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The Burek as a Meal and Metaphor: , Migration and Identity between “Orient” and “Occident” Markéta Slavková Jídlo v interdisciplinární perspektivě Jídlo v interdisciplinární

„Sve su pite pitice, samo je burek pitac“ (“All pies are feminine, only the burek is a man” – an aphorism in BiH, also used by writer Momo Kapor/ translation M.S.)

The seductive smell of burek and other kinds of lingered over plentiful buregdžinica (burek eateries) in Baščaršija. The pies sizzled under the sač (a heavy metal lid) as they were being baked the “traditional” way on hot coals, maintaining the stock on the counter ever fresh. I headed straight to my favourite eate- ry (called simply Sač) and a veiled woman took my order. I asked for a combination of zeljanica (a with chard and ) and krompiruša ( pie) accompanied with a glass of “drinking” yoghurt. As I took my first bite of that crunchy baked in a charcoal fired oven, my body responded with a sensation of familiarity and satisfaction. This was a taste of my second Bosnian home.

exist, differing in the culinary technique used and the filling of the pie. In this article I head Introduction: Burek or pita? The Bosnian on a journey between “Orient” and “Occident” perspective to ask what makes a pita a pita or a burek a burek Unlike in other parts of the , where the and how its form changed through centuries. dish in question is called burek, in Bosnia and Her- I am interested both in variations of the ma- zegovina (BiH), this dish is referred to as pita: in terial form of the pita and also in the shifts in the Bosnian context the expression burek is used meaning that the dish is assigned both inside exclusively for a pie with (also e.g. Mlekuž and outside the “imaginary” Balkans1. However, 2017). This distinction serves on everyday level in- my interest also covers the geographical context teractions as a powerful identity marker between of these variations and shifts and the „migra- inhabitants of BiH and the rest of the popula- tion journeys“ that the pita has undergone over tions in the Balkans (and their trans-local com- the centuries. I use the longue durée approach munities abroad). The name pita in the Balkan to explain the complex historical development context is not to be confused with the Arabic pita (leavened flat round prepared namely in the 1 I use the expression “imaginary” Balkans with refe- ). In BiH, pita is a general name for the rence to Maria Todorova’s work (2009, 2018) in order so called “Bosnian pie” and it is also considered to emphasise the historical, geographic and political to be one of the “national” dishes. Many varieties development of the region. 63 Jídlo v interdisciplinárníJídlo perspektivě of this pastry in order to highlight the processes (using the inspiration from Friedrich Kunz 2011) of migration and cultural exchange that shaped belongs to recipes of the “ family”, which its contemporary form. The burek’s long journey can be traced back to the oriental . across history has brought it into 21st century Here, I refer to this group of recipes in a broader Central , where it has become a commonly sense as the “pita family”. Similarly, classical scho- available fast-food, particularly in German spea- lar, Svetlana Slapšak (2014: 153), argues that ba- king countries, where numerous trans-local com- klava and strudel are related and “divide/connect munities from the Balkans and reside. The Balkans and non-Balkans”. The historical link be- burek has also made its way in recent years to the tween the burek and baklava was also documented markets of the Central European post-socialist by historian, Alexander Lee (2019). This group of countries such as the and Slova- inter-related recipes originated in the Middle East kia. To my surprise, I recently spotted a variant of and from where it spread to Europe. the pita, zeljanica, in the pastry section of Albert Kunz (2011) suggests that this happened main- supermarket in the centre of Prague. ly from two directions: from the Southeast via The majority of the findings and claims the and from the Southwest via presented in this article are based on my long-term . Also significant seemed to be also ethnographic fieldwork in Bosnia and Herzegovi- the migration of people of Jewish origin fleeing na between 2013 and 2019. Moreover, I conducted the Ottoman Empire due to growing anti-Semi- a total of six months of ethnographic fieldwork in tism in the 18th and 19th centuries (Lee 2019). between 2015 and 2016 amongst former These processes resulted in the spread of burek- inhabitants of Srebrenica and other people of Bos- -like recipes, namely in (Ibid.). Apart from nian origin. I also conducted short term research this, the burek was introduced on a small scale as regarding the consumption of the burek in Prague, well by merchants and other individuals (or small Czech Republic and , . Additio- groups) travelling between “East” and “West” nally, I carried out a document analysis, employ- (Ibid.) In a broader sense the European variations ing digital ethnography. I approach the discussed of the pita and the burek (whether the fast-food topic mainly from the perspective of sociocultural burek or strudel) are a result a fascinating cultural anthropology, namely the subdiscipline of the an- exchange between what was known as “Orient” thropology of consumption (see e.g. Messer 