CULTURE &HISTORY DIGITAL JOURNAL 1(1) June 2012, e003 eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003

Archeologies of Globalization. European Reflections on Two Phases of Accelerated Globalization in Cornelius de Pauw, Georg Forster, Guillaume-Thomas Raynal and Alexander von Humboldt

Ottmar Ette Institut fu¨ r Romanistik, Universita¨ t Potsdam, Germany e-mail: [email protected]

Received: 30 October 2011; Accepted: 16 December 2011; Published online: 09 April 2012

ABSTRACT: In our present globalized world, an attempt to reflect on the ‘‘Archeology of Globalization’’ confronts us with a decisive question: Globality seems to be a singular phenomenon, the inevitable outcome of a teleological history which conforms our present. But can we think it as a plurality? Can we retrace this history in other form as a linear progression? By exploring European discussions that took place between the last third of the eighteenth and the mid-nineteenth centuries and which reflected on globalization, I will try to expose another development of this phenomenon. My focus emphasizes the very specific dynamics, modes of representation, and reflections that set up not an archeology but archaeologies of globalization: a world- consciousness that recognizes the patterns of movement and relationality that constitutes it, transforming itself into knowledge about how to live together in difference.

KEYWORDS: Transregional mobility; TransArea Studies; Transcontinental relations; Vectoriality; New World; Discoveries; Power; Violence.

Citation/Co´mo citar este artı´ culo: Ette, O. (2012) ‘‘Archeologies of Globalization. European Reflections on Two Phases of Accelerated Globalization in Cornelius de Pauw, Georg Forster, Guillaume-Thomas Raynal and Alexander von Humboldt’’. Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1): e003. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 RESUMEN: Arqueologı´as de la globalizacio´n. Reflexiones europeas sobre dos fases de la globalizacio´n acelerada en Cornelius de Pauw, Georg Forster, Guillaume-Thomas Raynal y Alexander von Humboldt.- En nuestro mundo actual globalizado, el intento de reflexionar sobre la ‘‘arqueologı´ a de la globalizacio´ n’’ nos confronta con una pregunta fundamental: la Globalidad parece ser un feno´ meno singular, el resultado inevitable de una historia teleolo´ gica que conforma nuestro presente, pero, ¿podemos pensarla como una pluralidad? ¿podemos reconstruir su historia de otra forma que en una progresio´ n lineal? Al explorar discusiones europeas que ocurrieron entre el ultimo tercio del siglo XVIII y la primera mitad del siglo XIX y en las cuales se reflexiono´ sobre la globalizacio´ n, intentare´ exponer otro desarrollo de este feno´ meno. Mi enfoque enfatiza precisamente las dina´ micas especı´ ficas, los modos de representacio´ n y las reflexiones que constituyen no una arqueologı´ a, sino arqueologı´ as de la globalizacio´ n: una conciencia mundial que reconoce los patrones de movimiento y de relacionalidad que la constituyen, transforma´ ndose en un conocimiento sobre co´ mo vivir juntos en diferencia.

PALABRAS CLAVE: Movilidad transregional; Estudios TransAreales; Relaciones transcontinentales; Vectorialidad; Nuevo Mundo; Descubrimientos; Poder; Violencia.

Copyright: # 2012 CSIC. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial (by-nc) Spain 3.0 License. 2 “ O. Ette

ARCHEOLOGY OF GLOBALITY AS AN transition. To what extent we will wish to attribute ARCHEOLOGY OF GLOBALIZATION a spatial and historic phenomenon (and our know- ledge about it) to a history of globality or, The title of this first paragraph, which will alternatively, ‘‘only’’ to its pre-history, will depend also play an important role in the following decisively on how globality is defined and exactly reflections, may appear suggestive and captivating, what phenomena we are trying to investigate. but also open to and needy of interpretation. How could we, then, conceptualize globality in ‘‘Archeology of globality’’: This formula immedi- the plural? ately poses the question how the two central It is inevitable to make a limitation at this concepts here might be interpreted and, maybe point. For in the following paper I only want even more so, what kind of relationship these two to examine the European tendencies of reflection semantic poles might develop and unfold. that took place between the last third of the This title, that only at first sight seems to be eighteenth and the mid-nineteenth centuries. Only a common and uncomplicated notion, does not in passing will I refer to non-European modes of only present the challenge of demanding a methodo- understanding and constructing globality. Hereby logy which must be defined and delimited in the following thoughts will not so much try to the context of archeology in the widest sense, analyze an archeologically-defined state of affairs, but also of confronting us with the no less be that what it may, of globality in its historic complicated problematic of having to elaborate stratification, but, rather, they will try to remind what form of globality Ábe it in a climatic or us of the historic process of development itself biologic, a geo-ecological or spatial-geographical, by focusing on the very specific dynamics, modes a philosophical or historical, sociological or geo- of representation, and reflection on globalization. political, theological or bio-political senseÁwe are By changing our orientation and by focusing on actually talking about. Does the metaphor for the dynamic and processual character of the global, theory and science stand for a concept of history we evidently cannot avoid the problem of having in which different strata must be unearthed strati- to state precisely whether we want to attribute graphically, in order to document the presence of certain historical phenomena to the history or the traces and to transform a spatial stratification pre-history of globalization. Our understanding of into a temporal chain of events? Or could we globality and of globalization depends on the think of archeology itself as a quality of globality, answer to this questionÁat least when it comes to even as being its prerequisite, insofar as it permits the meaning of the terms which ground the reflec- globality to view and understand itself as a tions about the archeology of knowledge that historical phenomenon and as a unity? Or does I want to present here. globality ownÁas in a genitivus possessivusÁa certain Such a definition does not lack current (politi- archeology, its own archeology, which globality cal) dynamite, even though it may also seem may unfold in time and space and maybe even somewhat abstract and distant. This can be proven enshroud them with? None of these interpretations by taking a look at the preliminary report on the seem to be excluded from the contextual frame ‘‘Globalization of the world economyÁchallenges proposed here. There also are hints that in this and answers’’ that a commission of inquiry spon- case globality itself could become the object of sored by the German Bundestag presented after an archeology whichÁnow not as a subiectivus long discussions on September 13th, 2001, that is but as an obiectivusÁmight gain power over it in to say: immediately following the devastating order to permit us to analyze what the present of terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and globality confronts us with as the result of a other targets in the USA. historical development, the phases of which we In an analysis of the ‘‘career of the word would have to look at more closely. globalization’’ based on its appearance in the But this would Áat least in my viewÁ pose a Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, it is proven that decisive question, which I will attempt to proble- the word globalization only became popular in matize and elucidate in the following paper, German-speaking countries by the 1990s increasing not by approaching globality as a singular, but significantly throughout the decade: Starting with as a plurality. For speech about an archeology 34 appearances in 1993, it was used more frequently of globality implies a singular, but nevertheless in 1995 (175 appearances), in 1996 (535 appear- does not define whether an ur- or early history ances) and in 2000 (1062 appearances) (Deutscher are supposed to be analyzed as a pre-history of Bundestag, 2001: 3). Today, everybody uses the globality, or if the object of such archeology may word, and it is beginning to lose all contours as it is also include earlier forms of the former which are being used as a token in the most diverse dis- not part of a pre-history, but constitute an essential courses, spread by the mass media. But how does element of globality in its temporal and spatial the above-mentioned report define ‘‘globalization?’’

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In concordance with the commission’s line of circumnavigate the globe by ocean and using inquiry, the term ‘‘globalization’’ is defined and modern navigation technology, thus establishing discussed mainly Áwithout excluding other possibi- and, notably, maintaining a first, still rudimentary lities completelyÁ in an economic sense: system of communication and transportation on a global scale. This does not exclude further, ‘‘inter- ‘‘Globalisierung ist zuna¨ chst die weltweite wirtschaf- mediate’’ phases of acceleration. Seen from this tliche Verflechtung. Vor 1990 war das Wort Globa- perspective, Cristo´ bal Colo´ n’s project of reaching lisierung kaum in Gebrauch. Vielleicht wurde von India by the westward ocean route reveals itself der Internationalisierung der Wirtschaft gesprochen, to be an evidently global enterprise, making use of die schon fru¨ her einsetzte. Sie hatte ihre Urspru¨ nge the older knowledge about the spherical shape in den Jahrhunderten der (europa¨ ischen) Seefahrer of the earth and combining it with the most recent und setzte sich-auf tragische Weise-wa¨ hrend der knowledge of seafaring and navigation. Kolonialzeit des 19. Jahrhunderts fort. [...] Mit From this perspective, which can only provide dem technischen Fortschritt beim Verkehr und der a brief overview, the first phase of accelerated Kommunikation wurde die wirtschaftliche Verflech- globalization appears as a global colonial expan- tung der Staaten, Regionen und der Erdteile immer sion, mostly by the Iberian powers, which relied intensiver. Spa¨ ter haben auch politische Zielset- on advances in the art of seafaring and herewith zungen der regionalen Integration und der Friedens- made the ‘‘discoveries’’ of the fifteenth century sicherung die wirtschaftliche Verflechtung gefo¨ rdert.’’ possible.1 The second phase of accelerated globali- (Deutscher Bundestag, 2001: 2) zation stretches from the mid- to the late eighteenth century and was carried out mainly by France The extremely vague and undefined references and Great Britain Áthis relying in part on institu- to the times of the European mariners and the tional and economic progress and successes of colonialism of the nineteenth century, which is left the Dutch in the seventeenth century, which in the dark, make it clear that such phenomena are simultaneously display a basic tendency of ‘‘retard’’ viewed at best as a marginal pre-history of globa- and ‘‘prescience.’’ In this phase, a more intensive lization and that, following the commission, they system of trade and communication was put into have contributed little to the signification of this place, dictated by European interests and operated lexeme Áalso considering its late emergence. What from London, Paris and Amsterdam, a system is more: The centuries of colonization and coloni- which implemented innovative forms of presenting alism don’t seem to have much to do with today’s and arranging knowledge, following the needs of phenomenon, given the fact that a clear line is European political power and science. drawn between them and the term ‘‘globalization.’’ In the third phase of accelerated globalization, ‘‘The’’ globalization thus turns into a singular the United States of America joined the European phenomenon appearing by the late twentieth and powers in the last third of the nineteenth and early twenty-first centuries and does not only the beginning of the twentieth century as the first manifest itself as something new on the level of non-European power (even though it bore a words, but also Áas Michel Foucault (1966) would strong European influence, of course). This power have it in his understanding of archeologyÁ on the would take an active part by the means of force- level of things. But we will have to ask if it is ful military interventions in sea-based operations adequate, justifiable and useful to describe globa- in the neo-colonial struggle for riches and in the lization as something completely new. processes of modernization encompassing the most Let’s make it clear: Such an understanding of diverse regions of the planet. The year 1889 marks globalization is by no means limited to politics, an important, maybe decisive turning-point here, economics, or the broad public, but it also appears with the United States’ intervention in the Spanish- frequently in the field of science. In a different Cuban war, which not only began the long string publication, I have tried to put forward against this of US interventions in the American hemisphere tendency an understanding of globalization as a and, later, in the whole world, but also represents process de longue dure´e which is characterized by the first act of war which was mediatized globally various phases of acceleration and which underlies by using the most modern communications tech- and connects in complex ways modernity and post- nology between Cuba and the Philippines, the USA modernity (Ette 2004). and Spain. With this, wars at the other end of the My approach takes four phases of accelerated planet had begun to turn into a life-knowledge that globalization as a point of departure. Each of these was going be experienced in the twentieth century four phases can be differentiated from one another by the means of mass media. by telltale characteristics typical of each phase Finally, the time span analyzed by the German and can be assumed to begin with the moment in Bundestag’s commission constitutes a fourth which it became possible for the first time to phase of accelerated globalization, a phase whose

