice with the Nusxuri feature of significantly angular forms. ძათე ღ(ძერთძა)ნ შ(შეიწყალე)ნ God have mercy on Mate. There is a 16th century agape in the Monastery of the Holy Cross which is dedicated to Mate who, with others, offered a vineyard to the monas- tery57. The Sin. Geo. 77 mentions numerous pilgrims in the 15th century whose name was Mate58. Certain Mate left his signature likewise on the entrance to the St. Nicho- las Church in Jerusalem (Fig. 19), but this inscription is not fully preserved: ქ(რისტ)ე ჳინ რსა ძ(ა)თეს ძთ ისვრსა შ(ეუ)ნ(დო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ ა(ძე)ნ Christ (…) Mate (…), God, have a mercy
INSCR. 12 (RIGP 26) The second line which is associated with the picture in Fig. 18 is in Asomtavruli script, with letters 4.5 cm long and 3.5cm high: გ(რი)გ(ო)ლს To/on Grigol
57 See agapae 161 in MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 94 and 161: “აძასვე დღესა წირვა და აღაპი საუკუნო კანდელაკისა ნიკოდიძესი, ძათესი და ანტონესი. შეძოვსწირეთ ჯუარსა პატიოსანსა ვენაჴი, აძბროსაულსა ვენაჴსა ზედათ არს...” (“this day (will be) for liturgy and agapae eternally for Ḳandelaḳi Niḳodime, Mate and Anṭone. We offered to the (monastery) of the Holy Cross a vineyard (located) under Ambrosauli…” For the same vineyard see also agape 58. 58 “ს(უ)ლსა ძ(ა)თეს და ყ(ოვე)ლთა ძისთა ძიცვ(ა)ლებ(უ)ლთა შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God have mercy on the soul of Mate and have mercy on all his departed”): ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 168, 217; and more: “ძათეს და ძშ(ო)ბ(ე)ლთა ძისთა შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God have mercy on the souls of Mate and his parents”), ibidem, p. 171, 220; “ს(უ)ლსა ძ(ა)თეს და ძისსა ძეუღლესა რუსუდანსა შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God have mercy on the souls of Mate and his wife Rusudan”), ibidem, p. 172, 220. All three commemorative inscriptions are dated to the 15th century. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 409
We consider that the two lines in Fig. 18 were written by different hands, and therefore the dative case of the name “Grigol” may be con- sidered as an independent inscription. The handwriting of the dative case of the abbreviated Grigol (გგლს) is very similar to the dative case of the abbreviated name Germanoz (გერზს), which appears on the same column in Fig. 21 (see below). Thus, both of these proper names in the dative case are autonomous59. Keeping declined proper names as a stand-alone brief version of [God have a mercy] on Grigol or [God have a mercy] on Ger- manoz, is understandable. Deacon Grigol is known in the Monastery of Holy Cross as a binder of the manuscript Jer. Iber. 143 (11th-12th centuries) in 1649 AD60. Cagareli already noticed that the same person is mentioned in the inscription on the main entrance of the Monastery of the Holy Cross, where his image is also depicted in a fresco61. Another Grigol Panasḳerṭeli (გრიგოლ ფანასკერტელი) is known for offering a considerable sum of money to the Monastery of the Holy Cross twice at the end of 13th-beginning of the 14th centuries, as well as donating land. Consequently, six different agapae were dedicated in his memory62.
INSCR. 13 (RIGP 23) On the right side of the column, 133 cm above ground, there is another inscription in Asomtavruli script. It has two lines, the first is 10.5 cm long and 4 cm high, the second 3.5 cm long and 3 cm high (Fig. 20). აშ(ო)ტ შ(ე)ნს(ა) შ(ეეწიე)ნ Have mercy on your Ašoṭ Ashot is clearly an Armenian name. Most probably this visitor belonged to the Chalcedonian Armenian community. There are a few graffiti inscriptions
59 According to GAGOŠIƷE, the two lines refer to the same person who had two names: “ძათე გ(რი)გ(ო)ლს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ შ(ეუნდვე)ნ” (“God have mercy on Mate – Grigol”), GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions, p. 146. If this was indeed the case, it is difficult to understand why the names are written in separate lines, by different hands, and in letters of different size. Two first names are very rare in the Georgian tradition. If the reference is to secular and monastic names, ყოფილი (“previously”) should have been added, as in other inscriptions (see above). 60 “ჯვარო პატიოსანო, შეძიწყალე ძე ცოდვილი აძის შეძკვრელი ფ(რია)დ ცოდვილი დიაკონი გრიგოლ პატიოსნისა ჯვარისა ქართუჱლთა ძონასტრისაჲ” (“Holy Cross, have mercy on me, the great sinner deacon Grigol from the Holy Cross Monastery of the Georgians for (he) made the binding of this (book)”). The note dates to 1649: CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 183. 61 “ქ. ჯვარო, შეიწყალე ცოდვილი დეკანოზი გრიგოლ, აძინ” (“Cross of Christ, have mercy on a sinner deacon Grigol, amen”), CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 241 and see also p. 244. 62 See MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, agapae I.32, I.62, I.70, 123, 135 and 182, p. 72, 75, 90, 92 and 95. For Grigol Panasḳerṭeli see also p. 151-152. 410 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS that were left by Armenian pilgrims using the Georgian language, as for example in the Gareji Laura in Georgia63.