1984, and “Occident” lasting hundreds of years. This is Mintz and Du Bois 2002). Nevertheless, a com- not a linear process, instead the paths wind back parative historical approach, in which I rely on and forth. existing findings and literature, as well as archaeo- So what makes a burek a burek? How do we de- logical evidence and iconographic sources, con- fine the “pita family”? These are the questions that stitutes an important element of my theoretical need to be answered before we look at the actual and methodological frameworks. I pay attention historical and geographical pathways of the dish. to both the materiality of the actual ingredients, Certain continuity is apparent in the etymological serving dishes and utensils, as well as their social origin of the denominations of the dish in Turkey meaning. and the Balkans. The word “burek” stems from the Turkish term börek (see also Kunz 2011, Mlekuž 2017). Similarly to other parts of Balkans, with the A historical overview: Börek, pita and strudel in exception of , in Turkey between “Orient” and “Occident” börek signifies a pie with various fillings, When it comes to the food history, one must be not necessarily containing meat. In addition to always careful not to imagine historical continui- Mgr. Markéta Slavková, Ph.D. (*1984) ty where there is none. The history of the burek is not well recorded and lies scattered in fragments Markéta completed doctoral studies at Charles University, Czech Republic. (see also Lee 2019)2. Here, I present the outcomes She specialises in the discipline of sociocultural anthropology with a focus of my own examinations of the pathways of the on topics ranging from anthropology of food, migration, transnationalism, nationalism, identity to armed conflicts. Currently, she is employed as a pastry referred to as burek, which as I suggest researcher at the Institute of Ethnology at the Czech Academy of Sciences. 2 For this reason, I use combination of all available sour- Academic affiliation: Institute of Ethnology of the Czech Academy of ces both scientific and non-scientific. Sciences (Etnologický ústav AV CR, v. v. i.) 64 that, the preparation techniques as well as the ma- lar to placenta, baklava is also sweet and consists terial form of the dish also follow certain internal of thin but is filled primarily with nuts “logic” as I suggest in this article. Thus, the dish is and sweetened with agda. It may be defined by certain continuity of similarities in both also sweetened with (see Slapšak 2014). ideological (immaterial) and material aspects. In I would suggest that the history of the dishes in the several following paragraphs, I will attempt to the “pita family” goes back many centuries BC and show how these aspects interact and also how the its origin lies somewhere in the so-called Fertile meaning of the dish shifts. My argumentation fo- , in particular the Assyrian Empire, and llows a poststructuralist logic whereby I highlight most likely also other areas of the Levant, where the different preparation techniques (namely laye- baklava emerged. Yufka dough uses the same in- ring and rolling up), which copy the spread of the gredients as the non-leavened ancient , dish across centuries in space and time. which was produced in the area for thousands of The recipes from the “pita family” share the years. This would also explain the overlapping of characteristic of a very thin pastry which is spread the expressions arabic pita and pita in a sense of with a filling, often rolled up, similarly to strudel. the burek. Some pies are then twisted into a spiral shape. It does not really seem to matter whether the va- Others are rectangular or square. In other varia- riation of a particular pastry from the “pita family” tions, the pita does not have to be rolled, instead is sweet or salty: all of these dishes are made using thin sheets of jufka (from Turkish word yufka) are the specific cooking technique of producing a thin Jídlo v interdisciplinární perspektivě Jídlo v interdisciplinární layered in a dish with the filling in between dough from , and a pinch of salt coated the sheets. In , this type of dough is referred with (or other ), which is then alternately to as phyllo. Strudel is another distant relative of layered with filling. It was most likely in Topka- the “pita family” (Kunz 2011, Slavková 2014). As pi Palace in Istanbul during the Ottoman Empire I suggest, in my article “From Istanbul to Prague that the dough was mastered into a crunchy sheet Paths of Strudel Wound” (Slavková 2014), puff thin as a paper (see Kremezi 2013: 238). The an- pastry can be interpreted as a specific Occidental cient varieties – baklava and placenta, are layered adaptation of the thin layered dough of “Oriental” not rolled. Now, the question arises: where did origin with Turkic roots. The material form of the the burek get its “twist” and why is it important? burek or, in a broader sense, the pita, is defined The twist technique is of older Turkic origin. The not only by the specific dough used, composed of occurrence of rolled can be traced to Tur- thin layers, but also by its variations that mostly kic groups and later they spread also amongst the employ the culinary technique of “rolling”. Never- Mongols (the pastry was a popular combat ra- theless, two basic approaches to the final execu- tion during military campaigns and overall it was tion of the pita