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 4 “ O. Ette processes of acceleration have not (yet) reached PHILOSOPHICAL REFLECTIONS ON their conclusion today and which consist mainly AMERICA AS PHILOSOPHICAL in the establishment of global networks for infor- REFLECTIONS ON EUROPE mation exchange, the rapid increase in money flows of a global reach and the supersedence of an Right at the beginning of his ‘‘Discours pre´ - ideologically and power-politically motivated divi- liminaire’’ to the first volume of his Recherches sion of the world into two competing blocks, philosophiques sur les Ame´ricains, published in armed with nuclear weapons. The globalized net- 1768 in Berlin under the name of a certain works of communication and information super- ‘‘Mr. de P***,’’ Cornelius de Pauw left no doubt highways created for the military, mass-media and that the voyage(s) of Christophe Colomb, alias mass-culture which are typical for this phase Christopher Columbus, were literally of world- certainly have also brought with them new forms historical importance: of perceiving and being sensitive to a (not just ‘‘Il n’y a pas d’eve´ nement plus me´ morable parmi discursive) ‘‘global society in the making’’ (Albert, les hommes, que la De´ couverte de l’Ame´ rique. 2002: 340). But, when observing this kind of En remontant des temps pre´ sents aux temps les plus phenomena, one shouldn’t, fascinating as it may recule´ s, il n’y a point d’eve´ nement qu’on puisse be, forget to apply some historic focus, so that comparer a` celui la` ; & c’est sans doute, un spectacle what came before may not slip away into some grand & terrible de voir une moitie´ de ce globe, indistinct murkiness. The current phase of acceler- tellement disgracie´ e par la nature, que tout y e´ toit ou ated globalization is something specific, but by no de´ ge´ nere´ , ou monstrueux. means is it something completely new. My contribution to an archeology of globality Quel Physicien de l’Antiquite´ eut jamais soupc¸ onne´ takes itself to be, up against this backdrop, a qu’une meˆ me Plane` te avoit deux He´ misphe` res si project concerning the archeology of globalization diffe´ rents, dont l’un seroit vaincu, subjugue´ & comme which addresses these earlier, historic reflections on englouti par l’autre, de` s qu’il en seroit connu, globalization. Hereby I will focus on authors and apre` s un laps de sie´ cles qui se perdent dans la nuit texts that prove to have attemptedÁmore or less & l’abyme des temps? consciouslyÁto draw a connection between the contemporaneous phase (or the study of the Cette e´ tonnante re´ volution qui changea la face de la immediately preceding phase) and earlier phases terre & la fortune des Nations, fuˆ t absolument of accelerated globalization. momentane´ e, parce que par une fatalite´ presqu’incroi- The Berlin of the eighteenth and nineteenth able, il n’existoit aucun e´ quilibre entre l’attaque et centuries was certainly not a place of high global- la de´ fense. Toute la force & toute l’injustice e´ toient ism or a highly condensed form of globalization. du coˆ te´ des Europe´ ens: les Ame´ ricains n’avoient And still the following thoughts, in the context of a que de la foiblesse: ils devoient donc eˆ tre extermine´ s & extermine´ s dans un instant. (Pauw, 1768-1769, paper on an archeology of globalization, will 2 concern themselves mainly with debates, polemics I: a2v f.)’’ and scientific investigations which took place and From the first pages on, Cornelius or Corneille were presented in Berlin and Potsdam. So, as a side de Pauw, who was born in Amsterdam in 1739, effect, a contribution to a history of globality in this spent a part of his youth in Lie` ge and received his particular region might result. There can be little education at the Jesuit schools of Lie` ge and doubt that there is still much archaeological work Cologne, as well as possibly attending the Uni- to be done, particularly because this (hi)story lies versity of Go¨ ttingen for a while, emphasized buried under the rubble of later historical events oppositions and drew a boldly colored image that and catastrophes, the collective ‘‘commemoration’’ was rich in contrasts and antinomies.3 This opposi- of which has a tendency to hinder truly historical tion between two completely different hemispheres, approaches to the past, especially in this part of the which he underlined and constructed time and country. At the same time, there is hope that the again, applied to the characteristics of natural common practice of reducing everything that pre- spaces on the ‘‘old’’ and ‘‘new’’ continents, as well cedes the twentieth century to a mere pre-history as all life that might thrive in these two ‘‘worlds.’’ will generate more uneasiness in the near future. De Pauw tried to insert all the isotopies that would With respect to the historical events and discourses mark his Recherches philosophiques as a whole into which shall be treated here, it is a surprising fact the incipit of his work: this has to be considered a that these discussions Áwhich were well known far literary and rhetorical effort, the often polemical beyond the borders of Prussia and EuropeÁ have gist of which Áto which de Pauw’s rapid fame and been almost completely forgotten and erased in the equally rapid disappearance into oblivion were collective memory of this German region. owedÁ did not fail to make an impression on the

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 5 contemporary international readership. Old and possibility, an ‘‘extinction totale’’ (Pauw, 1768Á New World thus stand in irreconcilable opposition. 1769, I: a3r), which would not be caused by a But the superlatives and oppositions do not natural catastrophe, but by human actions. For only encompass the realm of nature in the New it is up against the backdrop of the colonial World, in which everything seems to be ‘‘degenerate expansion that took place in the fifteenth and and monstrous,’’ but also and especially the sixteenth centuries that de Pauw points out the processes of history: May the ‘‘discovery of Amer- consequences of this second wave of expansion ica’’ represent the ‘‘most noteworthy event in the which was spreading from Europe across the globe, history of mankind,’’4 the immediately ensuing an expansion of which the Dutch Abbe´ was a ‘‘conquest of the New World’’ (‘‘conque` te du contemporary and a witness. Europe, says de Pauw, Nouveau Monde’’), in contrast, constitutes ‘‘le is about to take hold politically and scientifically plus grand des malheurs que l’humanite´ ait essuie´ ’’ of the ‘‘Terres Australes,’’ under the guidance of (Pauw, 1768-1769, I: a3v). A hemisphere of super- ‘‘politiques’’ and the approving applause of some ior power, which will not hesitate to make ruthless ‘‘philosophes,’’ without reflecting on the consider- use of this power, sees itself confronted with a able misfortune it is bringing over the peoples that hemisphere of weakness, the Old World and the live there (Pauw, 1768Á1769, I: a3r). This does not New World, the latter being inferior and subordi- only concern the European policy of expansion nate in all things: More than once, de Pauw insists in a military and scientific sense, but alsoÁ and on the abruptness of the decline that the fateful notablyÁ the local sciences in Europe and their arrival of the Europeans meant for the Americans. very own interests. Following de Pauw, ‘‘la destruc- A struggle between the powerful and the weak, tion d’une partie du globe’’ would be accepted almost Darwinist from today’s perspective, leads to generally if it allowed to clarify some of the debated the predictable ending. geographical questions and permitted to execute No harmony can be found anywhere in de verifiable temperature measurements (Pauw, 1768Á Pauw’s black and white sketch: The earth reveals 1769, I: a4v). The European sciences and their itself to be a planet of disharmony. This takes on inner logic are represented here very clearly as both extreme forms, which the thinkers of antiquity Á the motivators and instruments of the European that is, of a world that had no inkling of the politics of expansion. But such a development other world’s existenceÁ could never have antici- should be opposed: ‘‘Mettons des bornes a` la fureur pated. When it comes to showing off in a specta- de tout envahir, pour tout connoıtre’’ (Pauw, 1768 cular way, it is hard to rise above de Pauw’s incipit. ˆ Á It opened a debate, initially based in Berlin and 1769, I: a4v). Knowledge is not only power here, led in French, that without a doubt went back but carries within it Áalso and especially in the to disputes of the Spanish sixteenth century, but epistemological hunger of European scienceÁ the gave the latter a new twist by corresponding to potential and capacity for destruction and self- state-of-the-art Sie`cle des Lumie`res science and, destruction. importantly, Buffon’s Histoire naturelle. We could But no international debate ensued from this. designate this phase of the disputes as the ‘‘Berlin For it is here that Cornelius de Pauw states his point debate’’ about the world outside Europe Áa debate of view, completely ignored so far: in the critical that of course did not restrict itself to Berlin and reflection on the first European global expansion, Potsdam. seen in the light of the renewed expansive drive of Still, this bipartite world is oneÁand both hemi- the second half of the eighteenth century, this spheres, it quickly becomes clear, are inseparably movement now not just being ‘‘accompanied,’’ but intertwined and chained to one another. Right in demanded and propelled by scientific investigation the first lines of his work, Cornelius de Pauw and ‘‘penetration.’’ The sharp-tongued Dutch cleric, reveals himself to be a thinker of globality, or who had enjoyed royal favors twice at the court of more precisely: a thinker of a globality that is Frederick the Great Áfirst in 1767 and 1768, then in characterized by a sharply asymmetrical structure. 1775 and 1776Á and who Antonello Gerbi (1983: This asymmetrical structure brought with it the 117) dubbed the ‘‘abbate prussiano’’ in view of fact that the old America, ‘‘l’ancienne Ame´ rique,’’ his later, long years in Xanten, had gained aware- still familiar to the Conquista’s contemporaries, ness of the destructive and self-destructive logic is no more. It has been ‘‘entie` rement bouleverse´ of a historical development in which that what par la cruaute´ , l’avarice, l’insaciabilite´ des Eur- was occurring in Europe could have immediate ope´ ens’’ (Pauw, 1768-1769, I: a4r). The Spanish consequences and repercussions in the whole world, conquistadors have turned into Europeans, and the for all of humanity. For a long time, he remarked, destructive violence they engender is swiftly put especially in the colonies, the conflicting interests into a perspective by de Pauw that opens up to of the Europeans had reached a point at which potential catastrophes of a global scale. Suddenly, a small spark would suffice to make everything the man-made extinction of mankind becomes a go up in flames:

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‘‘[...] une e´ tincelle de discorde, pour quelques arpents im A¨ ther den wir bewohnen, vollsta¨ ndiger u¨ bersehen de terre au Canada, enflamme et embrase l’Europe; ko¨ nnen’’. (Forster 1985: 390) & quand l’Europe est en guerre, tout l’Univers y est: tous les points du globe sont successivement e´ branle´ s Here, Georg Forster is underscoring those rapid comme par une puissance e´ lectrique: on a agrandi la advances of a European knowledge about causal scene des massacres et du carnage depuis Canton connections in the planetary space which are with- jusqu’a` Archangel; depuis Bue´ nos-Aires jusqu’a` Que- out a doubt mainly the result of the scientific bec. Le commerce des Europe´ ens ayant intimement lie´ expansion that took place in the course of the les diffe´ rentes parties du monde par la meˆ me chaıˆ ne, second phase of accelerated globalization. Not only elles sont e´ galement entraıˆ ne´ es dans les re´ volutions have ‘‘unsere jetzige physische und statistische & les vicissitudes de l’attaque & de la de´ fense, sans Kenntniß von Europa zur Vollkommenheit gedie- que l’Asie puisse eˆ tre neutre, lorsque quelques marc- hen, sondern auch die entferntesten Erdteile’’ (‘‘our hands ont des querelles en Ame´ rique, pour des peaux current physical and statistical knowledge about de Castor, ou du bois de Campe` che.’’ (Pauw, 1768Á Europe been completed, but also the most remote 1769, I: 90) parts of the world’’) stepped out of the shadow ‘‘in welchem sie noch vor kurzem begraben lagen’’ It had already become clear in the eighteenth (‘‘in which they lay buried until most recently’’) century that conflicts in world trade were suscep- (Forster 1985: 393). The light metaphor character- tible of escalating to military confrontations istic of Enlightenment thought illuminates Forster’s that may well be designated as world wars. The own standpoint very clearly: The voyages of James smallest events were therefore capable of triggering Cook, he states, brought about much new informa- European clashes on the whole globe and of tion, so that ‘‘ohne ihn wohl schwerlich der bringing war to the seemingly most remote and Pelzhandel zwischen China und dieser neuentdeck- far-away territories on both hemispheres. It is ten Ku¨ ste zu Stande gekommen und zwischen den quite noteworthy here that de Pauw chose to use Ho¨ fen von Madrid und London eine Kollision in the first volume of his Recherches philosophiques desfalls entstanden ware’’ (‘‘without him the trade (published in 1768) the North American fur trade in furs between China and this newly discovered as an example for a reason entailing the globaliza- coast would hardly have been possible, much less tion of war, because he herewith focused on a a conflict between the royal courts of Madrid and constant conflict zone between British, French and London’’) (Forster 1985: 395). But warlike conflicts Spanish interests in America. A fight over some ensuing from such collisions of interests are not badgersÁwasn’t that a completely inappropriate the main interest of Forster’s literally prophetic example when it came to making his thesis of a world-historical reflections. The immense accelera- possible worldwide conflict more plausible? tion he had witnessed led Forster to believe that It is as instructive as it is revealing that nobody a new historical epoch had begun, an epoch of less than Georg Forster, who had accompanied an undoubtedly global format: James Cook on his second voyage around the world together with his father Reinhold, also chose the ‘‘Hier beginnt eine neue Epoche in der so merkwu¨ rdi- example of the badger furs to reflect on some events gen Geschichte des Europa¨ ischen Handels, dieses of the globalization process that, from his point of Handels, in welchen sich allma¨ hlig die ganze Welt- view, were of a totally different nature. For the geschichte aufzulo¨ sen scheint. Hier dra¨ ngen sich dem famous author of the Reise um die Welt, first Forscher so viele Ideen und Thatsachen auf, daß es published in English in the year of 1777, then in a die Pflicht des Herausgebers der neuen Schifffahrten German edition from 1778 to 1780 and highly und Landreisen in jener Gegend mit sich zu bringen respected by Alexander von Humboldt, relied on scheint, alles, was auf die Kenntniß derselben Bezie- 5 exactly this example. In an extensive text about hung hat, in einen Brennpunkt zu sammeln und zumal ‘‘Die Nordwestku¨ ste von Amerika, und der dortige einem Publikum, wie das unsrige, welches nur einen Pelzhandel’’ (‘‘The Northwestern Coast of America litterarischen, mittelbaren Antheil an den Entdeckun- and the Fur Trade there’’), published in 1791 Áthat gen der Seema¨ chte nehmen kann, die U¨ bersicht is to say, following the French RevolutionÁ,he dessen, was bisher unternommen worden ist, und used this seemingly marginal trade as a point of das Urtheil u¨ ber die Wichtigkeit dieser ganzen Sache departure for more fundamental thoughts: zu erleichtern’’. (Forster 1985: 395)

‘‘Der Zeitpunkt na¨ hert sich mit schnellen Schritten, This passage is very revealing to us not only wo der ganze Erdboden dem Europa¨ ischen Forscher- because it reflects on the specific situation of the geiste offenbar werden und jede Lu¨ cke in unseren German public, whichÁas not belonging to the Erfahrungswissenschaften sich, wo nicht ganz ausfu¨ l- public of the naval and colonial powersÁdoes not len, doch in so weit erga¨ nzen muß, daß wir den have any particular colonial interests and sympa- Zusammenhang der Dinge, wenigstens auf dem Punkt thies, therefore only being interested in augmenting

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 7 its knowledge by making use of the written text as a perdu sans ressource: il crut que la nature irrite´ e avoit medium. Rather, the thesis about a new epoch that jure´ sa ruine’’. (Pauw, 1768-1769, I: a3v) Georg Forster develops from the fur trading activities in North America,6 an epoch in which In the course of his Recherches philosophiques, all of world history is going to dissipate into world de Pauw not only illustrates more than once the trade, is of so vast an outreach in the context of the dangerousness of syphilis, which was commonly philosophy of history that one has to be clear on attributed to the American continent, but also two special points. Firstly, we must acknowledge emphasizes the quickness of the worldwide spread- the foresight involved in a subtle reflection on the ing of a disease which Ácomparable to the fourth consequences of the second phase of accelerated phase’s immune deficiency syndromeÁ awaits men globalization, in which the author of A voyage in the arms of desire and by the breast of lust, round the world was involved himself. Secondly, we according to de Pauw. The Dutch cleric, whose must take note of the more general phenomenon detailed representations of sexual practices (mainly that phases of acceleration create, seen from the in the second volume) would merit an investigation philosophy of history, a kind of stroboscopical of its own in the context of a historiography which effect. For exactly like the wheels of carriages or enforces gender hierarchies, assembles the reports wagons in the classic Western seem to stand still known to him and underlines that this affliction has just when they’re turning at maximum speed, in the spread all over the globe since Christopher Colum- phases of historical acceleration an impression of bus’ return to Spain in 1493: immobility, of a ‘‘post-histoire,’’ seems to predo- minate, the perception of which seems to be ‘‘Ceux qui ont pre´ tendu qu’il n’est parvenu en Russie continuously running alongside the development que sous le regne de Pierre premier, ignorent appa- of a modern historical way of thinking.7 The remment qu’il se´ vissoit de´ ja` en Sibe´ rie de` s l’an 1680, impression of total calm usually arises at the center & s’e´ toit manifeste´ plus de soixante ans auparavant a` of accelerating, circular movement. Moscow, de sorte qu’il avoit acheve´ le tour du Globe, Just where in Georg Forster’s reflections world- si l’on en excepte les Terres Australes, en 1700’’. history disappears and transforms into world trade, (Pauw, 1768-1769, I: 237) making room for a time after history, Cornelius de According to de Pauw, contemporaries could Pauw’s Recherches philosophiques sur les Ame´ricains count themselves lucky that the discovery of unfolds a paradoxical temporal phase. It is that America hadn’t occurred during an epidemic of phase of a post-human history in which a history of leprosy, so frequent in the Middle Ages, for the the planet earth without humans becomes imagin- ‘‘funeste combinaison’’ of two so dangerous dis- able, that is to say, a man-made extinction of eases in the midst of Europe would have entrained mankind which appears as the result of a European completely unforeseeable consequences (Pauw, movement of expansion comprising also Áand 1768-1769, I: 238). Experiencing globalization(s) specificallyÁ the sciences. Humanity’s phase after thus implicates for Europe Áso one could say on the history and the historic phase after humanity, the basis of the Recherches philosophiquesÁ experien- dissolution into world trade and into an apocalyp- cing a threat, be it wars (which, naturally, were tic flame seem to be two sides of the same coin, a preferably relegated to the world outside Europe), coin that only circulates in times of great accelera- or be it sicknesses, which could reach Europe’s tion and upheaval. Here, de Pauw is not only thinking of the wars with which Europe covered the heart from the most remote areas of the globe. The other hemisphere from the Conquista’s days on, but important fact that Europe might be existentially certainly also of the plagues which created a strange threatened by epidemics and pandemics is an symmetry by leading to devastating consequences integral part of the experience of globality, the in the other hemisphere, respectively. The genocide archeology of which could easily prove the con- committed against the Indians soon turns against tinuity of this periodic European fear of calamities the Europeans in de Pauw’s concept of history, the which might intrude from distant regions of the Europeans seeing themselves plagued by imported world. An archeology of globality cannot be epidemics: imagined without an archeology of the fears and threats arising from globality. ‘‘Apre` s le prompt massacre de quelques millions de In Georg Forster, as in Cornelius de Pauw, Sauvages, l’atroce vainqueur se sentit atteint d’un mal philosophical reflections about America reveal e´ pide´ mique, qui, en attaquant a` la fois les principes de themselves, under the mark of globality and up la vie & les sources de la ge´ ne´ ration, devint bientoˆ tle against the backdrop of two phases of accelerated plus horrible fle´ au du monde habitable. L’homme globalization, which are to be kept separated, to be de´ ja` accable´ du fardeau de son existence, trouva, pour always also Áand specificallyÁ philosophical reflec- comble d’infortune, les germes de la mort entre les tions about Europe and its place in the world, in bras du plaisir & au sein de la jouissance: il se crut world-history and world trade. Herein lies the

