Engaged Archaeology: Participatory mapping with the indigenous people of the upper river basin, Northern Amazonia Engaged Archaeology:Engaged Archaeology: Participatory mapping with the Participatory mapping with the indigenous people of the indigenous people of the upper Maroni river basin, upper Maroni river basin, Northern Amazonia Northern Amazonia RENZO S. DUIN

Leiden University, Leiden, Netherlands

KILIAN TOINAIKE

Association Kalipo, Talhuwen,

TASIKALE ALUPKI

Association Kalipo, Talhuwen, French Guiana

AIMAWALE OPOYA

Association Kalipo, Talhuwen, French Guiana Duin, R. S. | Toinaike, K. | Alupki, T. | Opoya, A.

ENGAGED ARCHAEOLOGY: PARTICIPATORY MAPPING WITH THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE OF THE UPPER MARONI RI- VER BASIN, NORTHERN AMAZONIA

Abstract New perspectives on the sociopolitical landscapes of past tropical forest cultures have emerged the past twenty years in Amazonian archaeology. Evolving relationships between archaeologists and indigenous Amazo- nian people, as well as integrating archaeological practice with indige- nous Amazonian knowledge, has recently led to groundbreaking scien- tific discoveries in Amazonia. The present article is a discussion on an ongoing participatory mapping project highlighting this emerging tradi- tion of archaeologists engaging with indigenous people. Specifically, this participatory mapping project in the Eastern Guiana Highlands (Surina- me, French Guiana, and ), is part of a recent process of sharing the research agendas of both an anthropologist/archaeologist and the indigenous Amazonian people. Throughout this article, the challenging potential of interdisciplinary and multi-scalar research on historically si- tuated sociopolitical processes is foregrounded. Nevertheless, this emer- gent relationship between indigenous Amazonian people and a growing number of archaeologists is in its initial stages. Keywords: Indigenous archaeologies, historical archaeology, participa- tory mapping

ARQUEOLOGIA ENGAJADA: MAPEAMENTO PARTICIPATÓ- RIO COM OS POVOS INDÍGENAS DA BACIA DO ALTO RIO MARONI, NORTE DA AMAZÔNIA

Resumo Novas perspectivas sobre as paisagens sociopolíticas de culturas de flo- restas tropicais do passado têm surgido nos últimos vinte anos na arque- ologia amazônica. A evolução das relações entre arqueólogos e povos indígenas da Amazônia, bem como a integração da prática arqueológica com o conhecimento dos povos indígenas da região, levou recentemen- te a descobertas científicas surpreendentes na Amazônia. O presente artigo é um relato de pesquisa sobre um projeto de mapeamento par- ticipativo em curso, destacando a tradição emergente de arqueólogos que se envolvem com os povos indígenas. Especificamente, este projeto de mapeamento participativo é parte de um processo recente de com- partilhamento das agendas de pesquisa de antropólogo/arqueólogo e os povos indígenas amazônicos das terras altas das Guianas (Suriname, Guiana Francesa e Brasil). Ao longo deste artigo, o desafiador potencial de pesquisa interdisciplinar e de multi-escala em processos sociopolíti- cos historicamente situados está em primeiro plano. No entanto, esta

334 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology

relação emergente entre povos indígenas amazônicos e um crescente número de arqueólogos envolvidos está em estágios iniciais. Palavras-chave: Arqueologias indígenas, arqueologia histórica, mapea- mento participativo.

ARQUEOLOGÍA COMPROMETIDA: EL MAPEO PARTICIPATI- VO CON PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS DE ALTA CUENCA DEL RIO MARONI, AL NORTE DEL AMAZONAS

Resumen Nuevas perspectivas sobre los paisajes socio-políticos de las culturas de los bosques tropicales del pasado han surgido en los últimos veinte años en la arqueología amazónica. El desarrollo de las relaciones entre los arqueólogos y los pueblos indígenas de la Amazonía, así como la inte- gración de la práctica arqueológica con el conocimiento de los pueblos indígenas de la región, recientemente llevó a descubrimientos científicos sorprendentes en la Amazonía. Este artículo es un informe de investiga- ción sobre un proyecto de cartografía participativa en curso, destacan- do la tradición emergente de arqueólogos que se dedican a los pueblos indígenas. En concreto, este proyecto de mapeo participativo es parte de un proceso reciente de compartir agendas de investigación del antro- pólogo / arqueólogo y los pueblos indígenas amazónicos de las tierras altas de las Guayanas (Surinam, Guyana Francesa y Brasil). A lo largo de este artículo, el potencial de investigación interdisciplinario desafiante y multi-escala de los procesos socio-políticos históricamente situados está en primer plano. Sin embargo, esta relación emergente entre los pueblos indígenas amazónicos y un creciente número de arqueólogos está invo- lucrado en las primeras etapas. Palabras-clave: Arqueologías indígenas, arqueología histórica, mapeo participativo.

Postal address of the first author: Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden, The Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected]

Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 335 Duin, R. S. | Toinaike, K. | Alupki, T. | Opoya, A.

“Reflecting on our idea of archae- History Project, an interdisciplinary ology, the phrase we came up with meeting ground allowing to voice di- to describe archaeology [was …] the fferent perspectives, including indige- study of ‘things left behind in the ground’. nous voices, characterized “engaged Eighteen months later when 22 [in- archaeology as indigenous advocacy” digenous Palikur] people had been (Heckenberger 2004). Where archaeo- trained in excavation techniques, (…) the dialogues of reciprocal le- logy used to be known as “the study of arning had produced a very diffe- things left behind in the ground” the rent phrase: (…) ‘reading the tracks decolonization of archaeology during of the ancestors’” (Green, Green & the past decade results in a more enga- Neves 2003, emphasis added). ged archaeology where archaeologists and local people, indigenous as well as Maroons, or slave descendants (Whi- INTRODUCTION te 2010), create a meeting ground for “reading the tracks of the ancestors” In a recent article, Tim Murray (2011) (Green, Green & Neves 2003:377). reviewed the maturing relationship be- Amazonian archaeology remains by tween archaeologists and indigenous and large excluded from global dis- people over the past twenty-five years cussions on decolonizing archaeolo- (see also Bruchac, Hart & Wobst 2010). gy, albeit ongoing research projects in Mainly the decolonization of archaeo- Amazonia fully embrace current post- logy in North America, Australia, and -colonial understandings of archaeolo- New Zealand is addressed. Murray also gy affianced in local politics, heritage refers to the post-colonial archaeolo- issues and community building. gies in Africa emerging from ethno- -archaeological studies conducted by This article discusses the deep-histo- Peter Schmidt (1997, 2006). Examples rical research integrating indigenous from , primarily the knowledge and archaeological practice recent integration of archaeological conducted in the Upper Maroni Basin, science and indigenous knowledge in the frontier zone of southern Surina- Amazonia (Green, Green & Neves me and French Guiana. The core of 2003, Heckenberger et al. 2003, 2007, our research team, implementing an Wright 2013), will enhance Murray’s engaged archaeology, consists of one argument supporting a maturing rela- anthropologist trained in the four-field tionship between archaeologists and approach at the University of Florida indigenous people. The past twenty ye- (Renzo Duin, the author) and three ars in Amazonian archaeology featured indigenous (Kilian Toinaike, new perspectives on the sociopolitical Tasikale Alupki, and Aimawale Opoya, organization of past tropical forest cul- the co-authors)1. The indigenous asso- tures due to a deepening engagement ciation Kalipo, of which Tasikale Alu- of archaeologists with local indige- pki is the director, strives for a safe- nous people (Heckenberger & Neves guarding and cultural transmission of 2009). The Upper Xingu Indigenous indigenous material and intangible he-