exist: 1) with sheets layered on the an ideal food for lifestyle on the move) (see Lee top of each other alternately with a filling 2) lay- 2019). It was only later that the burek and baklava ers created by rolling a filling into a single sheet of became an epitome of Ottoman culinary culture dough (similarly to strudel). Pastries made using via which it also spread to Europe. Etymologically, the second technique are usually then twisted into the Ottoman Turkish word börek comes from the a spiral shape. Persian ‘bûrak’ (any dish made with yufka), which Some authors connect the burek with placenta probably came from the Turkic root, bur-, mea- – an ancient roman dish from layered thin pastry ning ‘to twist’ (see Lee 2019). Also, the contem- alternately filled with cheese and honey as descri- porary distribution of the burek and other recipes bed by Cato (see Kremezi 2013: 238). The rela- in the “pita family” in the Balkans is a good lead tionship between the alleged ancient Roman ori- to understanding the history of the dish. Based gin and clearly Turkic etymological origin remains on my field observations, I suggest that the burek unexplained. Others argue that the oldest known rolling technique is widespread namely in the are- predecessor not only of the strudel (and related as which were formerly under the Ottoman culi- dishes) is baklava (Slapšak 2014, Kunz 2011), nary regime. which is a theory that I also support. Baklava was I use the idea of “culinary regimes” to concretise already known in the Assyrian empire in the 8th broader structural forces, which Mintz (1995) de- century BC (Slapšak 2014: 153, Kunz 2011). Simi- scribes as “outside meaning” or “structural power” 65 Jídlo v interdisciplinárníJídlo perspektivě and Feldman (2011) labels in the context of mi- pastries, also includes the idea of rolling up fillings gration as “apparatuses” (also Slavková 2017: 67). into various types of leaves – . The spread By culinary regimes, I mean in particular systems of these techniques further to Europe, as I will of culinary preferences including distinct culina- demonstrate below, is closely linked to the expan- ry techniques and methods of food production sion of the Ottoman Empire into Europe and the that historically developed in relation to specific cultural exchange that took place alongside the cosmologies/ideologies and in the context of the military campaigns. options presented by the locality in which they Strudel, which I suggest is a Central and Wes- developed (Slavková 2017: 67). These culinary tern European adaptation of the pita and the bu- regimes are primarily outside influences which rek, was introduced in the Early Modern Period. need to be internalised and appropriated by social The oldest known manuscript containing a reci- actors (Ibid.). The ideological sources of culinary pe for strudel dates back to 1696 and is known regimes vary, but historically they often stem from as Koch Puech (Wiener Stadtbibliothe/Wienbib- religious beliefs, however nowadays they are also liothek). In particular, it was a Millirahmstrudel very actively shaped by various discourses such aka Milchrahmstrudel (a “ strudel”), which as ideologies of the nation-state or transnational is related to a Topfenstrudel and Quarkstrudel in organisations and businesses (Ibid.). Within the German speaking countries, tvarohový štrúdl in historical context of the emergence of “East” and the Czech republic, tvarohová štrúdľa in Slovakia “West”, in a broader sense I simply distinguish or túrós rétes in . The ancestor of these between the “Eastern” and “Western” culinary re- sweet pies (made with topfen//tvaroh – gimes, characterised by distinctive techniques of a type of fresh cheese) is the salty cheese bu- food preparation, serving and consumption and rek, or sirnica, as the pie is called in Bosnia and also the differences are apparent in the material Herzegovina. In early modern aspects of cookware and tableware. These two di- this type of pie was a culinary novelty; not only fferent regimes were also influenced by different the thin layered dough but also importantly the religious traditions: Islamic and Judaeo-Christian. technique of rolling the dough, which is reflected The Ottoman culinary regime is a specific adap- in the etymological origin of the word strudel. The tion stemming from the “Eastern” culinary regi- expression “strudel” stems from Old High Ger- me, which was mastered and inspired by Sultans’ man word sredan – a “whirlpool” (Online Etymo- cooks during the prosperous times of the Otto- logy Dictionary)3, and, thus, clearly refers to the man Empire. We place two characteristic and idea of rolling/twisting. unique techniques of food preparation within the Interestingly, the introduction of the burek into Ottoman culinary regime: 1) /filling –dol- Central Europe coincides chronologically with ma and rolling – sarma (Slavková 2017: 87). Based the Ottoman–Habsburg wars, namely the Second on my comparative analyses of food history and Siege of Vienna in 1683 (the first strudel recipe the occurrence and (re)distribution of recipes be- was recorded in Vienna a little more than a de- tween Central Europe and the Mediterranean and cade later after this siege). Within the domain of the Levant, I suggest that the idea of creating alter- anthropology of food, this is not a surprising fin- nating layers of pastry with filling in Europe