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 8 “ O. Ette specific meaning of that antagonistic construction World. Of this latter act he could very well suppose of the world which de Pauw unfolded in his that Áaside from all criticism of a European attitude Recherches philosophiques and which constructs that had abused its unquestioned ‘‘superiorite´ ’’ in two hemispheres which are diametrically opposed all respects (Pauw, 1768-1769, I: a3r)Á it would on all levels: meet the firm opposition of all those who, whether sympathetic of the famous Discours sur l’origine et ‘‘La diffe´ rence d’un He´ misphe` re a` l’autre e´ toit donc les fondements de l’ine´galite´ parmi les homes (Rous- totale, aussi grande qu’elle pouvoit l’eˆ tre, ou qu’on seau, 1975)10 or not, believed themselves to be puisse l’imaginer. Je conviens qu’il est difficile de adherents of the thesis of the ‘‘noble savage.’’ rendre raison d’une si e´ tonnante disparite´ entre les Nothing can be felt here of the bon sauvage,orof deux parties constituantes d’un meˆ me globe’’. (Pauw, what Bernardin de Saint-Pierre later termed the 1768-1769, I: 95) Harmonies de la nature. For all those who still But the effective functionality consisted in its hadn’t grasped this position while reading the first capacity to constitute America literally as the volume, de Pauw presented passages in the second radical Other, with a view to a Europe that could, volume, published in 1769, which did not lack by these means, become aware of its own super- clarity and pointedness. There we learn about the iority and civilizing mission, but also of the threats human species: endangering it. It had long since become impossible to conceive Europe as a multi-faceted entity beyond ‘‘Le ve´ ritable pays ou` son espe` ce a toujours re´ ussi & and apart from this form of globality and its phases prospe´ re´ , est la Zone tempe´ re´ e septentrionale de notre of accelerated globalization. he´ misphe` re: c’est le sie´ ge [sic!] de sa puissance, de sa grandeur, & de sa gloire. En avanc¸ ant vers le Nord, ses sens s’engourdissent & s’e´ moussent: plus ses fibres A COLONIAL HISTORY AS THE FORGOTTEN & ses nerfs gagnent de solidite´ & de force, par l’action HISTORY OF THE COLONIAL PERIOD du froid qui les resserre; & plus ses organes perdent de leur finesse; la flamme du ge´ nie paroıˆ t s’e´ teindre dans From the very start, the reception in the des corps trop robustes, ou` tous les esprits vitaux sont European and non-European Re´publique des occupe´ sa` mouvoir les ressorts de la structure & de Lettres of the eighteenth and early nineteenth l’e´ conomie animale. [...] Sous l’Equateur son teint se centuries, which set in immediately after the pub- haˆ le, se noircit; les traits de la physionomie de´ figure´ e lication of the first volume, concentrated on the re´ voltent par leur rudesse: le feu du climat abre´ ge [sic!] thesis of an essential and natural inferiority of the le terme de ses jours, & en augmentant la fougue de New World and its inhabitants, perpetuatingÁ ses passions, il re´ tre´ cit la sphe` re de son ame: il cesse de certainly not without a good reasonÁan under- pouvoir se gouverner lui-meˆ me, et ne sort pas de standing of the work as ‘‘probably the most l’enfance. En un mot, il devient un Ne` gre, & ce Ne` gre scathing denunciation of America and everything devient l’esclave des esclaves. American that was ever written’’ (Church, 1936: Si l’on excepte donc les habitants de l’Europe, si l’on 179). As we have seen, from the first page of his excepte quatre a` cinq peuples de l’Asie, & quelques Recherches philosophiques on, de Pauw left no petits cantons de l’Afrique, le surplus du genre doubt that everything on the ‘‘other half of the humain n’est compose´ que d’individus qui ressemb- globe’’ was naturally ‘‘disfigured,’’ ‘‘degenerate,’’ lent moins a` des hommes qu’a` des animaux sauvages: and ‘‘monstrous’’ (Pauw, 1768-1769, I: a2v). cependant ils occupent sept a` huit fois plus de place Here, Cornelius de Pauw no doubt was situated sur le globe que toutes les nations police´ es ensemble, in a discursive line of tradition Áa large number of & ne s’expatrient presque jamais. Si l’on n’avoit academic investigations having proven this clearlyÁ transporte´ en Ame´ rique des Africains malgre´ eux, ils which on the one hand goes back to the enormous n’y seroient jamais alle´ s: les Hottentos ne voyagent 8 Histoire naturelle of Buffon’s, but on the other pas plus que les Orangs [...]’’. (Pauw, 1768-1769, II: 68 hand takes up lines of argumentation leading back ff.) to the early debates from the first years of the sixteenth century between Las Casas and Sepu´ lveda From the perspective chosen here, it is of utmost and insofar also include descriptive and discursive importance that the Dutch philosophe highlights elements from Aristotle’s notorious justification of traveling and, herewith, mobility in a spatial sense a naturally ‘‘given’’ form of slavery.9 There is no as that characteristic feature which distinguishes denying that de Pauw’s two-volume work inscribes the ‘‘higher’’ from the ‘‘lower’’ human being, and itself into this double discursive tradition, and there humans from the great apes, from animals. If one can be just as little doubt that this temporary were to consider as mere ‘‘Eurocentrism’’ such an resident at the court of Frederick the Great was understanding of the Europeans as the glorious busy radicalizing his thesis of inferiority, extending peak of mankind and of the vast majority of it widely to the indigenous population of the New non-European peoples as being closer to animals

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 9 than humans, therefore rightfully enslaved, one de Pauw’s main work may have been until well into would be downplaying this attitude irresponsibly. the nineteenth century (Church, 1936: 194, 205): But de Pauw’s calculated foundation of his such a reading led to de Pauw being largely ignored theses in the polemical discussion and radical later on, only to be mentioned in a couple of overstatement of contemporary scientific works sentences while moving on to more important led to the desired result. Only shortly after the authors. By the mid nineteenth century at the publication of the second volume of de Pauw’s latest, de Pauw’s name had disappeared once and writings, Antoine-Joseph Pernety, a former Bene- for all from the debates about the New and the Old dictine who had traveled as a ship’s chaplain with World: only a few specialists, so it seems, were still Bougainville on the latter’s 1763voyage to the interested in his writings. Falkland Islands and was now under the protection But still, one shouldn’t underestimate the influ- of Frederick the Great as a librarian, opposed the ence this work, published in French almost two and Dutch’s theses publicly in a lecture given at the a half centuries ago in Berlin, has had in the long Berlin Academy on 7 September 1769 and pub- run (Gerbi, 1983: 118 ff.). Nor should one make the lished, only a year later, his Dissertation sur mistake of reducing the entire oeuvre to the l’Ame´rique et les Ame´ricains, contre les Recherches inferiority-thesis. Supposedly, no new aspects are philosophiques de Mr. de P***.11 The ‘‘Berlin to be gained from this line of reception, from which Debate’’ had begun, and its repercussions Áwhich Susanne Zantop Áwho tragically died a few years went far beyond the borders of EuropeÁ are well agoÁ tried to break lose by inquiring into whether known. De Pauw had only been waiting for this there was a possibility of reading de Pauw’s opportunity to counter-attack, which would Recherches as ‘‘symptomatic for Enlightenment amount mainly to an inversion of his negative thought.’’ This insofar, as de Pauw’s seemingly image of the Americans into an idealized represen- rationalistic explanatory patterns seemed to trans- tation of everything American, and placidly had form abruptly, following Max Horkheimer’s and Pernety’s attacks printed in the extended three- Theodor W. Adorno’s Dialectic of Enlightenment, volume edition of his Recherches, published in into ‘‘mythical dread’’ of the Other and into Berlin in 1770. To this edition, he added a violent, attempts of subjugating and dominating the Other but well-measured argument in defense of his (Zantop, 1993: 315). But it was just this specific increasingly popular and influential theses (Pauw, dimension, according to Zantop, that made de 1770).12 Of course one can find ‘‘elements of a Pauw attractive for the Prussian monarch and the modern ethnological attitude’’ in Pernety’s text Germans as a whole, who Áapart from isolated (Mannucci, 1992: 384),13 but still his line of connectionsÁ had only entertained an intellectual argumentation remained closely attached to the relationship with the New World (Zantop, 1993: theses brought forward by de Pauw, which Pernety 316), an argument we had already seen in Georg frequently simply inverted. The fact that de Pauw Forster’s text of 1791. De Pauw’s text, she says, was charged with writing the extensive first part of might well be read as ‘‘an invitation to colonial the Encyclope´die’s article on ‘‘Ame´ rique’’ in 1776, activities «on all fronts»,’’ insofar as it assured its mentioned above, should prove, among other German readers that they hadn’t, up to date, been events, that from that moment on he was consid- responsible for any crimes in colonial history, a ered a specialist on America and was to keep the history that de Pauw had criticized from the upper hand in this and other conflicts, at least for a beginning as a string of bloody atrocities (Zantop, while. Presenting himself as a well-informed eye- 1993: 316). The message to the Prussian and witness (with a view to his voyage to the New German readership had been clear: If the necessary World at Bougainville’s side) had been of no help to colonization of the Americans by a civilized people, Pernety: de Pauw, who had never even attempted to with a bent for the fine arts and thriving sciences, verify his ‘‘investigations’’ about the Americans loving organization and hard work, had to be locally, was the man of the hour, and his oeuvre undertaken, then the Prussians and Germans would remain at the center of the worldwide should be prepared for such a task and take debates he had caused about America and the advantage of the next opportunity. Americans. Without a doubt, connecting de Pauw’s theses Ever since the controversy with Pernety about with Horkheimer’s and Adorno’s approach is an whether the Americans (or savages) might be exciting and fruitful line of inquiry, for it may be inferior or superior to the Europeans, the possible to give the Dialectic of Enlightenment a Recherches philosophiques were repeatedly and pre- new twist by taking into account the question of the ferably reduced to the extreme thesis of an inferior inferiority or superiority of the indigenous America and inferior Americans, a perception American peoples. Especially de Pauw’s extreme which marks the very sporadic attention that has exaggeration in making his claim for superiority been paid to de Pauw in the twentieth century, by might be approached from the perspective of the the way. As strong and enduring as the reactions to dialectic inherent in the Enlightenment, revealing

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 10 “ O. Ette its totalitarian traits Áeven though de Pauw, as we But real breakthroughs were long in the making. have seen, formulated his violent skepticism con- Again it was a Dutchman, the outfitter Benjamin cerning the second phase of accelerated globaliza- Raule, who helped Brandenburg in building up a tion at the beginning of his work. But first, one fleet and who was designated, in 1677, ‘‘Oberdir- would have to take note of the fact that such a line ektor in Seesachen’’ (‘‘High director of naval of argumentation might explain the Recherches affairs’’) and rose to be minister for seafaring and philosophiques’ success in Prussia and the Ger- the colonies later on (Lennert, 2004: 12). In 1680, man-speaking countries, but that it would fall short two expeditions under Brandenburg’s flag finally of explaining the success they had in all of Europe Á went to sea. On the so-called Gold Coast in today’s if one doesn’t count Spain, which de Pauw attacked Ghana, Brandenburg’s first colonial base, Groß- with special vehemence. Additionally, Susanne friedrichsburg, was in fact established in the Zantop does not make clear in how far de Pauw’s immediate vicinity of Dutch and British settle- text actually had such an effect and whether this ments, controlling a coastal stretch of about ‘‘impact’’ can really be documented in Prussia and 50 kilometers. In the meantime, the second Bran- Germany. denburgian fleet off the coast of Ostende managed On the other hand, it cannot be denied that one to take hold of the Spanish ship ‘‘Carolus Mag- may attribute to the Recherches philosophiques sur nus,’’ which then began a second career as the les Ame´ricains a long-term and often subcutaneous flagship of Brandenburg’s fleet, the ‘‘Markgraf von effect. This influence cannot simply just remain Brandenburg’’ (Lennert, 2004: 12 f.). Following the attached to an explicit reference to de Pauw’s name. Brandenburgian’s first pirating-trips to the But most of all Áand I would underline this as being Caribbean, the ‘‘Brandenburgisch-Afrikanische of even greater importance for the questions I am Kompagnie’’ was founded in 1682, heavily manned dealing with hereÁ de Pauw, who quickly withdrew with Dutchmen and also Huguenots, and re- from his rather short stints in Berlin and Potsdam named in 1692 ‘‘Brandenburgisch-Africanische- to Xanten (where he died in 1799), knew how to use Americanische Compagnie.’’ By mutual agreement, the newly developing public sphere for his ends. the East Frisian port of Emden was declared the For it was the success of his text, printed and main port of Brandenburg’s fleet. polemically discussed in Berlin, what made heads We cannot follow the development of Branden- turn in the French-language Re´publique des lettres burg’s trading posts and settlements more closely and drew public attention to a once rather marginal here, but should still note that Brandenburg got region that certainly wasn’t known for its global involved in the lucrative slave trade and that, in connections. But it was just there that subjects of 1686, a first ship reached the island of St. Thomas world-historical relevance and questions concern- in the Caribbean, jointly used with Denmark, with ing the philosophy of history were now being 450 slaves out of Großfriedrichsburg. More slave discussed in public, so that Berlin turned, in a ships were to follow (Lennert, 2004: 16): The hopes way, into an important point of intersection for for great profits and an increase in power seemed to debates which were taking place, with increasing be fulfilling themselves. Brandenburg’s settlement intensity, on both sides of the Atlantic. on St. Thomas soon counted 300 Europeans and Undoubtedly, this was something completely some hundreds of slaves. Scientists assume today new, even though Brandenburg and Prussia hadn’t that about thirty thousand slaves were deported at all refrained in their history from all kinds of from Africa to the West Indies by slavers from colonial activity Áthis fact contradicting a common- Brandenburg (Lennert, 2004: 17). Despite the place perception. The Amsterdam-born Abbe´ most attempts of Elector Frederick III., who had as- certainly noticed that already the Great Elector sumed the succession of the Great Elector in 1688 (‘‘Großer Kurfu¨ rst’’) had been looking closely at and, since 1701, bore the title of a king in Prussia, plans for colonial expansion and that he had made to continue the colonial ambitions and activities: first steps toward a colonial ‘‘engagement’’ of his The ‘‘Brandenburgisch-Africanische-Americanische country. For Frederick Wilhelm I. (1640Á1688) had Compagnie’’ was riddled with debt and was finally studied at Amsterdam and had observed at close liquidated by Frederick Wilhelm I., who had been range how ocean trade and colonial politics were in office since 1713, at a moment in time when the capable of rapidly elevating even a small country to colonial business in the ensemble of European the status of an internationally leading trading- powers had stopped appearing lucrative, especially power (Lennert, 2004: 11). In 1647, a former Dutch since the second phase of accelerated globalization admiral, Arnoult Gijsels, now an advisor to the still was nowhere in sight. In 1738 Áonly three Elector, proposed the foundation of a house of decades before the publication of the work on commerce under Brandenburg’s leadership. Simul- America by the philosophe who was under Freder- taneously, negotiations with Denmark about ick II.’s special protectionÁ the last belongings acquiring the Danish base of Tranquebar on the of the ‘‘Compagnie’’ were being auctioned off African coast were in progress (Lennert, 2004: 11). (Lennert, 2004: 23). Prussia’s failed colonial politics