336 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology ritage within their Wayana community. Brazil. During his visit of the Upper The relatively short-term expeditions Paru de Oeste, local indigenous Tiriyó were embedded in prolonged periods told Protásio Frikel about a ceremonial of in-depth ethnographic fieldwork. place, and they brought him to this This article presents findings discove- place “of those transformed” (Frikel red during the 2011-2012 expeditions, 1961, 1969). While archaeologist des- supplemented with unpublished data cribed, classified, and interpreted the from earlier expeditions, particular- rock alignments of the Upper Maroni ly the 2004 expedition. Above all, we Basin from a western perspective (Ma- address the process of the maturing zière 1997:117-121), Frikel described scientific interrelationship between the the rock alignments of the Upper Paru archaeologist / anthropologist and the de Oeste as what can be referred to indigenous Wayana in search of the as an indigenous Tiriyó “mythscape” past of the Upper Maroni Basin, nor- (compare with Wright 2013). While thern Amazonia. archaeology in Guiana –notwithstan- Archaeological discoveries in the Upper ding ethnographic descriptions of ar- Maroni Basin, as for most of Guiana, chaeological sites such as by Protásio mainly consist of stone axes, grinding Frikel some fifty years ago– continues grooves, pottery fragments, and a few to describe, catalogue, and classify ar- sites with rock art (petroglyphs and tifacts and determine their provenien- rock alignments). This assemblage is ce, a new Amazonian archaeology and known for at least sixty years (Abon- anthropology situated in a historical nenc 1952:57-58), and the description ecology paradigm is emerging (He- of the people who made these objects ckenberger & Neves 2009). This new generally concurs with the definition Amazonian archaeology (Heckenber- of tropical forest cultures (Steward & ger et al. 2003, 2007) is demonstrating Faron 1959) or tribes (Steward 1948), that the Amazonian natural monument compliant with the neo-evolutionary with its rich biodiversity is in effect a cultural ecology paradigm (Steward cultural landscape. 1950, Meggers 1996). In the past deca- There is a tradition in Amazonian ar- des there have been more findings of chaeology to link the ethnographic stone axes, grinding grooves, and pot- present to the archaeological past, tery fragments; additional discoveries going back to Domingos Soares Fer- were a site with rock paintings and se- reira Penna, and in the beginning of veral montagnes couronnées or hilltop sites the twentieth century both Erland with encircling ditches (Mazière 1997, Nordenskiöld and Kurt “Nimuendajú” Rostain 2008, Versteeg 2003). Some Unckle conducted ethnography and 150 km due west of the rock align- archaeology conjointly (Barreto & Ma- ments and petroglyphs of the Upper chado 2001:246-247). Common practi- Maroni Basin, are the rock alignments ce is that historical ethnographies are and petroglyphs of the grand savanna exploited to illustrate the perished past. of the Upper Paru de Oeste, northern Alternatively, archaeology can be a tool

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striving for a dialogue to voice local the archaeological reconstruction of histories that have been “silenced” house structures excavated in the Cari- (sensu Trouillot 1995). In other wor- bbean (Duin 1998). This ethno-archa- ds, borrowing from Henri Coudreau eological study was mainly conducted (1893:16)2, aiming “to discover unkno- among the Carib-speaking Kaliña and wn pages of the history of the peoples without Wayana communities of the Maroni history” (my translation, emphasis ad- River (frontier between Suriname and ded). The truism “people without his- French Guiana). This research was tory” remains characteristic for the in- within the tradition of Caribbean ar- digenous people of the Americas, even chaeologists from Leiden University whilst arguing against this concept (Lé- drawing on Amazonian ethnographies vi-Strauss 1962, Wolf 1982). Although (Versteeg & Schinkel 1992), and Peter different societies have different ap- Siegel’s (1990a, 1990b) ethno-archaeo- proaches towards managing history, it logical studies among the indigenous was evident for Claude Lévi-Strauss Waiwai of Guyana. Duin had taken for (1962:280) that all societies are embed- granted the leading generalist approach ded in history. Lévi-Strauss (1962:279) searching for cross-cultural compari- therefore suggested that a distinction son (albeit amidst Carib-speaking tro- between ‘‘hot’’ and ‘‘cold’’ societies is pical forest cultures) applicable throu- more useful than the distinction be- gh time and space. tween “the ‘people without history’ and the During the preliminary phase of the others [with written history]” (emphasis ethno-archaeological research, several added). This distinction between ‘‘hot’’ Kaliña and Wayana took immediate and ‘‘cold’’ societies sparked an endu- interest in the historical illustrations ring debate amongst Amazonianists and wordlists from both the Caribbean on history, myth, and local indigenous and Guiana. Wayana even recognized perspectives on the past (or ‘‘historici- words from the seventeenth century ties’’) (Fausto & Heckenberger 2007, dictionaries of the Caribbean. While Hill 1988, 1996, Whitehead 1999, Duin presented these historical docu- 2003). Integrating archaeological prac- ments (referred to by Wayana as uhpak tice and indigenous knowledge curren- aptau pampilan [papers from long ago]), tly results in the rewriting and revealing he explained that ethno-archaeology of unwritten pages of the histories of is the study of practices of contem- indigenous Amazonian people. porary people in order to gain an un- derstanding of past practices based on an analogous material assemblage. “WHY DON’T YOU STUDY OUR HIS- Throughout the years, Duin’s research TORY?” 3 gravitated towards Wayana settlement In 1996, Renzo Duin arrived in Fren- organization. A few years later, Wayana ch Guiana to study the vernacular ar- said to him: “since you are so interested in chitecture and settlement patterning the past, why don’t you study OUR history?” of indigenous people, in order to aid Subsequently, a common research