INSCR. 14 (RIGP 25) The last inscription, 124 cm above ground, 8.8 cm long and 5.2 cm high, contains a single proper name written in the Asomtavruli script. (Fig. 21). გერ(ძანო)ზს To Germanoz
Germanoz from the Monastery of the Holy Cross in Jerusalem is men- tioned in Jer. Iber 44 (14th century): “ქრისტეს საფლავო ძილხინე ძე, ცოდვილსა გერძანოზს ჯუარის ძაძას და ცოდვები შეუნდვენ” (“The Tomb of Christ, have mercy on me, sinner Germanoz hegumenos of the Cross, and forgive (my) sins”)64. The reference to Germanoz as the abbot of the Monastery of the Holy Cross makes it possible to trace him in the list of the abbots of the monastery to the 14th century65. Germanoz is also named among the abbots of the monastery in Sin. Geo. 77 : “ძოჴსენებისათ(ჳ)ს და გ(ა)ნსუჱნებისათ(ჳ)ს ჯ(უარ)ისა ძაძათათ(ჳს) – გი(ორგი)სთ(ჳ)ს, ლ(უ)კასთ(ჳ)ს, ძარტიანესთ(ჳ)ს, გ(ა)ბრიელ სანატრელისთ(ჳ)ს, ძარტიანესთ(ჳ)ს, საბასთ(ჳ)ს, სჳძონისთ(ჳ)ს, სჳძონისთ(ჳ)ს, გერძანოზისთ(ჳ)ს, ი(ოვან)ესთჳს ვთქ(უა)თ ყ(ოვე)ლთა, შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“In the commemoration and for the departed Father Supe- riors of the Monastery of the Holy Cross: Giorgi, Luḳa, Marṭiane, Gabriel Sanaṭreli, Marṭiane, Saba, Svimon, Svimon, Germanoz, Iovane, let all of us say this, have mercy”)66 and “სულსა გერძანოზს შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ” (“God, have mercy on the soul of Germanoz”)67. Both of these commem- orations (197v) are from the 15th century. Germanoz is another version of the name Germane, and we should there- fore mention the evidence regarding two members of the Georgian commu- nity called Germane. Germane Zedavelisʒe was known as a book binder68.
63 MIRIANASHVILI, Eulogia Brought from Jerusalem, p. 370. 64 See MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 36, and GAGOŠIƷE, Inscriptions, p. 146. 65 MEṬREVELI, Materials for the History, p. 37. 66 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 165 and 216. 67 ḲLDIAŠVILI, Georgian Monastic Synodika, p. 168 and 218. 68 For Germane Zedavelisʒe see Jer. Iber. 105 (1055 AD), which contains a note writ- ten by a ‘later hand’: “ესე დიდებული და ყ(ოვლა)დ პატიოსანი დიდი ბასილი ძე, ცოდვილძან და საწყალძან გერძანე ძონაზონძან ეზდაველიKეძან შევკაძბე (sic) სულისა საცხოვნებლად ძას ჟაძსა ოდეს ძოწყალებისა კარი ჩუენი აძოხსნეს თათართა და ზღუდე გაათავეს ... სულსა გერძანეს ეზდაველიKესა და ძისსა ძეუღლესა თაძარს და ძისთა დედა-ძაძათა, Kძათა, Kძისწულთა შ(ეუნდო)ს ღ(ძერთძა)ნ”: CAGARELI, Pami- atniki, p. 173, and BLAKE, Catalogue des manuscrits, 3/23, p. 380, Jer. Iber. 14 (1055 AD): “Ce magnifique et très vénérable Basile le Grand (?), moi, le pécheur et misérable moine Gérmané THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 411
Another Germane was a priest in the Monastery of the Holy Cross, who is known for offering an orarion to the tomb of Christ69.