was ding, since food patterns commonly change and most likely adopted from the Ottoman culinary food innovations are adopted in times of war (see regime (for more information see the Chapter by Mintz 1995, Messer 1997, Slavková 2017, Slavková Gabriela Fatková in this book). As I also mention 2019). The pita and the burek were most likely in- above, the idea of rolling is pre-Ottoman and is troduced to Europe via cultural exchange with the linked with Turkic populations in the pre-modern Ottoman army; the salty pie was an ideal food for era. This argument is further supported by medie- military camps and life on the move as the pastry val food history in Western and Central Europe: lasts for a long period of time without spoiling and historical evidence does not point to the existence its preparation does not require complicated kit- of filled and rolled pastries in these areas (see e.g. chen equipment. , The burek spread into Central Beranová 2005, Holub 2011). Nevertheless, these 3 From Old High German stredan „to bubble, boil, whirl, culinary techniques became integral to the Otto- eddy”. Etymology online, “Strudel” (http://www.etymon- man culinary regime which, in addition to rolled line.com/index.php?term=strudel) 66 Europe, with the soldiers of the Ottoman Empire feminine, only the burek is a man”. On the other where it became domesticated as strudel. A couple hand, this translation does not quite capture the of centuries later, in the 20th and 21st centuries, meaning of the word pitica, which is a diminutive the pastry made its second arrival on the Central form of the word pita (indicating in Slavic and European food “scene” and became a popular fast- other languages “smallness”, “endearment”, “inti- -food under its original name burek. macy”). In this case, it is a metaphor for “femininity”, since the grammatical gender of the word pita in Slavic languages is feminine. This is further indi- The burek and the pita inside and outside Bosnia in cated by the use of the word pitac – a neologism, the 20th and 21st Centuries which is a masculine variation of the word pita. Food is literally both the producer and product The masculinity here is underpinned in both an of the „human form“ and one should not forget ideological and material sense, thus, defined by that the primary function of consuming food re- the meat content. In Bosnia, burek unquestiona- mains the nourishment of the body. It is food that bly means only a , and, thus, the aphorism provides nutrition to preserve vital functions of also refers to a specific national identity – that of the organism and thus assures survival (see Cou- Bosnia and Herzegovina. Pita is generally transla- nihan 1999, Farquhar 2006, Lupton 1996, Slavko- ted into English as „Bosnian pie”. Therefore, it is vá 2017). This significance of food in human life is also an important referent for ordinary under- Jídlo v interdisciplinární perspektivě Jídlo v interdisciplinární reflected in social reality. As Farquhar notes, food standing of the „Bosnian national identity.” directly produces: „bodies and lives, kin groups In contemporary BiH many eat burek or other and communities, economic systems and ideologies, types of pita on an everyday basis (cf. banička in while being produced in its turn by these formati- Kouba 2016). Thus, the burek, literally and direct- ons“ (Farquhar 2006: 146). Precisely for this rea- ly produces bodies and sustains lives. It plays an son, the aphorism „You are what you eat“ continu- important role in cultural reproduction of various es to be invoked in studies ranging across human aspects of social life and it is central in the pro- sciences (Ibid.). So who are those who eat burek? cesses of negotiating and establishing relations In the preceding historical section I elaborated within families. It is produced at home, although on how the burek and pastries in the “pita family” the “traditional” method of production is on the are a historical product of various populations and decline amongst the younger generations. Never- centuries old migrations. I suggested that the age- theless, homemade pita, particularly one made by -old ordinary food of Turkic herdsman became a mother, contains extremely important symbolic a popular combat ration of Mongolian and later value in terms of Bosnian sociability and the idea Ottoman armies as well as featuring on the elite of home. In contemporary Bosnian villages, the menus of Sultan and viziers in the Empire’s capital ability to make pita constitutes an important qua- city (see Lee 2019). As Slapšak states, during Otto- lification for getting married (cf. Chapter by Ga- man rule in Istanbul the poor had a saying that: briela Fatková in this book). The pita, thus, esta- “one cannot have a burek and baklava every day” blishes community both on material and social/ (Slapšak 2014: 154) (metaphorically expressing symbolic levels. that these were and luxury ). Now, On the other hand, many people nowadays, let us take a look at the meanings that burek and especially in urban settlements, obtain the ma- pita have acquired in contemporary BiH. jority of their food supplies in shops. The typical I first encountered the burek during my establishment for purchasing pita in Bosnia and fieldwork in BiH, therefore, here I will examine Herzegovina is a buregdžinica (a type of an old the topic from a particular angle – the “Bosni- Ottoman shop