338 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology agenda emerged. Out of the pitfall of temporality of the indigenous Guiana the generalist approach, Duin almost landscape. immediately fell into the pitfall of the During his PhD training at the Univer- relativist approach, that is, the in-depth sity of Florida, Duin was able to con- ethnographic study of a small com- textualize his experiences and theore- munity while embedding the findings tically situate his findings; shifting his in the broader theoretical issues of the research towards historical processes, discipline. resulted in a multi-scalar understanding During his fieldwork between 1999 of emerging identities and regional so- till 2004, Duin had defended his MA ciopolitical landscapes in the Eastern Thesis, but was not yet embedded in Guiana Highlands (Duin 2009, 2013). a particular school of research for his Meanwhile, Tasikale and Aimawale, PhD training. He lived amongst the who often had profited from the pre- Wayana, though remained particularly sence of Duin to ask Wayana elders interested in traditional practices, so- about the past, used the obtained kno- cial memory, and the transmission of wledge to instigate the 2004 maraké intangible heritage. Although focusing ritual (Isel 2004, Pellet & Saint-Jean on the past, this was a pioneering way 2006:17-33)4. Notwithstanding the to facilitate the understanding of the cautionary research by “revisionists” rapidly changing world of the Upper such as Neil Whitehead (1989, 1994, Maroni Basin. In the village, Wayana 1999, 2000), the neo-evolutionary are eager to demonstrate their longing cultural ecology paradigm of tropical for Western culture, however, the very forest tribes living in a counterfeit pa- same people become nostalgic when radise (Meggers 1996), reigns supreme in the forest away from the village. in the conceptualization of the envi- This action approach demonstrated that ronmental structure and sociopolitical for the Wayana, history is very much organization of indigenous peoples in situated in place. History for Wayana Guiana, and Amazonia at large. The is not fixed in absolute time, but si- ramification of the neo-evolutionary tuated in relational temporality. Trai- cultural ecology paradigm is twofold. ned in the archaeological discipline First, post-1850s images (engravin- of scientifically placing things in time gs and black-and-white photographs) and space, Duin was confronted with of indigenous people are utilized on a different ontological paradigm where a regular basis without critical evalua- place incorporated different tempora- tion to illustrate archaeological studies. lities. During the past decades, Waya- Second, because of the preconceived na have been able to acknowledge the assumption that there were no com- Western notion of absolute time and plex societies (no macro-polities or the Gregorian calendar; and in emba- chiefdom level societies) in the Guiana rking on expeditions with Wayana to- Highlands, there is a lack of research wards the Tumuc-Humac Mountains, agendas instigating archaeological sur- Duin gained an understanding of the veys to further our understanding of

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settlement organization prior to 1850. na area were made by Jules Crevaux In the context of the shared research (1881), an explorer searching for Lake interest of Duin and several Wayana Parime and the Golden City of El Do- that developed over the past sixteen rado. A decade later, Henri Coudreau years, a different image of the history (1893) intended to make a scientific of the Eastern Guiana Highlands is study and draw a map of the interior emerging. of Guiana, proving there was no vast interior lake and no golden city. Nei- ther Crevaux nor Coudreau intended HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY OF to map all indigenous settlements in INDIGENOUS PEOPLE the Eastern Guiana Highlands. Their Based on various historical sources, maps, nevertheless, provided the loca- Duin had compiled a map indicating tion of several dozens of settlements historically known settlement locations and abandoned villages in the late ni- (Figure 1 is based on this source map). neteenth century. It is challenging to Wayana elders recall the names of transfer the historically mapped villa- several of the historical villages plot- ges onto modern maps due to the ted on the map. Concomitantly, these historical map-making by compass, Wayana elders recall settlements from podometer, watch and barometer, in their collective social memory that are conjunction with an unawareness of not on the map. For example, Wayana magnetic declination. More consistent social memory indicates that many in- with modern maps, is the cartographic digenous people used to live along the work conducted after 1945, particular- Malani (Marouini), while on the map ly the work by the French geographer this tributary is largely empty of settle- Jean Hurault. However detailed the lat- ments. This is due to the fact that most ter maps may have been (e.g., Hurault explorers travelled via the Aletani. This 1965: planche VIII facing page 24), indigenous knowledge of past settle- along with his kinship charts, these ment is handed down from generation datasets are ultimately incomplete as to generation in the form of narratives well. On occasion, the incompleteness and chants, or due to the deduction of data can be attributed to the border of encountering ecological or cultural dispute between Suriname and Fren- indicators while hunting and fishing. ch Guiana. Historical maps, however Additionally, a growing number of detailed they may seem, only provide Wayana begin to appreciate that archa- a glimpse into indigenous settlement eology is a scientific tool to describe patterning in the Eastern Guiana Hi- the past and a powerful asset to rewrite ghlands over the past centuries. their history as presented in textbooks. Plotting historical villages in time and Historical maps provide insight into space is a mere means to further our settlement patterning over the past knowledge of constantly emerging centuries in the Eastern Guiana Hi- sociopolitical landscapes. Persistently, ghlands. The first maps of the Waya- Wayana invited Duin to visit the places