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 11 would only be resumed after the foundation of the In the supplement to the Encyclope´die that I German Reich in 1871. already mentioned above, published in 1776 in Certainly, it simply seems impossible from to- Amsterdam, the entry ‘‘Ame´ rique’’ comprises no day’s scientific standpoint to exclude the possibility less than circa twenty pages in dense print. The that de Pauw might have been thinking about length of the entry had increased by a factor of resuscitating Brandenburg-Prussian colonial poli- seventy in the course of two decades. The first and tics and, herewith, revivifying the Dutch tradition significantly longer section (of two) was penned by of such enterprises. But it seems much more Cornelius de Pauw, who chose to use a much less important to me in this context that through the polemical and more moderate language here (Pauw, Recherches philosophiques sur les Ame´ricains and 1776). With the sovereign gesture of a (source-) the ensuing debates with Antoine-Joseph Pernety, critical Enlightenment thinker, de Pauw excluded Zaccaria de Pazzi de Bonneville, Giovanni Rinaldo from his reflections, as in his Recherches Carli, Delisle de Sales, Francisco Javier Clavijero, philosophiques, absolutely all of the old chronicles, Drouin de Bercy and many others, Potsdam and documents and reports as completely untrust- Berlin temporarily moved to the center of an worthy. According to de Pauw, one is confronted international debate about the non-European world which would continue until well into the there not only with the ‘‘cre´ dulite´ d’un enfant,’’ but nineteenth century. From today’s point of view, also with the ‘‘de´ lires d’un vieillard’’ (Pauw, 1776: this time-span can certainly be seen as a very 344). Now the Dutch Abbe´ had cleared enough relevant period in the history of ideas, a period, room to present once more his theses in full detail one must say, that historiography has largely in a prominent and prestigious spot to an interna- permitted to slip into oblivion, just like the colonial tional public of readers. It is no coincidence that history of Brandenburg and Prussia in the late America and the debates about the New World in seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. For an the context of a new wave of globalization were archeology of globality in the sense presented here, now taking up much more space in and around the these public debates and conflicts with their inter- Encyclope´die. national resonance are therefore highly relevant if It is significant and, at the same time, comes as one wants to make sure that this historical period no surprise that Raynal’s oeuvre, highly complex in isn’t completely forgotten, at least in Berlin and its genesis and e´criture, that has been viewed with Brandenburg. good reason as an encyclopedia of European colonial expansion and was to become one of the WORLD TRADE AND WORLD HISTORY AS big bestsellers of the French eighteenth century A WORLD IN TRANSITION (Lu¨ sebrink, 1988), uses in many places the same discursive strategies and traditions in order to win Up to what point the international debates the internationally widely spread public’s interest taking place before the backdrop of British, for the subject matter it treats on thousands of French, but also Spanish or Russian scientific pages. So we read, right in the ‘‘Introduction’’ to expeditions during the second phase of accelerated the first volume of the Histoire philosophique et globalization changed the significance of non- politique des e´tablissements et du commerce des European subject matters in general and, more europe´ens dans les deux Indes, in formulations specifically, of questions concerning the New which remind us of the first lines of Cornelius de World, can be elucidated by having a look at the Pauw’s Recherches philosophiques sur les Ame´ricains French Encyclope´die. The first volume of this great or of his article in the Encyclope´die’s supplement: collaborative effort of European Enlightenment, published in 1751, only dedicated a couple of lines ‘‘Il n’y a point eu d’e´ ve´ nement aussi inte´ ressant pour to the entry ‘‘Ame´ rique’’: no more than for the l’espe` ce humaine en ge´ ne´ ral, & pour les peuples de entry ‘‘Amer’’ (bitter) and much less than for l’Europe en particulier, que la de´ couverte du Nouveau ‘‘Ame´ thyste.’’ In the entry ‘‘Ame´ rique’’ one learns Monde & le passage aux Indes par le cap de Bonne- that America is one of the four parts of the world, Espe´ rance. Alors a commence´ une re´ volution dans le that it was discovered in 1491 (sic!) by the Genovese commerce, dans la puissance des nations, dans les Columbus, and that it got its name from ‘‘Ame´ ric- moeurs, l’industrie et le gouvernement de tous les Vespuce Florentin’’, who reached the New World peuples. [...] in 1497 (Encyclope´die, 1751: 356). In what follows, we learn little more than that the continent is Tout est change´ , & doit changer encore. Mais les divided into South and North America and that the re´ volutions passe´ es & celles qui doivent suivre, ont- South offers gold and silver, apart from a long list elles e´ te´ , seront-elles utiles a` la nature humaine? of other colonial goods, and that the North L’homme leur devra-t-il un jour plus de tranquillite´ , supplies Áand this should hardly astonish usÁ de bonheur & de plaisir? Son e´ tat sera-t-il meilleur, ou badger furs (Encyclope´die, 1751: 356). ne fera-t-il que changer?’’ (Raynal, 1781, I: 1 f.)

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 12 “ O. Ette

With these words, Guillaume-Thomas Raynal, e´ claire´ s qui sont parmi elles m’ont re´ pondu: c’est le who was an attentive reader of de Pauw’s, using an commerce, c’est le commerce.’’ (Raynal, 1781, I: 3f.) only slightly changed phrasing, took up the dis- course on the world-historical moment of the so- Not only was the rhetoric of the Histoire des called discovery of America. At the same time, he deux Indes, which plays with a sophisticated extended the ‘‘West Indian’’ perspective program- economy of reader-figures (Ette, 1998), more effec- matically to comprise also the ‘‘East Indian,’’ tive in creating a greater resonance in the public of readers than de Pauw’s Recherches philosophiques herewith according trade Á as the title of his (Bancarel, 1988 and 1991), but it was also capable colonial encyclopedia announces an important, Á of covering more spatial, thematic and philosophi- even decisive role in the radical changes that had cal ground, a fact which Á due to the incorporation marked the world so fundamentally ever since the of a wide range of statistical data provided by end of the fifteenth century. But this view on the Raynal, Diderot and the numerous collaborators first phase of accelerated globalization was supple- and correspondents Á raised, for many decades, this mented by the insight that the re´volutions unleashed collective project to the status of a reference for by it would be followed in the present and the information on the non-European world. Raynal, future by new upheavals, which were to bring more who, during his exile from France, had only spent a fundamental changes. It remained to be seen, what short period of time at the court of Frederick the consequences they were going to have on human Great and had been received much less warmly in fortune and wealth. Germany (compared to France), had started to Herewith, the Histoire des deux Indes’ incipit make the Abbe´’s work look second-rate at the stages an archeology of globality from the con- Prussian court ever since the first publication of science of a duplicated globalization, which is his Histoire in 1770. continuously elaborated as the many volumes of But one has to say that not only in relation to the work progress: the globalization of the late the work of Cornelius de Pauw, relying on crass fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and that of the antinomies, but also concerning Guillaume-Tho- second half of the eighteenth century. The future of mas Raynal’s Histoire des deux Indes the great time these radical changes Á as much as their own of heated debates and scholarly discussions was history Á seemed to be completely open. But the slowly cooling down and, finally, coming to an end propulsive force and dynamic of such a world in when the transition into the nineteenth century transition is world trade. So the figure of the occurred. It is, of course, of merely anecdotic philosopher, whose voice repeatedly generates co- importance that this was triggered by a man who, hesion between the heterogeneous, often contra- in 1769, had been born in Berlin, the place where dictory parts of the Histoire des deux Indes, begins the second volume of the Recherches philosophiques by taking a look at a Europe predating the epoch of sur les Ame´ricains had just been published; but one the discoveries Á ‘‘l’Europe avant les de´ couvertes’’ cannot fully deny this fact its symbolic value. (Raynal, 1781, I: 2) Á, then gains a higher point of It is highly significant that one of the Dutch- observation which encompasses the whole world man’s most outstanding critics, Drouin de Bercy, and underscores from an almost extraterrestrial who claimed to have spent time in Saint-Domingue perspective the fundamental relevance globalized as a French Colon, to have participated as an trade has for the entire planet: officer in the French army’s unlucky expedition under general Leclerc against the Haitian Revolu- ‘‘Eleve´ au-dessus de toutes les conside´ rations hu- tion and to have spent a total of thirteen years in maines, c’est alors qu’on plane au-dessus de l’atmo- America, attacked Cornelius de Pauw forty years sphe` re, & qu’on voit le globe au-dessous de soi. C’est after the first edition of the Recherches philosophi- de-la` qu’on laisse tomber des larmes sur le ge´ nie ques sur les Ame´ricains by confronting de Pauw perse´ cute´ , sur le talent oublie´ , sur la vertu malheur- with Alexander von Humboldt in his two-volume euse. [...] C’est de-la` qu’on voit la teˆ te orgueilleuse du book L’Europe et l’Ame´rique compare´es, published tyran s’abaisser & se couvrir de fange, tandis que le in Paris in 1818: ‘‘His chief method of refuting De front modeste du juste touche la vouˆ te des cieux. C’est Pauw is to confront him with statements from la` que j’ai pu ve´ ritablement m’e´ crier, je suis libre,& Alexander von Humboldt, whom he quotes as me sentir au niveau de mon sujet. C’est la` enfin que, absolute authority’’ (Church, 1936: 204). The voyant a` mes pieds, ces belles contre´ es ou` fleurissent younger of the two Humboldt brothers, who had les sciences & les arts, & que les te´ ne` bres de la for many years settled down in Paris after returning barbarie avoient si long-temps occupe´ es, je me suis from his long travels with Aime´ Bonpland in demande´ : qui est-ce qui a creuse´ ces canaux? qui est-ce America (from 1799 to 1804), had long since been qui a desse´ che´ ces plaines? qui est-ce qui a fonde´ ces the ultimate authority in the discourse on the villes? qui est-ce qui a rassemble´ ,veˆ tu, civilise´ ces American hemisphere. A new discourse about the peuples? & qu’alors toutes les voix des hommes New World had arisen, and once more Potsdam