and eatery specialising in pita pro- an” one; thus, I intend to tell the story of the bu- duction) but they might be found as well in a pe- rek from the point of view of the pita. A popular kara (). Jufka is still made from scratch only aphorism in BiH says: „Sve su pite pitice, samo je in fairly isolated cases, generally by elderly women, burek pitac”. This is truly difficult to translate and and in specialised burek eateries, but most jufka always some aspects seem to be lost in translation. is industrially produced. Supermarkets in Bosnia On one hand, the aphorism means: “All pies are and Herzegovina sell frozen, ready-to-bake pita 67 Jídlo v interdisciplinárníJídlo perspektivě dough. Pita is often eaten for “” (this me- and the national category is often used to unify the ans often around 10 p.m. in BiH, most people just regionally and ethnically diverse. Thus, in fact, it is drink coffee in the early morning) but it can be ea- national ideologies that “cook” the national iden- ten at any other time (banica/banička is consumed tity using a selective range of recipes which are similarly cf. Kouba 2016). The pie can be consu- tagged as “national”. med simply by itself with a glass of yogurt, or it During the existence of the Socialist Federative can constitute a course in a more elaborate feast. Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), various dishes The most common varieties of pita are: burek were understood both by insiders and outsiders (meat), šareni burek (meat and potatoes), sirnica more in terms of the Balkan Peninsula in gene- (cheese), zeljanica (usually chard or and ral since they are generally cooked throughout cheese), krompiruša (potatoes) and tikvenica (ye- South-. Regional differences and llow squash). There is also pita maslenica (literally food specialities were more prominent in distin- “ pita”). In fact maslenica is often made with guishing foods e.g. Dalmatian or Istrian . cream and a little bit of kajmak, fresh cheese or Interestingly, this was also the period when the mileram (a type of ). However, some burek migrated to and the “West” under people also add butter (also Slavková 2017). Many the name burek or alternately börek. The migration more variations of the dish exist, both savoury of the burek to Slovenia, which copies the journeys (e.g. filled with cabbage, mushrooms etc.) and of migrant workers from the rest of the countries sweet (filled with , etc.) and plenty from former Yugoslavia, was mapped in detail by of other appellations that one might encounter in Jernej Mlekuž (2011a, 2011b, 2017). Outside the the Balkans. In the most recent years, these pas- SFRY and in Slovenia, which associated more with tries and their perception were significantly trans- the “West”, consumption of the burek was percei- formed by the transnational food industry and ved as a marker of difference. new varieties such as for instance “čoko burek” Nevertheless, it was the disintegration of SFRY ( burek) have been invented and found in the 1990s, along with the bloody armed conflict, their place in the globalised market. that significantly impacted the regional foodsca- So what does this say about the burek? And can pes and gave emergence to the national cuisines of we consider it a Bosnian ? To pose the Western Balkans as we know them nowadays these questions necessarily opens up another (Croatian, Bosnia, Serbian, etc.). The notion of the question: how does food help to create or is crea- Bosnian national was supported, shaped ted by economic systems and ideologies? In this by the emergence of few “Bosnian cookbooks” following section I will explore briefly the dyna- (Bosanski kuhar) by Alija Lakišić (1999) and mics in between these contexts in relation to the more recently by Lamija Hadžiosmanović (2007). notion of so called „Bosnian national cuisine”, In more recent years, a few other cookbooks ta- which only emerges as late as in 1992, along with gged as “Bosnian” have appeared on the market, the declaration of BiH as an independent state. In nevertheless the number is very small. Therefore, a broader sense this applies to all of the “national a more important role in the process of shaping cuisines” that have emerged since the creation of the image of the Bosnian national cuisine seems the first nation-states following the French Revo- to be located in cyberspace on various websites, lution at the end of the 18th century. forums and social media. In the following section, Similarly to Appadurai (1988), I see the so called I will take a closer look at the shifts in meaning of “national cuisines” as intellectual constructs. I am burek in the 21st century in and Slovenia drawing on Anderson’s understanding of nation- and across cyberspace (that the trans-local com- -states as of „imagined communities” (Anderson munities use to communicate with their places of 1983). Food functions as a means of internalisa- origin). tion and embodiment and also as a medium for expression of national ideologies, which are gene- rally perceived by the social actors as a “natural” unit of self-identification (also Slavková 2017). As Appadurai (1988) argues, “national cuisines” are represented by a few selected characteristic dishes 68 The taste of home or the pie of the “Others”?: The and lived in Vienna – brought it back with him shifting meaning of the burek amongst the Bosnian upon his return from Turkey. I