340 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology evoked through social memory. Based chee 1905:126-127). The Wayana, ho- on this urge to visit historical sites, we wever, recalled another location of a posit that indigenous Wayana history village of Panapi (Figure 1: inset right). is geographically grounded. That is, While the latter village dates back to one needs to be in a certain place to un- the mid-twentieth century –also indi- derstand its history. Identifying historical cated by the recovery of a white glazed places is a collaborative effort between saucer on site– grinding grooves in the scientists and indigenous Amazonian rocks at the river bank indicate a much people who keep these places and re- older occupation of this site; in archa- lated narratives in their social memory, eological terms, this is a multi-compo- and thus write history in the landscape nent site. An integration of indigenous (Green, Green & Neves 2003, Hecken- knowledge and archaeological scien- berger 2005, Wright 2013). Archaeolo- ce furthers the understanding of the gy can contribute to the identification temporality of this dynamic historical of known villages, but also of histo- Amazonian landscape. rical settlement locations unknown to In the 1940 census, Lodewijk Sch- the local people. For example, Wayana midt (1942:51-52) lists five villages are familiar with the location of the in the Upper Maroni Basin, namely: village of Jamaike visited by the 1903 Granpassi, Janemale, Makale, Alito- Gonini-expedition (Franssen Her- ewa, and Wapoedoemit. Albeit these derschee 1905:120-125, 140-141)5. A indigenous Wayana villages are not decade earlier, Henri Coudreau (1893) mentioned on the map accompanying had mapped the village of Yamaïké the 1940 census, most of these five just south of the location of the 1903 villages are mentioned on the sketch village of Jamaike, and an abandoned maps accompanying the reports of the village of Yamaïké just south of the 1938 (Ahlbrinck 1956) and 1939 (Gei- mouth of Loë creek (Figure 1: inset ri- jskes 1957) expeditions (Figure 1). The ght). This latter abandoned settlement scale of these maps (one centimeter re- was unknown to the Wayana. During presenting about ten kilometers), is not the 2011-2012 participatory mapping detailed enough to properly position project, a ceramic vessel was recovered the settlements. Several Wayana el- from the river bed in the vicinity of the ders are familiar with the location of posited location, and secondary forest these five villages. More than seven- on the river bank was a strong indica- ty years after Lodewijk Schmidt, we tor for a potential former village. For proceeded to locate these now aban- the Wayana, as for Duin, both the cul- doned villages from the late 1930’s. tural and the ecological indicators were This 2011-2012 participatory map- undeniable proof that there had been ping expedition consisted of Kilian an indigenous village in the past at this Toinaike (co-author), his wife Elina, location. Another example is Panapi, canoe owner Kïipala, and Renzo the second village visited by the 1903 Duin (author). The expedition to ge- Gonini-expedition (Franssen Herders- ographically locate these five villages

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was embedded in a four month fiel- documentary is forthcoming: Duin dwork period. By means of historical 2014). The coordinates of the now maps, photographs and film, in con- abandoned villages were recorded by junction with Wayana social memory, handheld GPS (Global Positioning we located the abandoned villages (a System)6 for future reference. Figure 1 – Wayana villages Figure in 1 the – Upper Wayana Maroni following the maps Basin sketch by during Ahlbrinck the late 1930’s 200% at scaled is 2012) Duin by ofmap selection the (a left Inset left). center - (1957 Geijskes and right), center - (1956 Inset right positions the villages of and Geijskes. Ahlbrinck compared to the maps by and Panapi. Jamaike

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The first village listed in the 1940 cen- upstream was the village of Alitoewa sus (Schmidt 1942:51) is Granpassi, [= Aletuiwa], as mentioned in the 1940 and Tipanaike [= Taponaike] is the census, but not present on the histori- first name listed. In 1999, descen- cal maps. Wayana elders stated that Ale- dants of Taponaike had indicated the tuiwa had his house next to the house location of the former village of Ta- of Malaitawa. The village of Malaitawa ponaike between the contemporary is placed on Ahlbrinck’s map (Geijskes: villages of Pilima and Palimino.7 This Maraitawa). Most likely, Malaitawa pas- location corresponds with the position sed away in 1939 or early 1940, and his of Gran(man)passie on the historical neighbor Aletuiwa became village lea- maps (Figure 1). The former village der and renamed this village. The lo- of Taponaike is the most northern cation of the village of Malaitawa, and settlement of the villages listed in the later Aletuiwa, according to the maps 1940 census along the Litani [= Ale- by Ahlbrinck and Geijskes (Figure 1), tani]. The most southern settlement is ambiguous to a certain extent. For- is the former village of Wapot umït tunately, Wayana elders remember the (Figure 1), which was documented as location of this village, also known as ‘Wapoedoemit’ by Schmidt, ‘Wapodi- Doisine (de Goeje 1941:123). Signifi- miet’ by Geijskes, ‘Wapotimiet’ by Ahl- cant herein is the large mango tree brinck, and ‘Wapurumuit’ by De Goeje near the flat rocks at the river bank (1941:123) who also noted that this in the meandering river. Furthermo- village is also known as suye akulikatop re, the location of this village can (place of broken kettle). This variation be confirmed with the 1937 film by illustrates the existing differences be- Claudius de Goeje (in the film this tween the spoken indigenous Wayana village is erroneously labeled Mala- language and the phonetically written taiwa instead of Malaitawa). The fifth variants, which does not facilitate the Wayana village from the 1940 census study on toponymes. in the Upper Maroni Basin is Maka- Most village names refer to the name le (Schmidt 1942:52). The village of of the founder of the village or village Makale is positioned along the Oele- owner, such as the above referred to mari River, a tributary of the Aletani. Wapot umït, or the second village of Based on the information collected the 1940 census: Janemale (Ahlbrinck: during the 2011-2012 participatory Janemalé; Geijskes: Janamali). Never- mapping project, the position of the theless, Wayana chief Janamale had former village of Makale is further to founded several villages in the course the east than indicated on the maps of his lifetime (Duin 2009:143-145)8. by Ahlbrinck and Geijskes (Figure 1). Most likely, the village of Janamale During the 2011-2012 participatory during the 1940 census was the village mapping expedition, GPS coordina- also known as Luwehpan (literally: “full tes of the five villages listed in the of luwe” [luwe = 1. bamboo for flutes, 1940 census have been recorded for 2. flute of bamboo])9. A little further future reference.