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 13 and Berlin were to play an important role in this ont e´ te´ compare´ s aux monumens des pays les plus discourse during the second half of the nineteenth e´ loigne´ s, et mes recherches sur les peuples indige` nes century. de l’Ame´ rique paroissent a` une e´ poque ou` l’on ne regarde pas comme indigne d’attention tout ce qui A REFLECTION ON GLOBALITY BEYOND s’e´ loigne du style dont les Grecs nous ont laisse´ RADICAL OTHERNESS d’inimitables mode` les.’’ (Humboldt, 1989: 96 and II f.) For the discourse about the non-European In this equally unequivocal and programmatic, regions and especially America had begun to scholarly and neutral passage, Alexander von undergo a fundamental transformation at the Humboldt Áwho could certainly be described as beginning of the nineteenth century. Alexander an always competent and elegant French writerÁ von Humboldt, who had published after his return ¨ presents the transition into the nineteenth century from the Reise in die Aquinoktial-Gegenden des as the brink of a new epoch, an epoch characterized Neuen Kontinents (‘‘Personal Narrative of a Jour- by a ‘‘fortunate revolution’’ in the discourse on the ney to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Con- non-European world. Evidently, this passage Álike tinent’’) between 1805 and 1838 a huge work on many others in Humboldt’s workÁ is in fact a direct travel in thirty splendid large-format folios and response to the theses and ideas of Raynal’s and numerous smaller editions and translations, knew mostly of de Pauw’s, whose Recherches philosophi- very well what he was talking about when he wrote ques sur les Ame´ricains are opposed by Humboldt’s in his introduction to Vues des Cordille`res et reflections on the cultures of the ‘‘indigenous Monumens des Peuples Indige`nes de l’Ame´rique, people in America.’’ Step by step, the theses of dated Paris, April 1813: the Dutch Abbe´ are refuted here by proving the ‘‘L’ardeur avec laquelle on s’e´ toit livre´ a` des re- existence of great cultural developments in the cherches sur l’Ame´ rique, diminua de` s le commence- American peoples on the basis of his own analyses ment du dix-septie` me sie` cle; les colonies espagnoles, in America, but also in the American and European qui enferment les seules re´ gions jadis habite´ es par des libraries and archives. Needless to say, de Pauw’s peuples civilise´ s, reste` rent ferme´ es aux nations e´ tran- name hardly ever appears in Humboldt’s writing. ge` res; et re´ cemment, lorsque l’abbe´ Clavigero publia It is noteworthy, though, that he only explicitly en Italie son Histoire ancienne du Mexique, on named one author in the above-quoted passage, regarda comme tre` s-douteux des faits atteste´ s par this author ÁFrancisco Javier ClavijeroÁ being une foule de te´ moins oculaires souvent ennemis les intimately connected to the pre-Colombian history uns des autres. Des e´ crivains ce´ le` bres, plus frappe´ s des of the Spanish colonies in America as a representa- contrastes que de l’harmonie de la nature, s’e´ toient tive of the Enlightenment in Spanish America, but plu a` de´ peindre l’Ame´ rique entie` re comme un pays also well-informed about the present state of what mare´ cageux, contraire a` la multiplication des anima- later was to be Mexico. Also, Clavijero Áliterally as ux, et nouvellement habite´ par des hordes aussi peu an American representative in EuropeÁ had led the civilise´ es que les habitans de la mer du Sud. Dans les most massive and best-founded attacks against de recherches historiques sur les Ame´ ricains, un scepti- Pauw up to this date. In his Storia Antica del cisme absolu avoit e´ te´ substitue´ a` une saine critique. Messico (Clavijero, 1780), first published in Italy On confondoit les descriptions de´ clamatoires de Solis and in Italian after the expulsion of the Jesuits from et de quelques autres e´ crivains qui n’avoient pas the colonies, he had vehemently attacked all those quitte´ l’Europe, avec les relations simples et vraies European scholars who, like Buffon, de Pauw, des premiers voyageurs; il paroissoit du devoir d’un Raynal, or Robertson, had written about America philosophe de nier tout ce qui avoit e´ te´ observe´ par and the Americans without ever having set foot in des missionnaires. the New World. Discretely but unequivocally, Humboldt herewith marked his own position with- Depuis la fin du dernier sie` cle, une re´ volution in the dispute over the New World and at the same heureuse s’est ope´ re´ e dans la manie` re d’envisager la time let American authors have their say. civilisation des peuples et les causes qui en arreˆ tent ou Already Pernety had made clear that, as op- favorisent les progre` s. Nous avons appris a` connoıˆ tre posed to the Dutchman he was criticizing, he had des nations dont les moeurs, les institutions et les arts actually been in the New World himself. So diffe` rent presque autant de ceux des Grecs et des Humboldt could even more legitimately refer to Romains, que les formes primitives d’animaux de´ - himself as an ‘‘eyewitness’’ and distance himself truits diffe` rent de celles des espe` ces qui sont l’object from Buffon, de Pauw or Raynal in an epistemo- de l’histoire naturelle descriptive. La socie´ te´ de logical sense. He knew: A new, empirically Calcutta a re´ pandu une vive lumie` re sur l’histoire founded, historically oriented and comparative des peuples de l’Asie. Les monumens de l’Egypte, discourse about what was ‘‘outside’’ Europe was de´ crits de nos jours avec une admirable exactitude, about to arise. The dominance of a perspective

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 14 “ O. Ette which had lasted for decades, brought forward by edition, an intellectual life of its own, which turned famous writers, representing America as a swampy it into one of the most fascinating pieces of his continent that had only recently emerged from the work. Humboldt finally gave it the lengthy title water and was inhabited by feeble and weak beings Examen critique de l’histoire de la ge´ographie du Áand this was definitely and mainly referring to Nouveau Continent et des progre`s de l’astronomie Buffon and de Pauw, but also to RaynalÁ had been nautique aux quinzie`me et seizie`me sie`cles. It is true broken. The saine critique had won over the that this ‘‘textual part’’ of the atlas-work, published scepticisme absolu of the Enlightenment’s in French between April 1834 and August 1838, philosophes, who had rejected the old reports as was to remain a fragment, like many of Humboldt’s lies because they did not fit their own systematical great works (Fiedler and Leitner, 2000: 152-165). thinking-structures. Particularly in his Vues des At the same time, from the first sentence of the Cordille`res et Monuments des Peuples Indige`nes, ‘‘Pre´ face’’ on, dated Berlin, November 1833, it his ‘‘views on the indigenous cultures,’’ Humboldt unfolded considerable accuracy and charm not had started to change the perspective on the New only in the historiographic sense, but also concern- World also in cultural matters, not conceptualizing ing the philosophy of history. Reading it is quite an it as the radical Other anymore, as it had been the experience even today: case ever since the first reports of European mariners. ‘‘Les sie` cles dans lesquels se re´ ve` le la vivacite´ du What was more: This new way of looking at mouvement intellectuel, offrent le caracte` re distinctif things was integrated into a wave of scientific d’une tendance invariable vers un but de´ termine´ . C’est investigations encompassing the whole world, ana- l’active e´ nergie de cette tendance qui leur imprime de lyzing Asia and Europe, Egypt and ancient Greece, la grandeur et de l’e´ clat. Une suite non interrompue India and the Roman Empire from a comparative de de´ couvertes ge´ ographiques, effet d’une noble perspective and inserting them into a worldwide net communaute´ d’inspiration et d’ardeur chez les Portu- of empirically founded reflections. It was up against gais et les Castillans, une lutte sanglante prolonge´ e this backdrop that, starting in 1805, Humboldt par la re´ action de la re´ forme religieuse, des mouve- unfolded an incredibly wide array of the most mens politiques tendant a` refondre les institutions diverse scientific inquiries, which, in the spirit of a sociales, ont occupe´ successivement les esprits et globalized and simultaneously globalizing science, donne´ a` certaines pe´ riodes une physionomie indivi- constantly discussed their own findings from a duelle. globally comparative and transdisciplinary perspec- tive. Hereby he does not take science Ádespite some Le quinzie` me sie` cle, dont je m’occupe de pre´ fe´ rence restrictionsÁ to be a destructive force serving dans cet ouvrage, offre un inte´ reˆ t qu’on pourrait European expansionism, but to be a practice of appeler de position dans l’e´ chelle chronome´ trique des knowledge committed to all of mankind. The fact progre` s de la raison. Place´ entre deux genres de that Humboldt, in contrast to his explanations civilisation, il offre comme un monde interme´ diaire mentioned above, did not always refrain from appartenant a` la fois au moyen-aˆ ge et aux temps considering Greek antiquity as the cultural-histor- modernes.’’ (Humboldt, 1836, I: VII f.) ical and artistic meridian on his map of the cultures of the world has to be seen as one of the contra- It is typical for Humboldt’s thinking that he as dictions which are imminent to his Ánevertheless the scientist investigating nature and culture, as in ground-breakingÁ project of a different modernity the preface to his Kosmos, dated Potsdam, Novem- (Ette, 2002). ber 1844 Áthere the incipit reads: ‘‘Ich u¨ bergebe am Seen from this perspective of a globalizing spa¨ ten Abend eines vielbewegten Lebens [...]’’ (‘‘In concept of science which also captures its own the dusk of a restless life, I deliver [...]’’) (Hum- historicity, it can only be a logical consequence boldt, 2004: 3)Á, combined the lexemes of move- that, in the context of his work on his American ment and life (e. g. of what is alive), which were so travels, Humboldt not only addressed the geogra- important and decisive for him. In the end, all of phy of plants and the views on nature, zoological the Examen critique, maybe even all of Alexander observations and the American indigenous cultures, von Humboldt’s work was concerned with the most trigonometric measurements, political and na- diverse forms of expression and combination that tional-economic analyses, but that he also (and life and movement take on, with this vivacite´ du especially) took into consideration the historical mouvement intellectuel, defining in this historical period which I have earlier denominated the first and historical-philosophical sketch a century’s phase of accelerated globalization. What had physiognomy, a century which is designated as a initially been devised as an explanatory addition ‘‘world in-between,’’ as a monde interme´diaire to the cartographic work Atlas ge´ographique et between the Middle Ages and modernity. So not physique des re´gions e´quinoxiales du Nouveau just the movements in space, the uninterrupted Continent had developed bit by bit, edition by sequence of voyages and discoveries, but also (and