wondered how he trans-local communities in Austria and Slovenia had managed to bring so much börek to Austria by During my stay in Vienna in spring 2016, I met plane. He laughed and told me that he was actually with Bastian – a former EUFOR soldier who had over the weight allowance, but when he explained served on an observation mission in Bratunac. that his mother stubbornly insisted on taking all We were enjoying a Stiegl (Austrian ) on the this börek for him, the airport worker took pity on university campus when he noted: “Nowadays, him and, exceptionally, did not charge him with Vienna is like the capital of the Balkans”. I found any additional fee. These two short stories from this metaphor very fitting (also Slavková 2017: Vienna underline the symbolic importance of the 58). Vienna was also likely the place where the burek and börek amongst various groups of peo- burek first entered Central Europe as the strudel ple who consume it. Now, it remains to answer the and where it later re-emerged with the growing question of how the burek is perceived by those number of Turkish and Balkan origin migrants as who primarily do not eat it. And to examine in the burek and became a popular fast food, which what sense it is used in discussions in cyberspace. is eaten not only by people of Turkish and Balkan In Vienna, I have encountered the consumpti- origin but also by other inhabitants of the city. on of the burek both in homes and in countless People who leave for disparate places to pursue burek fast-food eateries run usually by people of „new“ lives also bring their favourite foods along Balkan and Turkish origin. Unlike in BiH, the pita Jídlo v interdisciplinární perspektivě Jídlo v interdisciplinární with them. This was a common phenomenon that was not generally produced at home in the ma- I kept noticing during my fieldwork in Vienna. It jority of the Bosnian diaspora households that I seemed that whenever someone travelled from visited in Vienna, but brought back from visits to BiH to Austria, they always brought various food BiH or purchased in fast-food eateries. The pie is items with them. This concerned both individual not made due to the time consuming preparation journeys as well as more official visits organised involved, which does not suit the work routines through associations. For example, in spring 2016 in a post-modern urban settlement such as Vie- the Srebrenica-Wien-Platform association organi- nna. A couple of my research participants also sed a visit by selected inhabitants of Srebrenica to mentioned (under the influence of modern nu- discuss the Bosnian issues with the „diaspora“ in tritional discourse) that they considered the pita Vienna. Various food items were prepared a few fatty, therefore unhealthy and tried not to eat it of- days in advance in Srebrenica and carefully driven ten. Similarly, Mlekuž (2011b, 2017) writes about over 700 km to be served at the event. One mem- the perception of the burek as an unhealthy and ber of the delegation was also the former Srebre- fatty food in Slovenia. This is a huge shift in me- nica mayor, Ćamil Duraković, who at that point aning from the perception in Bosnia, where it is was running an election campaign. Theburek and associated with homeliness and a good source of other variants of pita could not be absent amongst sustenance. Such perception was reflected in un- the other dishes from Eastern Bosnia (sweet and forgettable billboard „DROGA? Ne, hvala, ja ću savoury) at this symbolically important event. BUREK!” (“Drugs? No, thanks. I would like a BU- This was not the case with Bosnians alone, but REK!”), which was part of the Zenica canton drug I observed similar symbolic significance amongst prevention campaign for the International Day other migrants as well.4 In Austria in 2016 I ate against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking in 2010 börek that had been prepared the day before by a (see e.g. Klix.ba). As the local media sarcastically Kurdish family in Istanbul (Alevi Muslims). Their reported: “with the help of traditional gourmet son – my housemate at that point, who studied specialities, the war on drugs progressed” (Ibid.). Nevertheless, the authors of the slogan must have 4 This claim is supported by years of countless ethnogra- associated burek (and ćevapi) with something nu- phic observations that I have undertaken throughout my tritious that helps to sustain human lives. studies and career. I observed similar strategies amongst Such significant shifts in meaning of different transnational migrants in the Northern, Central and dishes during migration are quite common in food South-East Europe as well as Asian trans-migrants in history. In Slovenia, we encounter a radical shift . of meaning, when burek and its consumers take 69 Jídlo v interdisciplinárníJídlo perspektivě on pejorative connotations in the eyes of the host Most importantly, in the Bosnian context, the inter- population (see Mlekuž 2017). Mlekuž (2011a, nal distinction between the pita and the burek has 2011b and 2017) describes this asymmetrical re- become an important marker of national identity lationship arising among migrant workers from and patriotism). This can be perhaps demonstrated elsewhere in the SFRY and the dominant Slovene most clearly using the many jokes, statements and population ever since the 1960s. In Slovenia, the images available on internet