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While recording the GPS coordinates the ecological indicators, were eviden- of the abandoned village of Makale at ce enough for Kilian that indigenous the mouth of the Oelemari River, Kïi- people in the past used to live at this pala, our canoe driver, mentioned that place. Furthermore, other Wayana be- just upstream of Makale was Païke pa- gan to refer to similar places, i.e., po- tatpë (former village of Païke)10. Païke tential archaeological sites, they had was the father-in-law of the afore- encountered while hunting. mentioned Taponaike (Figure 1: inset North of the mouth of the Oelema- with the genealogical tree of Twenke). ri River, Ahlbrink (1956) positioned Potsherds found at the former village the abandoned (between brackets: of Païke were dissimilar from the pot- verl[aten]) village of Taponte (Figure 1), sherds recovered in the former village also known as Kumakahpan (de Go- of Makale. Whereas the fragments of eje 1941:123). The village of Taponte pottery from the villages of the 1930’s (brother of the aforementioned Païke), were relatively large, these potsherds at must have been abandoned betwe- the former village of Païke were smal- en the death of Taponte in 1938 (de ler than two centimeters. When com- Goeje 1941:72) and the 1940 census paring this location near the mouth (Schmidt 1942). In 1937, Claudius de of the Oelemari River with the histo- Goeje (1937, 1941) conducted most of rical maps, the 1892 village of Tatayél his research in this Wayana village, and (Coudreau 1893) is a potential candi- collected an estimated 200 ethnogra- date. The Wayana are not familiar with phic objects11. Also on the map north the location of this village of Tatayél. I of the mouth of the Oelemari River, argue that Païke had founded his villa- is the De Goeje Mountain (on the ge on the former village of his uncle maps labelled: gebergte of b[erg]; Figure Tatayél (Tatayél was the brother of 1), named after the Dutch naval car- Touanké, who was the father of Païke, tographer Claudius de Goeje who was who in turn was the maternal grandfa- the first to map this mountain during ther of the late granman Twenke). On the 1903 Gonini-expedition (Frans- another occasion during the 2011-2012 sen Herderschee 1905). The former expedition, Kïipala and Kilian located village of Taponte was located during another site with secondary forest the 2011-2012 participatory mapping (ihjan wewe), and, additionally, pottery project (Duin 2013, documentary is fragments (ëlipotpë) were found in forthcoming). Whereas Ahlbrinck an armadillo burrow. These pottery had mapped the abandoned village of fragments were comparable to the Taponte on the left bank, the former potsherds found at Païke (or rather village of Taponte is actually located Tatayél). When Kilian subsequently in- on the right bank of the Aletani River. quired about the latter site, no Wayana Most likely, this ‘error’ in mapmaking recalled a former village (patatpë) at this is due to geopolitical reasons, because location. The archaeological proof in the left bank of the Aletani River is Su- the form of potsherds, together with rinamese territory, while the right bank

344 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology is French territory (Figure 1). Locating At present, several sites of former these former villages in a collaborative villages are used as camp locations for participatory mapping project, is only hunting/fishing expeditions, especially the beginning for further research on sites with flat rocks in the river. Waya- these shared and yet contested histo- na identify abandoned settlements by ries. ecological indicators (e.g., secondary Today, the locations of the villages forest, domesticated plants, and other 12 mentioned in the 1940 census (Schmi- non-timber forest products) , and dt 1942) are recalled by Wayana elders signs of material culture (e.g., potsher- (above about 40 years of age), allo- ds, the occasional house posts, graves, wing the positioning of these former and stones to support a cassava gridd- 13 settlements by means of GPS (Global le) . A combination of the following Positioning System). The location of indicators determines (potential) ar- these villages is often near the mapped chaeological sites: ecological indicators position, although, due to geopolitical (mainly botanical) and archaeological reasons, map-makers sometimes drew indicators (primarily pottery frag- villages on the opposite river bank. ments).These indicators are useful for Numerous indigenous settlements building a GIS-model predicting the have never been mapped, such as the location of archaeological sites. in 1938 abandoned village of Maipo at the mouth of Loë creek which had INDIGENOUS HISTORICITY been visited by both Ahlbrinck and Geijskes according to the respective Wayana elders tell stories of times long accounts. Sometimes a village is re- ago (uhpak aptau eitoponpë), comprising named when another village leader is the legends of the historical hero Kai- appointed. Occasionally it is difficult lawa who unified the Wayana. In 2000, to identify a specific historical village, Kilian and a few other Wayana initiated because the village leader had several an expedition, supported by the author, settlements throughout his lifetime. to venture into the Tumuc-Humac Additionally, during the 2011-2012 Mountains where the legendary sto- participatory mapping project, several ries of Kailawa are said to have taken abandoned villages dating back to the place. Subsequently, multi-disciplinary 1950’s and 1960’s were visited, some expeditions took place in 2003, 2004, of which had been mapped by Jean and 2006 ‘in the footsteps of Kailawa’ Hurault (1965). As personal names (Pellet & Saint-Jean 2006, Saint-Jean & are handed down from grandparents Pellet 2008). The goal of the ‘Kailawa to grandchildren, different settlements expedition’ (Oct. 17 – Nov. 10, 2004) can have the same name while their was to climb Mount Tchoukouchipann occupation is several decades apart. (le Pakolo [the house], also known as Although indigenous settlements are Timotakem [Coudreau 1893]), and to ephemeral, these named places are assess the potential of this inselberg as entrenched in Wayana social memory. the site referred to in Wayana oral his-

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tory (Duin 2006b, Reau 2006). Other narrative [i.e., the Creator Twins trans- Wayana stories are situated in mythical forming the tukusipan into stone] and times. Among the latter are a series of the inselberg named Tukusipan” (my myths related to the Creator Twins. In translation).14 Far more complex than one of these stories it is said that the first imagined (Duin 2002/2003) is the Creator Twins transformed the tuku- synechdochical interrelationship be- sipan (community roundhouse) into tween (a) this inselberg in the Tumuc- stone. In a footnote, Jean Chapuis -Humac Mountains, (b) the Creator (Chapuis & Rivière 2003:141, note Twin myth, and (c) the Kailawa legend 326) stated that “I [Chapuis] do not (Duin 2009). How can archaeology know if there exists a link between this contribute to this narrative?

Figure 2 – Sketches of the ditch encircling the rock shelter complex at Mount Tchou- kouchipann. These early twenty-first century was understood to be an archetypal expeditions in the Tumuc-Humac ‘virgin forest’ with ‘refuse areas’ Mountains on the tracks of Kai- on the inselbergs (Granville 1978, lawa, were pioneering expeditions, 1994), an untouched ‘Lost World’ because southern French Guiana in the sense of Conan Doyle, with