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 15 especially) the intellectual motions constitute for picture. For as in an archeology of movement, the Humboldt the center of geographic and historio- movements of the European discoverer par graphic inquiries, as well as being the nucleus of excellence become visible ‘‘under’’ the spatial and questions concerning the philosophy of history and intellectual movements of the Prussian traveler and the history of ideas, all being related to the historiographer, who Á as he also knew Á would dynamics of how knowledge arises and dissemi- soon be celebrated as the ‘‘second discoverer’’ of nates in space. Cuba and of that space which we today denominate Latin-America. Already Cornelius de Pauw had AN ARCHEOLOGY OF GLOBALITY AS made the following remarks on Columbus, who he A HISTORY OF MOVEMENTS Á like most of the eighteenth century’s philosophes Á considered a ‘‘grand homme’’ and admired, For a good reason, Andreas Daum has re- picking up on an old and repeatedly voiced minded us of the fact that the Humboldtian suspicion: approach can be understood as a history of space and that it created a worldwide range of applica- ‘‘Christophe Colomb au contraire de´ couvrit en 1492 tions (Daum, 2000). But since in the Examen une route aise´ e; & quand on le voit s’e´ lever jusqu’au critique Humboldt was not just interested in gen- XXV degre´ de latitude nord, pour saisir ce vent d’est erating knowledge locally or regionally, but in re- qui regne ordinairement entre les tropiques, & aller implanting or transferring it, one could Áapart from ensuite presque en droite ligne a` l’ıˆ le de Saint- a spatial turn (Schlo¨ gel, 2003) that has been Domingue, on seroit tente´ de croire qu’il savoit cette repeatedly proclaimedÁ speak of a history of route d’avance [...].’’ (Pauw, 1776: 344) movements in the strictest sense of the word. This is certainly not the place to suspect, on our Seen from this angle, Humboldt’s interest is a part, other movements under the movements Co- profoundly vectorial one. For on the one hand it searches for the transregional, transareal and lumbus made and to follow up on the thesis that an transcontinental relations between space and earlier discoverer might have passed on his knowl- knowledge, but, on the other hand, it also tries edge to the Genovese. In the Examen critique, to unearth once more the vectorially inscribed Humboldt could rely on science’s most recent movements in the contemporary movements of findings concerning spatial and intellectual move- knowledge and attempts to represent them as ments in the fifteenth century, as well as on the clearly as possible in a history of knowledge. transcripts, found only a few years earlier, that This specifically vectorial dimension of his ap- Bartolome´ de las Casas had made of Colo´ n’s proach aims at uncovering, anagrammatically, so logbook. In his philosophically and philologically to say, the movements underneath the movements founded analysis, Humboldt managed like nobody in an archeology that can be considered an else before him to disentangle and read a stratified archeology of globalization in the fullest sense of and intertwined texture of the documents and the word. But the latter may only be conceptua- fictions, sources and prophecies, travel logs and lized Áthis the Examen critique’s history of move- spiritual truths which make the ‘‘discoverer’s’’ deeds ment seems to implyÁ as an archeology of intelligible. The Examen critique shows very clearly mobility. which ways of knowledge Cristo´ bal Colo´ n trans- Humboldt’s Examen critique of the fifteenth and lated into those routes in space to which he sixteenth centuries, fascinating to this day, follows entrusted his ships and crews on the supposed trip a multi-faceted and ingenious pattern. So one can to India, without anybody else, who by chance show that, also in the Examen critique, Alexander might have been washed up on those western shores, von Humboldt’s image (who Áas the Prussian having to provide him with information about this certainly knewÁ would have carried the name opportunity. Right at the beginning of his examina- Humboldt y Colomb in Spanish-speaking coun- tions, Humboldt made clear that the great discov- tries, after the Huguenot family on the maternal eries that characterized Europe’s movement of side) is connected anagrammatically to the figure of expansion had not just been brought about by Christopher Columbus or Cristo´ bal Colo´ n, given chance: the fact that both ‘‘discoverers’’’ traces superimpose themselves, sometimes in an obsessive fashion ‘‘Les grandes de´ couvertes de l’he´ misphe` re occidental (Ette, 1992). If we just look at the Examen critique, ne furent point le re´ sultat d’un heureux hasard. Il the image of Humboldt becomes visible en filigrane, serait injuste d’en chercher le premier germe dans ces so to speak, ‘‘behind’’ that of Columbus. But if we dispositions instinctives de l’ame auxquelles la poste´ r- look in the other direction and ask for the Examen ite´ attribue souvent ce qui est le re´ sultat d’une longue critique’s functionality within all of the work on the me´ ditation. Colomb, Cabrillo, Gali, et tant d’autres travels, of which it forms the keystone in a certain navigateurs qui, jusqu’a` Se´ bastien Viscayno, ont sense, then we see a different, even more exciting illustre´ les annales de la marine espagnole, e´ taient,

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 16 “ O. Ette

pour l’e´ poque a` laquelle ils vivaient, des hommes phenomena of historical emergence, but by under- remarquables par leur instruction.’’ (Humboldt, 1836, standing the present itself as linked to the process of I: 7 f.) historical emergence and development. This applies especially to a multi-volume work about travels The history of the discoveries, for Humboldt, is which also attempts to answer the questions arising therefore literally identical with a history of knowl- from the second phase of accelerated globalization edge and its translation into movement. For 14 by examining critically the first phase of accelerated ‘‘America’s historiographer,’’ a designation he globalization and by grounding its analysis in liked to pride himself with, the thread he had philology and the philosophy of history. The woven into his text with considerable satisfaction, central aim here is to try to analyze the interactions tying him to the Genovese, merely represented an and reciprocal interconnections between the Old element of a much wider movement which gives his and New World in space and time and to elucidate Examen critique, but also his other works, their in this way those transfers of knowledge which specific location in history. Herewith the historio- dealt with the creation and development of new graphic work itself becomes a part and a character- knowledge, especially with its distribution in a istic of a form of globality which may only spatial sense. In this sense, Columbus turns into a conceptualize itself as such when it is aware of its kind of mediator for knowledge and, even more so, own history. So globality is closely interconnected a mover of knowledge belonging to an interstitial with its own archeology. world, who made his appearance on the stage of the Already in the preliminary words of his work on ‘‘the´ aˆ tre du monde’’ in order to multiply the objects the history of the discoveries, Humboldt under- on the horizon of European thought and to scored the importance the work had for him, abruptly increase ‘‘la masse des ide´ es’’ (Humboldt, ‘‘auquel, pendant trente ans, je me suis livre´ dans 1836, III: 153). But this notion, which basically tous mes momens de loisir et avec une extreˆ me follows Voltaire, is elevated by Humboldt, in a predilection’’ (Humboldt, 1836, I: X); still, Hum- double movement in which he is less interested in boldt stated that by no means did he regret having the arising as, rather, in the interlinking of knowl- invested so much time and effort into his inquiries, edge, to the level of a globalized concept of history for it is ‘‘le devoir de l’historien’’ to discern in every in view of the distribution of knowledge and the century ‘‘le caracte` re individuel et les traits dis- transfer of ideas: tinctifs de son mouvement intellectuel’’ (Humboldt, 1836, I: 191) Á a phrase with which this key notion ‘‘En rappelant ce que la pense´ e de deux hommes, of Humboldtian thinking is named once more. Toscanelli et Colomb, a ajoute´ a` l’esprit humain, il ne Humboldt all too willingly fulfilled this obligation faut pas se borner aux e´ tonnans progre` s qu’ont faits of the historian, which consists in making these simultane´ ment la ge´ ographie, le commerce des peu- distinctive traits visible, from a consciously re- ples, l’art de naviguer et l’astronomie nautique, toutes flected historical distance and, at the same time, les sciences physiques en ge´ ne´ ral, enfin la philosophie difference: des langues, agrandie par l’e´ tude compare´ e de tant d’idiomes bizarres et riches de formes grammaticales. ‘‘Au milieu des ide´ es qui gouvernent le dix-neuvie` me Il faut envisager surtout l’influence qu’a exerce´ ele sie` cle, pendant l’essor prodigieux d’une civilisation Nouveau-Continent sur les destine´ es du genre humain qui avance et ne vit, pour ainsi dire, que dans le sous le rapport des institutions sociales. La tourmente pre´ sent et pour un avenir tre` s prochain, on a de la religieuse du seizie` me sie` cle, en favorisant l’essor peine a` comprendre une e´ poque glorieuse pour le d’une libre re´ flexion, a pre´ lude´ a` la tourmente genre humain ou` , apre´ s avoir fait de grandes choses, politique des temps dans lesquels nous vivons. Le on se plaisait a` jeter les yeux en arrie` re, a` scruter premier de ces mouvemens a coı¨ ncide´ avec l’e´ poque patiemment si ces grandes choses e´ taient l’accomplis- de l’e´ tablissement des colonies europe´ ennes en sement d’antiques pre´ dictions.’’ (Humboldt, 1836, I: Ame´ rique; le second s’est fait sentir vers la fin du 190 f.) dix-huitie` me sie` cle, et a fini par briser les liens de de´ pendance qui unissaient les deux mondes.’’ The framework of these ‘‘Critical examinations’’ (Humboldt, 1836, III: 155) consists of the difference between a cyclical con- sciousness of history, where historia is and remains Herewith Humboldt expands the ‘‘influence’’ of the magistra vitae (Koselleck, 1984), and an open- European-American relations to encompass just ended understanding of history, typical of moder- those political and social developments and uphea- nity, which was part of Á as Goethe wittily vals which so far had almost exclusively been formulated it Á a ‘‘velociferian age’’15 with its understood from the standpoint of a purely Eur- devilishly velociferian acceleration. The Examen opean context (Humboldt, 1836, III: 155). He is critique attempts to understand the present not involved here in an archeology of globality in which just by looking at the distance it has gained from phenomena and developments of the present gain a