example. burek is associated particularly with migrants of For instance, the webpage vukajlija.com shared Muslim origin, namely those from Bosnia and Al- a satirical picture from 2014 of a burek cut into bania (see Mlekuž 2011a: 318-321). To illustrate two slices like a with a slice of cheese these attitudes Mlekuž gives an example from the in the middle. Beneath the picture is the caption: humour supplement of a political weekly newspa- “Konačno da vidim taj burek sa sirom.” (“At last, per, showing a picture from a protest (see Mlekuž I’ve seen a burek with cheese.”) Another frequent- 2011a: 319). The protesters in the picture are hol- ly shared picture showed a „Fatal Error“ window ding a sign saying: “No mosque for us, no burek for saying: „Nema burek sa sirom” (“There is no burek you” and next to it is a headline with the inscripti- with cheese”) (see frontslobode.ba). Below the me- on: “We’ll trade bureks for a mosque!” (Ibid.) ssage there is an “OK” button to click. Nationa- Mlekuž (2011a) defines these hostile attitudes list sentiment and identification is demonstrated towards the migrant of Muslim faith as “Bureka- most explicitly in a tweet from December 2015, a lism”, using Said’s idea of Orientalism (1978). In user called Buba tweeted: “Ako hoćeš Bosanca za particular, he defines it as “a style of thought based doživotnog neprijatelja, dirni mu u Bosnu ili mu on an ontological and epistemological distinction traži burek sa sirom” (“If you want a Bosnian to be made between a population and place defined by your enemy for the rest of the life, touch Bosnia or the burek and a population and place not defined ask him for a burek with cheese”). by the burek” – “a style of the non-burekalized po- Perhaps, the best example how complex these pulation for dominating, reconstructing and having “language games” are may be seen in the following authority over the burekalized population” (Mle- uses of burek in jokes, which are also political pa- kuž, 2011a: 318). Nevertheless, Mlekuž’s attempt rody. On a satirical Croatian news portal newsbar. to introduce a new concept of “Burekalism”, does hr Kristijan Leskovar (2019) writes in the headline: not seem sufficiently persuasive, as it reduces the “Bosnia is endangered by constitutional crisis after complexity of Said’s (1978) argumentation. Perha- the discovery of a wooden sign with the inscripti- ps Todorova’s concept of “Balkanism” (Todorova on ‘burek is sirnica’ at the Bosnian pyramids” (the 2009) would be more useful. On the other hand, author clearly makes fun out the differences in I am not trying to say that Bosnian migrants to pastry terminology, which further have national Slovenia are not subjected to expressions of xeno- connotations). Reading between the lines, one sees phobia as Mlekuž (2011a, 2017) successfully de- that the Croatian writer wants to say that both sir- monstrates in the example of political anecdotes nica and the Bosnian pyramids are a fantasy (im- and in countless internet sources. plying that perhaps so is the whole state or simply I have not encountered particularly negative con- points out to the absurdity of the entire situation). notations linked with the burek in Vienna. Orien- Perhaps the most iconic and complex use of a talist attitudes seem to be linked with different cul- burek as a metaphor in relation to Bosnian natio- tural markers (such as the custom of wearing hijab nalism as well political parody is the “train case”. A – a veil worn by Muslim woman). In Vienna, which Twitter user, who calls himself “Balanser’o” twee- primarily promotes itself as a liberal, multicultu- ted on January 14, 2017: “Željeznice Federacije ral city with one of the highest living standards in BiH uvode specijalni voz na liniji Sarajevo– the world, “migrant” food is seen as a “positive” i novoj liniji Sarajevo–Beograd” (“The Railways of marker of cultural difference, and therefore it is the Federation of BiH introduce a special train on something that the migrants actively use to “pro- the line Sarajevo–Zagreb and on the new line Sa- mote” their cultural origin. Certainly no special rajevo–Belgrade”). The tweet included a picture gatherings where national identity was performed of a train with a big red inscription on it: “Burek and promoted (such as Srebrenica Day in Vienna) je sa mesom!” (“A burek is with meat!”). This is a would be complete without variations of the pita. reference to nationalist tensions between BiH, 70 and , political provocation as well main of food and leads to (and also relies on) the as the failure of the states. The joke refers to an in- emergence of national cookbooks. Since in the cident in January 2017 when a train painted with case of Bosnian cuisine only very few cookbooks the Serbian tricolour covered with inscriptions in presenting the “national cuisine” exist, internet twenty-one languages reading “Kosovo is Serbia” discussions and recipe resources play an impor- headed from Belgrade to Kosovska Mitrovica, on tant role in the process of defining what is and is which the news portals reported already prior to not “Bosnian”. The last section explores in particu- its departure (see rts.rs). lar public discussions and representations of the burek at various events or in cyberspace within the context of the transnational social field of the Conclusion: Cooking beyond borders – food is a “Balkan” trans-local communities. In 21st