346 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology merely a few hunter/gatherers meters delimited on the south side by passing through. During a French the steep sloping dome of the insel- cartographic mission in 1962, it berg and on the east and west side by was explicitly mentioned that no rock shelters (Figure 2). Wayana refer cultural remains were found on or to these rock shelters as tëpu pakolon around Mount Tchoukouchipann (house of stone). Some potsherds (Hurault 1968:152, Hurault & Fre- were recovered from the surface of nay 1998:103). We thus have two these rock shelters. At a lower level conflicting ontologies: 1) a western on the gentle slope, a ditch encircled scientific point of view perceiving the area with rock shelters (Figure this area as the natural heartland of Amazonia, a natural monument 2: lower right). This ditch was ma- of rich biodiversity that has to be pped by means of a handheld GPS preserved, and 2) an indigenous for about 240 meters. Due to a thick perspective perceiving this very liana forest the western part of the same landscape as the heartland ditch could not be mapped. On the of their Wayana culture, hence a north end, the ditch measured almost cultural landscape. Even when disco- four meter in width and over a me- vering cultural remains, the nature ter in depth, and it was interrupted of this human presence has to be by two passageways of about three accounted for: did these cultural meters wide; one at a 320 degree remains belong to small bands or angle (40 degrees west of magnetic tribes roaming in a counterfeit pa- north), and, at 48 meters distance, radise? Or were these cultural re- one at a 70 degree angle. The 2004 mains of a former chiefdom level expedition was granted permission society where large numbers of pe- for a pedestrian survey, but not for ople were once fighting, as avowed sub-surface testing. Therefore the by indigenous social memory? And exact depth and stratigraphy of the what was the contribution of these past indigenous peoples to the rich ditch are unknown. While the rock biodiversity today? Many of these shelters may have provided shelter to questions remain unanswered. passing bands of hunter/gatherers that have been encountered in this Forty years after the cartographic ex- area (Ahlbrinck 1956, de Boer 1970, peditions of Jean Hurault and Pierre Frenay and about thirty years after Carneiro 1969, Geijskes 1970), such the botanical expeditions of Jean- bands of hunter/gatherers (the so- -Jacques de Granville, members of -called Stone Age Indians) are not the 2004 expedition had arrived at known for building ditches or moats. the foot of the inselberg labeled on Rather than a purely defensive ditch, the map as “Tchoukouchipann.” Hal- this earthwork may have been the vi- fway up the mountain there is a flat sible manifest of the people residing surface of about thirteen by thirteen in the aforementioned rock shelters.

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Figure 3 – T1 (“Mount Tukusipan”) resembling a Wayana community roundhouse (tuku- sipan). According to the Wayana, who live Wayana ethnogenesis. While insel- in keeping with the “law of resem- bergs in the Tumuc-Humac region blance” (Ahlbrinck 1937), Mount in the past may have been perceived Tchoukouchipann was not ‘Mount as “refuge areas,” these very same Tukusipan,’ as it did not resemble a inselbergs, Mount Tukusipan (T1, or tukusipan (community roundhouse). Tïmotakem), above all, are vital in in- The 2004 expedition continued to- digenous Wayana historicity. We have wards the next inselberg, unlabeled merely scratched the surface of the on the map and therefore referred deep-history of indigenous Amazo- to as “T1” (first inselberg next to nian people in the Eastern Guiana Tchoukouchipann). T1, according Highlands. to the Wayana, is the “real” mount Tukusipan, because it does resemble Historical sites related to the period a tukusipan, a community roundhou- of the Great Wars as discussed in se when seen from the south (Figure many ‘stories from long ago’ (uhpak 3). This inselberg is also known as aptau ëitoponpë), are not necessari- Tïmotakem (“with a shoulder”), as ly distant from current indigenous it does resemble a shoulder (mota) villages. In fact, most of the contem- when viewed from the east. Mo- porary Wayana villages are located reover, archaeological material was on archaeological sites. Some deco- recovered on the forested summit rated potsherds recovered in the gar- (Duin 2006b)15. Albeit inselbergs in dens, postholes, and on the surface this region often illustrate the pristi- of the contemporary Wayana villages ne nature of the Amazonian rainfo- Aloïke, Elahe, Kumakahpan, and Pi- rest, our combined efforts argue that lima (all in the Upper Maroni Basin), this landscape is a cultural landscape can be attributed to the Koriabo pha- and a “mythscape” at the heart of se16. The relationship between the ar-

348 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology chaeological Koriabo ‘culture’ (said -burn garden revealed a ditch or moat to have vanished around AD 1500) measuring over six meters in width and the present-day Wayana culture (the earth removed was used to build (said to have emerged in the eighte- a bulwark), and about three meters enth century) will be a topic of rese- between the lowest point of the di- arch in future studies. tch and highest point of the bulwark Kumakahpan (literally: “place of the (Figure 4, top). Thick undergrowth kumaka [Ceiba tree]”; not the earlier and bamboo patches block the view mentioned village of Taponte, also over the remainder of the ditch. Du- known as Kumakahpan) yields an ex- ring the past decennia, inhabitants ceptionally high quantity of pottery of Kumakahpan were aware of this fragments. In 2012, a new slash-and- ditch, but it had never been mapped.

Figure 4 – Ditch or moat (mapped by GPS) encircling the current indigenous Wayana village of Kumakahpan. Top: A-B section viewed from the southeast (photo by Duin 2012).

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On January 8, 2012, in a collaborative the earlier discussed ditch at Mount effort, Kilian (one of the co-authors) Tchoukouchipann – Figure 2)17. took the lead and cleared a trail follo- Capitain Ëputu, village leader of Ku- wing the lowest point of the ditch, makahpan, stated that this bulwark, en- while Duin followed with a handheld circling his village, originated from the GPS and camera. Towards the south, times of the Great Wars. On the nor- the ditch ends into a grove of banana- theastern end, as on the southern end, -like palulu-plants (Phenakospermum guia- the ditch ends into a palulu grove (Phe- nensis, Strelitzaceae) and the last fifty nakospermum guianensis, Strelitzaceae). meters towards the river is swampy During the 2004 Kailawa expedition, and, according to the inhabitants of upon encountering a similar cluster of Kumakahpan, will be flooded when palulu (wild banana plants), Aimawale the river is at its highest. Midway the stated that these palulu were planted in northwestern side, the ditch is leveled straight lines as to form a shield to fen- out by a path leading to several manioc ce off the arrows of attacking enemies. gardens. The total distance of the ditch Unlike palisades, this “vegetal shield” is 430 meters. The ditch is hardly visi- will leave no archaeological traces. Fu- ble at the northeastern side, which is ture archaeological research will pro- mainly due to the fact of several years vide insight into the exact depth and of slash-and-burn manioc gardens at stratigraphy of this ditch. Although this location, as can be observed in the slash-and-burn gardens are located on aerial photographs made in December the ditch, hopefully some good sam- 2001 (Figure 4). There is no ditch at ples for dating can be obtained in the the southeastern side, as the natural near future. Nonetheless, indigenous river bank slopes down for about five historicity is not so much focused on meters. The total area encircled by this when exactly events took place, but ra- ditch is about three hectares (length ther that the historical events happened NE-SW: 240 m.; width NW-SE: 125 at this place. m.). In the 1990s, the village center of Kumakahpan was located in the epi- center of this encircled space. In 2000, BEGINNING OF A MATURING RELA- the village leader and his wife had mo- TIONSHIP ved their houses to the lower part of The standard model of tropical fo- the village, whilst some villagers stayed rest cultures reigns supreme in the in the upper part of the village (Figure Guiana Highlands. Lack of archa- 4: vvvvv indicates the slope between eological research in the Eastern higher and lower Kumakahpan). This Guiana Highlands, amongst others is the second time that an archaeolo- to further our understanding of the gical site encircled by a ditch or moat cultural landscape and indigenous has been recorded in the Eastern Guia- Guiana mythscapes, is mainly due na Highlands south of , to logistical difficulties in a remote south of N 3°30’ (the first one being and arduous tropical rainforest set-