5. Paleographic observations
The inscriptions were carved directly on the surface of the hard marble, often by unskilled people, taking advantage of random opportunities, pos- sibly in brief moments during the pilgrimage visit. These conditions may have dictated the very concise style, the mere indication of proper names, and even these abbreviated. All that is omitted in fact follows conventional formulae, easy to reconstruct. The script, with the exception of Inscr. 9, was Asomtavruli, at times mixed with Nusxuri. The ‘e’ (ე) for example (Inscr. 2), is angular, not monumental and inclined, as it is in a cursive Nusxuri script. It is reasonable to assume that the scribes became accus- tomed to the Nusxuri script during the period in which these inscriptions were written, when it was turning into the accepted script for religious writ- ings. Mixing scripts is a known phenomenon in the Georgian tradition70. A particular paleographic feature of the inscriptions discussed here is the horizontal lines that extend to the left of the letters and above them. This is, for example, the case for the letters l (ლ), v (ვ), e (ე) g (გ) in inscriptions 3, 5, 6, 7, 11 and 14. This phenomenon is almost unknown in earlier inscriptions; only a few examples are known predating the 9th century71. In the 10th century and later, on the other hand, it becomes very common72. The long and wavy tail of the letter g (გ) (Inscr. 14) is attested since the 9th-10th centuries73.
Ezdavélidze, je reliais afin d’intercéder pour mon âme, quand les Tartares ouvrirent la Porte de Compassion (?) et déblayèrent le mur”. See also LERNER – CHERNIN, Information of the History. 69 For hieromonachus Germane see CAGARELI, Pamiatniki, p. 250: “ძე, ძონაძან და ძლოცველძან ქრისტეს ღუთისაძან, ჯვარის ძონასტრის ძღუდელ-ძონაზონძან გერძანე, შევაკერვინე საძხრეთი ესე საწყალისა სულისა ჩეძისა სახსოვრად და სადიდებლად ჩუენის ეკკლესიისა” (“I, a slave who prays for Christ God, hieromona- chus of the Holy Cross Monastery Germane, ordered to sew this, for my poor soul and for the memory and glory of our church”). 70 Combining scripts is very common in the 10th century, and is therefore considered to be a characteristic of 10th century paleography: SXIRṬLAƷE, Mural Inscriptions, p. 133. See also SILOGAVA, Corpus, p. 111. Similarly, a combination of estrangela and serto can be seen in the Syriac inscriptions on the same pillars: BROCK et al., The Syriac Inscrip- tions, p. 416, 417, 418, 419, 420, 421, 422, and 424. 71 FÄHNRICH, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, p. 96 shows an example from the 9th century. 72 See FÄHNRICH, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, p. 103, 115, 117, 126, 128, 133 for the 10th centuries and p. 118, 124 for the 10th-11th centuries. See also the numerous examples in SXIRṬLAƷE, Mural Inscriptions, especially p. 34. 73 SXIRṬLAƷE, Mural Inscriptions, p. 35; BARNAVELI, Inscriptions of Aṭenis Sioni, p. 17-18. Some sporadic examples are earlier: for the Church of the Cross in Mcxeta, dated to the 6th-7th century, see FÄHNRICH, Die ältesten georgischen Inschriften, p. 48. 412 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
The small vertical line, or point, at the bottom left of the letters m (ძ), l (ლ), e (ე), g (გ) is attested since the beginning of 11th century, but becomes common only during the 13th-14th centuries and later. It is a common feature in the inscriptions of the Holy Sepulchre. Indeed it is found in the ძ/m (Inscr. 1 and 4), ვ/v (Inscr. 3), ლ/l (Inscr. 5, 6, 7) and ე/e (Inscr. 6). The paleographic characteristics of the graffiti, and the strong influence of the Nusxuri script on the Asomtavruli, suggest that these inscriptions date to the 13th-17th centuries.
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Université catholique de Louvain Tamara PATARIDZE Centre d’études orientales (CIOL) Place Blaise Pascal 1, bte L3.03.32 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgique [email protected]
Israel Antiquities Authority Yana TCHEKHANOVETS P.O.B. 586, Jerusalem, Israel [email protected]
Abstract — For centuries, pilgrims carved their names on the columns flank- ing the southern entrance to the Holy Sepulchre Church in Jerusalem in a variety of scripts – Greek, Latin, Arabic, Armenian, Georgian, Syriac, and Slavonic. Discussing Georgian inscriptions of Holy Sepulchre Church this article places them in the proper context of Georgian pilgrimage towards the Holy Land, and identifies mentioned pilgrims on the base of manuscript evidence, especially agapae and memorial notes. The paleographic characteristics of the graffiti, and the strong influence of the Nusxuri script on the Asomtavruli, suggest that these inscriptions date to the 13th-17th centuries. 416 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
APPENDIX: Illustrations (21 figures) © T. Pataridze
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2 THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 417
Fig. 3a.
Fig. 3b.
Fig. 4. 418 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
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Fig. 7. THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 419
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Fig. 10. 420 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
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Fig. 14. Fig. 15 THE GEORGIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE HOLY SEPULCHRE 421
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Fig. 18. 422 T. PATARIDZE – Y. TCHEKANOVETS
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Fig. 21.