century double-edged sword Vienna and Slovenia, burek is a popular fast-food In this study I have elaborated on the countless and the food of working class migrants from the of journeys of the burek and related dishes across South-East. Nevertheless, it continues to be made the centuries. My approach is based on combining in the Bosnian households where it is linked with the methods of sociocultural anthropology and sociability and sense of belonging. history. Nevertheless, when the attention remains As Jen Webb (2010: 2) fittingly summarised: focused on the history and social life of a single “Food is not neutral, not ordinary, not obvious. It dish, the findings offer a fascinating and incredibly is — or, it can be — a site for struggle, a site for Jídlo v interdisciplinární perspektivě Jídlo v interdisciplinární complex understanding of shifting material forms the working out of relations of power. It tells us and meaning of various dishes over time. What who we are, it divides us.” Thus, food or other ob- the long “journey” of the burek through Central jects or customs that mark a difference between Asia, the Near East, the Balkans and Central Eu- “us” and “the Others” may result either in social rope highlights is the extent to which migrations inclusion or, alternatively, exclusion. The migrato- and cultural exchange have influenced the process ry journeys of the burek and its consumers clearly of shaping the idea of Europe as we understand it illustrate these processes. Firstly, a practical, sim- today. At the same time, the findings call for re- ple meal of Turkic herdsmen and soldiers over thinking the idea of identity, so it is perceived in the centuries became a in the Ottoman a more processual and “flexible manner”. As Liisa Empire. Nevertheless, its more simple varieties Malkki fittingly states: “...Identity is always mobile continued and continue to be eaten amongst both and processual, partly self/construction, partly ca- the rich and poor. Secondly, in a different context a tegorisation by others, partly a condition, a status, dish that marks familiarity and home amongst spe- a label, a weapon, a shield, a fund of memories, et cific groups may be seen as a dividing marker of the cetera. It is a creolised aggregate composed through “Others” as in the case of gastarbeiters in Slovenia. bricolage” (Malkki 1992: 37). Similarly, a British archaeologist Andrew In the historical overview, I attempt to pinpo- Sherratt has shown that food and drinks were al- int the changes in meaning and use that the group ready intentionally used in Antiquity to distingui- of recipes that I refer to here as the “pita family” sh religious-cultural groups. As he further argues, undergone in a longue durée perspective: from the food and drink choices are cultural processes and sweet ancient Assyrian baklava, to the salty pie of food is not only a „system of alimentation“ but also the Turkic nomadic herdsmen, the field rations of a „system of non-verbal communication“ (Sherratt Turkic, Mongol and Ottoman armies, a delicacy 1995: 11). Exclusion or inclusion of certain foods, of Sultans and viziers until the recipe was partly their specific preparation and consumption thus domesticated in Central Europe in the context of also defines membership of larger groups in socie- the Second Siege of Vienna. 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SLAPŠAK, S. (2014) Leteći pilav. Belgrade: Bi- This study was supported by a long term conceptual develop- blioteka XX vek. ment of the research organisation RVO: 68378076.

SUMMARY & KEYWORDS

The Burek as a Meal and Metaphor: Food, Migration and Identity Between “Orient” and “Occident”

This research paper discusses the burek, a pastry that is a popular everyday staple in the Balkans and nowadays also widely available fast-food in Central Europe. I approach this topic from the perspective of anthropology of food with a focus on the „social life of things“ and „migration journeys“ of various food items across time and space. I pay special attention to the historical changes of social meaning of various edibles with a focus on the burek and other variants of the pita. The burek is central not only to everyday diet, but it is an inseparable component of festivities and rites in the Balkans and beyond. At the same time, the burek often comes up in everyday conversations, is an important topic in public political discourses and integral to aphorisms, metaphors and jokes.

Burek, Pita, Anthropology of Food, Food History, Migration, Identity 73 Jídlo v interdisciplinárníJídlo perspektivě

Pita made in Srebrenica, BiH, using the rolling technique (Photo: M. Slavková, 2013).

The preparation of potato pie (krompiruša), showing a specific technique of cutting potatoes with a knife. 74 Jídlo v interdisciplinární perspektivě Jídlo v interdisciplinární

Baklava (an oriental sweet) made by a technique of layering. An almost identical technique is also used to make a savoury pita pie (Photo: M. Slavková, 2013).

Homemade pita with cheese (sirnica) made by my research participant from Srebrenica (Photo: M. Slavková, 2013) 75 Jídlo v interdisciplinárníJídlo perspektivě

Balkanhouse is a busy fast-food restaurant in Prater, Vienna, that serves amongst other things, the burek (Photo: M. Slavková, 2015).

An old photograph of pita making used as a decoration in a house in Srebrenica (Photo: M. Slavková, 2013).