350 Amazôn., Rev. Antropol. (Online) 6 (2): 332-357, 2014 Engaged Archaeology ting. The recent Amazonian National change. Transformation and tradi- Park of French Guiana may facilitate tion, rather than continuity and chan- future programs of participatory he- ge, are at the heart of an indigenous ritage inventories and archaeological Amazonian ontology. research in southern French Guiana. National Park policies, however, fre- quently are in friction with practices CONCLUSION of local residents (Robbins 2004). Preliminary findings in the Eastern Notwithstanding a growing number Guiana Highlands, as discussed in this of archaeologists unearthing large article, are not so much comparable man-made structures that evidence with the commonly accepted Standard pre-contact supravillage organiza- Model of Tropical Forest Cultures, tions, indicating that social complexi- but rather with recent archaeological ty and large populations in Amazonia findings elsewhere in Amazonia. Mo- were not ruled out by environmental reover, collaboration with indigenous limitations (Heckenberger & Neves people, while applying the standard 2009, Silverman & Isbell 2008). Des- model, simply illustrates scientific pite an anthropological plea to recon- findings with the typical indigenous sider the standard model (Viveiros de imageries. Integration of indigenous Castro 1996) and historians warning knowledge and archaeological science, of “a very negative and incomplete while engaging in building common reading of the historical literature” research agendas, enriches our onto- (Whitehead 1994:46), there remains a logies. The active focus on historically general deficiency in Amazonian an- situated transformations, rather than thropology and archaeology to his- scientific universalisms, is changing torically situate sociopolitical events. the current Amazonian anthropologi- In Exchanging Perspectives, Eduardo cal and archaeological traditions. Our Viveiros de Castro (2004:484) stated ongoing participatory mapping project that “we need richer ontologies and that is of interest for both western science it is high time to put epistemological and knowledge production, as we dis- questions to rest” (emphasis added). cover unknown archaeological sites, as While western scientific disciplines it is for the young and future genera- (archaeology, history, and anthro- tions of indigenous Wayana engaging pology, among others), focus on si- with their history while keeping their milarities in “cultural assemblages” indigenous heritage alive. and endeavor to determine when change occurred exactly, Amerindian ontologies engage with an exchange ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS and transformation of assemblages. Transformation, in other words, is The ongoing participatory mapping change grounded in continuity, and project in the Upper Maroni Basin tradition is continuity situated in (French Guiana, Suriname, Brazil) is a

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component of the VENI research pro- ‘strategies’ of an ascension trajectory insi- ject (275-62-005) funded by the Dutch de their own community, often supported National Science Foundation (NWO). by means of non-indigenous projects. The 2003, 2004 and 2006 expeditions 5 In 1903, according to the personal note- were supported by Association Alaba- books by Claudius de Goeje, Yamaiké was ma, headed by Eric Pellet. Permissions some fifty years old. for archaeological surveys were gran- 6 Garmin GPSmap 62s. ted by Gerard Migeon (SRA-DRAC- 7 In 1938, following the boundary expedi- -Guyane). Next to the Wayana who tions, Paul Sangnier was send on an ethno- co-authored this article, many more graphic mission to the Upper Maroni Ri- Wayana have contributed to the gathe- ver, returning to the Musée de l’Homme in ring and interpretation of data presen- Paris with some 700 ethnographic and ar- ted here. I thank Sonia Duin and Julia- chaeological objects, 250 photographs, and na Machado for translating the abstract a film (Reichlen 1941). One of his findings, to Brazilian Portuguese. I also thank a pottery vessel (Musée du Quai Branly in- the anonymous reviewers for their ventory number 71.1939.25.654), was said productive comments and suggestions to have been found near the Wayana villa- to improve this article. Interpretations, ge of Taponaike. Dimensions of this bowl however, are the responsibility of the are: 12 cm (height) by 35.7 cm (width) author. weighting 1652 gram. Wide averted and flaring rim with large lobes and a rounded lip is characteristic for the Koriabo style NOTES (Evans & Meggers 1960:136). Unfortuna- tely, Sangnier would disappear the follo- 1 Aimawale Opoya participated in the 2003, wing spring in the Dordogne at the age of 2004 and 2006 expeditions (Duin 2006, twenty-one, and would leave no article or Pellet & Saint-Jean 2006, Saint-Jean & monograph on his expedition and findings. Pellet 2008). Kilian Toinaike has been ac- In 2000, descendants of Taponaike poin- tive throughout the research, in particular ted out the location of the now abandoned during the 2000 (Duin 2006a), 2004, and village of Taponaike. Possible provenience 2011-2012 expeditions. Tasikale Alupki, of the Koriabo site with Sangier’s pottery director of Association Kalipo, has been fragments is the current Wayana village of active throughout the research since 1997. Palimino. Aimawale is two years older than Renzo 8 Janamale is the paternal grandfather of and Tasikale is two years younger. Kilian is Aimawale, and the father-in-law of Capi- some five years older. tein Ëputu. In view of the earlier address 2 « J’ai découvert des pages inconnues de l’histoire of indigenous agenda’s or ‘strategies’ of des peuples sans histoire » (Coudreau 1892:16) an ascension trajectory inside their own 3 This section is written from the perspec- community, this mapping project can thus tive of Renzo Duin, yet this question came be perceived as a ‘scientific’ legitimization from the co-authors. of the pedigrees known to Wayana social 4 As noted by one of the anonymous re- memory. viewers, it is acknowledged that indigenous 9 In most cases, the village name refers to people too have their own agenda’s or the founder or owner of the village. Once