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 17 peculiar transparency when and if the preceding qui voudraient la re´ former.’’ (Humboldt, 1836, III: developments and movements of earlier times in a 317 f.) global dimension become visible. So, consequently, Alexander von Humboldt was not just thinking of Of course, the fact that violence, repression and those long-term effects that the inquiry into human temper had remained unchanged as ‘‘les American languages and the establishment of first meˆ mes au dix-neuvie` me comme au seizie` me sie` cle’’ grammar-books in the sixteenth century had on (Humboldt, 1836, III: 318) and that they unmasked themselves, equally, in France’s expedition of contemporary reflections in the philosophy of 16 language at the beginning of the nineteenth century, chastisement against the Haitian Revolution and a development in the history of science in which he in the legislation on slavery in the southern states of was much involved, not only as a collector and the USA, despite the Enlightenment and all of purveyor of material to his brother Wilhelm, but philosophy, didn’t mean for Humboldt that he had also as a ground-breaking thinker of new linguistic to give up all hope. Rather, he saw a ‘‘tendance concepts (Trabant, 2005). At the same time, he moderne’’ in the ‘‘perfectionnement des institu- strove to understand the European institutional tions’’ and also in the perfecting of the ‘‘ordre and social history from the vantage point of its social’’ (Humboldt, 1836, III: 319), so that despite global contexts, that is, all that had changed all Ácertainly justifiedÁ scepticism he didn’t feel the ‘‘puisamment [...] la face politique et les destine´ es need to abandon his project of a different moder- de l’Ancien-Continent’’ (Humboldt, 1836, III: 158). nity (Cfr. Ette, 2002). For the Humboldtian project In this passage, he also undertook this project in of modernization relied explicitly on attempting to view of the movements of independence in the draw the conclusions from the acts of violence in European colonies on the American continent, the transatlantic processes of globalization and on which had largely come to a conclusion at this elucidating a national or European history always historical point in time and which, in their founda- from the perspective of a world-historical relation- tions and their progress toward Independencia in ality. In Humboldtian science, thinking in terms of Spanish-America, he had seemingly accompanied relational wholeness and uniting the multitude of step by step and critically reflected in his own work individual phenomena did not only apply to natural on America. In this oscillating movement between phenomena, but also to culture Á and specifically two timeframes, which traverses all of the Examen the history of humankind. It was the latter that had critique (See also Humboldt, 1836, III: 296), the to be conceptualized in its historical process of history of Europe in a global context gains multi- emergence and, therefore, as a string of different, dimensionality through the uncovering of its world- but still basically continuous phases of globaliza- wide relationality, a quality one hardly ever finds in tion. This favored the thoughtful uniting of parti- today’s historiography. Europe’s history, this Hum- cular or national history (or histories) to form a boldt knew, couldn’t be adequately understood notion of history presenting many intersections and from a purely European standpoint: Without the enlacements. The Examen critique represents the history of the New World, the history of the Old first, important step on the road to a concept of World had to appear strangely reduced, even history which brings together space and time in amputated in a certain sense. their combination as a history of movement and, But, at the same time, Humboldt drew attention most relevantly, which is interested in the transfer to Á as we would put it today Á structural and translation of knowledge: thinking globality as continuities between certain phenomena of globa- an archeology of its mobility. lization, continuities which connected the first and One could multiply the instances of a so- the second phase in a tragic manner: conceived archeology, an archeology which looks for the phenomena of globalization dating from ‘‘Telle est la complication des destine´ es humaines que earlier centuries under today’s phenomena of ces meˆ mes cruaute´ s qui ont ensanglante´ la conqueˆ te globalization. They refer to an understanding of des deux Ame´ riques, se sont renouvele´ es sous nos history that always also reflects on its global yeux, dans des temps que nous croyons caracte´ rise´ s dimensions in order to represent historical change par un progre` s prodigieux des lumie` res, par un as a history of movements and exchange. Aware- adoucissement ge´ ne´ ral dans les moeurs, et cependant ness of globality inevitably demands a carefully un meˆ me homme, a` peine au milieu de sa carrie` re, a nuanced historical understanding of mobility. pu voir la terreur en France, l’expe´ dition inhumaine Concerning America, Humboldt, like de Pauw, de Saint-Domingue, les re´ actions politiques et les emphasized the incredible speed with which an guerres civiles continentales de l’Ame´ rique et de asymmetrical constellation of power had estab- l’Europe, les massacres de Chio et d’Ipsara, les actes lished itself between the Old and the New World, de violence qu’ont fait naıˆ tre tout re´ cemment, dans given the fact that in only six years Ábetween 1492 la partie me´ ridionale des Etats-Unis, une atroce and 1498Á the ‘‘Verteilung der Gewalt u¨ ber die le´ gislation concernant les esclaves, et la haine de ceux Erdoberfla¨ che’’ (‘‘distribution of power over the

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 18 “ O. Ette earth’s surface’’) had been decided and an ‘‘U¨ ber- one could easily inscribe Alexander von Hum- macht der Vo¨ lker des Westens’’ (‘‘overpowering boldt’s own work as a world traveller, as a historian might of the Western peoples’’) had been secured and philosopher of the world. The fact that the (Humboldt, 1836, IV: 21). We shouldn’t let us be semantic combination of life and movement reap- blinded by the striving for a future equiponderance, pears once more in the ‘‘bewegten Leben des visible in all of Humboldt’s oeuvre: for this scholar Griechentums’’ (‘‘moved life of the Greeks’’), a and investigator, power and violence are from the semantic combination which is of fundamental very beginning the decisive elements that form the importance for Humboldt’s life science, which is structure of the European-American relations. But, simultaneously also a science about movement, still according to him, this uneven balancing of points us towards his archeology of a form of power also brought with it a new arrangement of globality whose consciousness can only unfold into knowledge, so creating new ways of knowledge a world consciousness when it becomes aware of which, at the threshold of the sixteenth century, the movements preceding it. A history of space and were establishing themselves on a global scale. So, a generation and deployment of knowledge, made at the end of the fourth volume of his Examen possible by specific spatial configurations, is so critique, Humboldt exclaimed, what a century this transformed into a history of movement, in the must have been, a century in which so many new center of which are the vectorial dynamics which paths were traced and thoughts newly conceived, in store and transform earlier patterns of movement. which the progress of intelligence and of human This is where, at the very latest, an archeology of globality in Alexander von Humboldt’s sense civilization had so ‘‘ma¨ chtig beschleunigt’’ (‘‘migh- tily accelerated’’).17 reveals itself to imply an archeology of mobility But herewith this period in time is also inserted and relationality, if it aims at developing an understanding which is adequate to the questions into the history of world consciousness which, of globalization, instead of remaining trapped in an according to the author of the Kosmos, began in unhistorical symptomatology of surface-phenom- the eastern Mediterranean: ena, which nevertheless we encounter quite fre- ‘‘Was aber, wie schon oft bemerkt worden, die quently these days. Therefore Humboldt’s interest geographische Lage des Mittelmeers vor allem in Christopher Columbus and Amerigo Vespucci wohltha¨ tig in ihrem Einfluß auf den Vo¨ lkerverkehr exceeded by far the intentions of a merely histor- und die fortschreitende Erweiterung des Weltbe- iographical work and attempted, by making the wußtseins gemacht hat, ist die Na¨ he des in der movements under the movements and the globali- kleinasiatischen Halbinsel vortretenden o¨ stlichen zations under the globalizations readable, to unfold Continents; die Fu¨ lle der Inseln des a¨ ga¨ ischen Meeres, a life-knowledge which, in the context of the second welche eine Bru¨ cke fu¨ r die u¨ bergehende Cultur phase of accelerated globalization, also contained a gewesen sind; die Furche zwischen Arabien, Aegypten survival-knowledge: the question how a peaceful und Abyssinien, durch die der große indische Ocean coexistence of humans and their different cultures unter der Benennung des arabischen Meerbusens oder could be guaranteed on a global scale was posing des rothen Meeres eindringt, getrennt durch eine itself with renewed vigor. schmale Erdenge von dem Nil-Delta und der su¨ - Such knowledge about how to live together, this do¨ stlichen Ku¨ ste des inneren Meeres. Durch alle diese Alexander von Humboldt knew very well, as in ra¨ umlichen Verha¨ ltnisse offenbarte sich in der an- every transfer of knowledge, had to rely on the fact wachsenden Macht der Pho¨ nicier und spa¨ ter in der ‘‘qu’a` toutes les e´ poques de la vie des peuples, ce der Hellenen, in der schnellen Erweiterung des qui tient aux progre´ s de la raison, a ses racines dans Ideenkreises der Vo¨ lker der Einfluß des Meeres, als les sie` cles ante´ rieurs’’ (Humboldt, 1836, I: XVII). des verbindenden Elementes. Die Cultur war in ihren So it’s all about making the connection between the fru¨ heren Sitzen in Aegypten, am Euphrat und Tigris, different epochs in the life of the peoples. in der indischen Pentapotamia und in China an reiche The conviction, voiced in his foreword to the Stromlandschaften gefesselt gewesen; nicht so in Examen critique, that the interruption of luminous Pho¨ nicien und Hellas. In dem bewegten Leben des epochs by dark ages is neither an inevitable fate, Griechenthums, vorzu¨ glich im ionischen Stamme, nor the principle of individuals’ or peoples’ lives, fand der fru¨ he Drang nach seema¨ nnischen Unterneh- was of decisive importance not only for Hum- mungen eine reiche Befriedigung in den merkwu¨ rdi- boldt’s own world-consciousness, but also for his gen Formen des mittella¨ ndischen Meerbeckens, in self-consciousness as an intellectual avant la lettre seiner relativen Stellung zu dem Ocean im Su¨ den und (Humboldt, 1836, I: XVII f.). A concept of Westen.’’ (Humboldt, 2004: 154) globality which recognizes the real precondition of its very existence in its own archeology, in the Here the distribution of landmass and water in unearthing of the patterns of movement and the Mediterranean region becomes the starting reflections preceding it, seems to be the only form point for a world-historical movement in which of globality which offers the opportunity of not

Culture & History Digital Journal 1(1), June 2012, e003. eISSN 2253-797X doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2012.003 Archeologies of Globalization “ 19 having to relive the dark sides, suppressed con- 1827, in connection with Goethe’s concept of a world literature, see Bohnenkamp (1999). sciously or unconsciously, in a resurgence of what 16. See in this context an even clearer Humboldt’s passage, has been repressed. Such an idea of an archeology where we read in connection with an elaboration on of globality could then mark the point at which a gruesome methods of hunting humans in the sixteenth world-consciousness transforms into knowledge century: ‘‘Comme dans les guerres civiles les peuples d’Europe renouvellent toujours les cruaute´ s des temps about how to live together, taken in the sense of les plus barbares, l’expe´ dition franc¸ aise de Saint-Domin- knowledge about how to live together in difference. gue, en 1802, nous montre non-seulement des ne` gres prisonniers bruˆ le´ sa` petit feu, au milieu d’une grande ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS population, mais aussi des chiens de Cuba, qui ont acquis une triste ce´ le´ brite´ , employe´ sa` la chasse aux hommes.’’ I wish to thank the funds provided by the (Humboldt, 1836, III: 374) 17. ‘‘Quel sie` cle que celui ou` l’histoire contemporaine pouvait ‘‘Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovacio´ n’’ (Spain), offrir de telles images a` l’orgueil des races, perpe´ tuer par project HAR2010-21333-C03-02 led by Prof. d’inge´ nieux emble` mes le souvenir de cet esprit chevaler- M.A. Puig-Samper. Translation of this text from esque qui, en frayant de nouvelles routes et en agrandissant German by Mark Minnes is fully appreciated. la sphe` re des ide´ es, a acce´ le´ re´ puisamment les progre` sde l’intelligence et de la civilisation humaine!’’ (Humboldt, Other versions of this article are also available: 1836, IV: 335 f.)

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Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte nouveau continent qui, avec les mers qui l’environnent, , 23: 243Á268. http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1002/bewi.20000230303 forme tout un he´ misphe` re de notre plane` te [...]’’ (Pauw, Deutscher Bundestag (2001) Globalisierung der Weltwirt- 1776: 343). schaft-Herausforderungen und Antworten. Drucksache 14/ 5. See in this context Gerhard Steiner’s Epilogue ‘‘Georg 6910. http://dipbt.bundestag.de/dip21/btd/14/069/1406910. Forsters «Reise um die Welt» ‘‘ (Forster, 1983: 1015). pdf [accessed 09/February/2012] 6. Forster made use, among others, of a text by Alexander Duchet, Miche` le (1971) Anthropologie et histoire au sie`cle des Dalrymple on the fur trade; see Forster (1985: 778). Lumie`res. Buffon, Voltaire, Rousseau, Helve´tius, Diderot. 7. For more information on this, see Ette (2001: 9 and 539). Flammarion, Paris. 8. 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