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another villages leader takes over, the name 15 Next to large quantities of potsherds of the village changes. Villages also have (Duin 2006b), and botanical indicators, their proper name, often referring to envi- two stone groupings are present, each ronmental characteristics. For instance, sin- consisting of a large granite plate (res- ce the death of Granman Twenke, Wayana pectively 90x120x10 cm. and 60x130x10 refer to the current village of Twenke as cm.) supported by triangular granite blo- kulumulipata (place of kulumuli-bamboo). cks (about 40x40 cm.) and granite plates. 10 It is indeterminate if this is the place Wayana identify these erected stone plates mentioned on the map by Ahlbrinck as as markers placed by the legendary hero Malawni, who was “the last of the Wajari- Kailawa to mark his trail. Similar erected koele” (Ahlbrinck 1956: 133-178). stone plates have been found on nearby inselbergs (Duin 2006a), and are different 11 Inventory numbers of ethnographic ob- from the stone cairns constructed by the jects collected during the 1937 Boundary cartographic expeditions. Another stone Expedition and currently curated at the assemblage can be found on the south side Ethnographic Museum in Leiden: RMV of the summit: a granite plate (80x160x5 series 2352 (195 objects donated by C. H. cm.) is in the middle of the downslope side de Goeje), 2361 (7 objects [three bows and supported by a 12 cm. high pile of four four arrows] donated by W. Rogalli), 2399 smaller stones. This flat stone is oriented (7 objects [two arrows, three flutes, and towards another inselberg, namely Bor- two samples] donated by R. Käyser), and ne 1, on which summit is an assemblage 2404 (3 objects [three bows] donated by C. of stone alignments (Hurault & Frenay H. de Goeje). Based on the location of the 1998:37, Mazière 1997:117). On another (former) village of Taponte (Figure 1), the- inselberg, Mitaraka Sud, we found another se objects are actually from French Guiana remarkable feature: several perpendicular instead of Suriname. lines were seemingly etched in the granite 12 During the 1907 Tumuc-Humac expe- outcrop. Structural geologists (pers. com. dition, Claudius H. de Goeje (1908:24) David Deliance and Dr. Charles H. Trupe) mentioned that Poeloegoedoe, one of the interpreted these features as sets of or- Maroon villages near the junction of Lawa thogonal joints, or fractures, which is not and Tapanahoni, had many fruit trees, na- unusual for granitic or monzonitic rocks. mely: mango, bread tree, coconut, maripa These fractures occur as massive igneous and kumu palms, and orange trees. These rocks become unroofed by erosion. The fruit trees are indicators of former settle- reduction in pressure as overburden is ero- ments. Also Awara palms are indicators of ded away allowing the rock to expand, cau- former Maroon villages. sing the fractures. Then again, even when

13 these fractures are natural, the possibility Archaeological material present in (aban- remains that indigenous people in the past doned) gold mining camps in the Upper used these fractures to remove stone pla- Maroni Basin indicates a further richness tes. At one instance, a stone seems to be of the unknown past. intentionally wedged under a plate, poten- 14 « Je [Chapuis] ne sais pas s’il existe un lien tially to detach it. The erected stone plates entre cette histoire [c.-à-d., transformer le attributed to Kailawa are of the width (60 tukusipan en pierre] et l’inselberg nommé Tuku- to 90 cm.) and thickness (5 to 12 cm.) cor- sipan » (Chapuis & Rivière 2003:141, note responding with the dimensions between 326). the natural fractures.

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16 The Koriabo phase is dated around AD national Series 1273. Oxford: Archaeo- 750-1500 on the coastal area (Boomert press. 2004:256-257), Rostain 1994:457-458, Bruchac, M. M., S. M. Hart, & H. Martin 2008). And currently adjusted to AD 1000- Wobst (Eds.). 2010. Indigenous Archaeologies: 1500 (Hildebrand pers. com.). No dates are a reader on decolonization. California: Left Co- known for the Koriabo phase in the Guia- ast Press. na Highlands. Carneiro, R. L. 1969. Contact with the Sto- 17 Neither Kumakahpan, nor Tchoukouchi- ne Age. Natural History (78):10-18, 66-67. pann are of the “montagne couronnée” kind. Kilian, based on his visit to both sites, Chapuis, J., & H. Rivière. 2003. Wayana eito- affirms that amontagne “ couronnée” similar ponpë, (Une) histoire (orale) des Indiens Wayana. to Yaou (Petitjean-Roget 1991, Mazière Cayenne: Ibis Rouge Editions. 1997:38, Mestre 2013) is located between Coudreau, H. 1893. Chez nos indiens: quatre the rivers Tampok and Lawa. This site has années dans la Guyane Française (1887 – 1891). not been studied, but is currently endange- Paris: Hachette. red by illegal wildcat goldmining. Crevaux, J. 1881. Le Tour du Monde, Maroc, Amerique du Sud (1875-1879). Paris : Librai- rie de l. Hachette et Cie. REFERENCES de Boer, M. W. H. 1970. Report of a con- Abonnenc, E., 1952. Inventaire et distri- tact with stone-age Indians in southern bution des sites archéologiques en Guyane Suriname. Nieuwe West-Indische Gids. 47(3): française. Journal de la Société des Américanistes 248-259. nouvelle série 41:43-62. de Goeje, C. H. 1908. Beiträge zur Völker- Ahlbrinck, W. 1937. De Indianen in Surina- kunde von Surinam. International Archiv für me: Karaïben, Wajana’s, Wajarikoele’s, Wama’s. Ethnographie 19: 1-34. Deel I Wet der Gelijkenissen. Amsterdam: H.v/d Boomen. _____. 1941. De Oayana-Indianen. Bijdra- gen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde van _____. 1956. Op zoek naar de Indianen. Me- Nederlandsch-Indië 100:70-125. dedeling No. CXVIII. Afdeling Culturele en Physische anthropologie No. 52. Ams- Duin, R. S. 1998. Architectural concepts in Ca- terdam: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tro- ribbean archaeology. A preliminairy archaeologi- pen. cal report of the features at Anse à la Gourde, Guadeloupe. The house in past and present, in Barreto, C., & and J. Machado. 2001. Ex- ethno-history, ethnography and ethno-archaeology. ploring the Amazon, Explaining the Unk- Master Thesis, Leiden. nown, in Unknown Amazon: Culture in Natu- re in Ancient Brazil. Edited by C. McEwan, _____. 2002/2003. Wayana architectuur in C. Barreto, & E. Neves, pp. 232-251. Lon- zuidoost-Suriname: bouwen naar de oors- don: the British Museum Press. prongsmythe. SOJA, Amsterdam, pp. 41- 51. Boomert, A. 2004. Koriabo and the polychrome tradition: the late-prehistoric _____. 2006a. Nieuwe bevindingen in het era between the and Amazon grensgebied van Suriname, Frans Guyana mouths. In Late Ceramic Age Societies in the en Brazilië. OSO (24.2): 289-302. Eastern Caribbean. Edited by A. Delpuech _____. 2006b. Ethno-Archéologie et une and C. Hofman, pp. 251-266. BAR Inter- autre histoire Wayana, in Au coeur des Tu-

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