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Download the Transcript www.barnard.edu/sfonline/immigration A TRANSNATIONAL CONVERSATION ON FRENCH COLONIALISM, IMMIGRATION, VIOLENCE AND SOVEREIGNTY MIRIAM TICKTIN, RUTH MARSHALL AND PAOLA BACCHETTA FRENCH NEOCOLONIALISM AND DISCOURSES OF IMMIGRATION Marshall: I thought we could begin talking about Nicolas Sarkozy's recent speech (July 26th 2007) at the University of Anta Diop, in Dakar, Senegal, where he addressed the "youth of Africa.” I don't know if you've seen it? Ticktin: No, I didn't. Marshall: It's insane, quite frankly. It's essentially all about the backward Africans; how they're traditional and will never become modern. Bacchetta: I too have not seen it, but would like to hear about it. Ticktin: I haven't seen it either, actually. Marshall: It's really shocking. There’s been a big reaction on the part of the French Africanist and African community. Achille Mbembe has written a response. Bacchetta: Oh, that's great. Ticktin: I think I'm looking at the response by Mbembe right now. It's in Africultures? Marshall: Yes, Africultures. It’s quite amazing, considering where we are today and what's been going on recently in Africa with respect to France, particularly in West Africa. Mbembe argues that we should just ignore it, it's so absurd and surreal. Bacchetta: What was his point? Ticktin: According to what Ruth has said thus far, in the speech, he was recapitulating Hegel’s ideas about Africa, suggesting that there is no historical time in Africa, that Africans still measure time through nature, and that they need to be brought into History with a capital H. Bacchetta: Hegel’s Philosophy of History, in which he re-imagines the geographical borders and cultural status of Africa…But there is also a mythicized Africa, and especially African subjects, in philosophical and literary works prior to and during Hegel’s lifetime: in Rousseau, Voltaire, Diderot, etc. The list is long. Anyway, in this racialized grid of intelligibility, Africa is characterized not only as lack and excess in relation to Europe, but as quasi-absent in relation to Europe. Hegel posits his Africa as outside History, lacking History, and as an excess of Nature in relation to Europe as Culture. And in his narrative of “progress”: the “civilizating” of Africa is achieved through the Europeanization of Africa. I haven’t yet had a chance to read the Sarkozy speech in Dakar, but if it contains these Hegelian elements it’s consistent with a vast realm of current dominant French racialized notions of postcolonial space and of people of color in France. Bacchetta: That’s a civilizing mission discourse, which is also a central element in current dominant French State and mediatic discourses about postcolonial immigration in France. The French State’s policies of assimilating postcolonial immigrant subjects into some monolithic version of dominant 1 French culture are in continuity with this civilizing mission discourse and practice. It just has such a long history… Ticktin: Yes, what is striking is that he says it openly, without shame or embarrassment; he does not acknowledge that such thinking is grounded in French colonialism, and any number of racist practices. I don’t think even Bush would do that. Marshall: Oh, he's absolutely triumphal. Bacchetta: Sarkozy’s practices towards people of color are quite complex, and they have some parallels with the right-wing government in the U.S. For example, on the one hand Sarkozy and Bush continue, reinforce and often reconfigure racist practices. On the other hand they both also designate selected people of color for high profile positions of responsibility in their cabinets. George Bush has deployed Condoleeza Rice and Colin Powell. Sarkozy has enlisted Rachida Dati as Ministre de la Justice et Garde des Sceaux (the top position in the Ministry of Justice which is responsible for the juridical system in France). This is the first time any person of Maghrebian origin has held such a high position in the French Government. Rachida Dati was born in France of an Algerian mother and a Moroccan father. It’s significant that she does not come from a privileged postcolonial background but rather from a very modest immigrant working class family in which she was one of eleven children. Her background, her family, is more like the majority of second generation Maghrebians. She’s supposed to serve as a symbol of successful assimilation. And then there is Fadela Amara, the ex-President of the reformist women’s group Ni Putes Ni Soumises (trans: “Neither Whores nor Submissives”), which was created in the suburban slums, who was appointed as Secretary of State in the Sarkozy government. Ni Putes Ni Soumises was, like SOS Racisme, heavily funded by the Socialist Party. Fadela Amara’s parents are immigrants from Algeria, also working class, and she is also one of eleven children. Her trajectory, from SOS Racisme to Ni Putes Ni Soumises, to her current governmental position, is indicative of complicity, right and left, around racialized sexism and sexualized racism in France. She mainly made her name by denouncing young men of color and Islam as more sexist than thou. Remember, Fadela Amara testified for the Stasi Commission in favor of banning the Islamic headscarf in French schools. The Stasi Commission report weighed heavily in the passage of the 2004 law banning the headscarf. Rachida Dati plays into the discourse of assimilation, and Fadela Amara into both assimilation and what [Gayatri] Spivak has called “white men saving brown women from brown men.” Their conduct has been strongly critiqued by feminists of color and anti-racism groups. Interestingly, there are no Maghrebian men in such high profile political positions. It’s about producing women, who are cultural symbols, as assimilated figures to signify the success of the French civilizing mission. Marshall: Well, it's also the question of what constitutes the place of Africa in global history, which is a huge, central question for Africans themselves. This is what Sarkozy said: (I'll try to translate it off the cuff) – “the drama of Africa is that the African man has not entered sufficiently into history. The African peasant, for thousands of years has lived with the seasons; his ideal of life is to be in harmony with nature, and he only knows the eternal recommencing of time, driven by repetition without end, of the same gestures.” Bacchetta: It's unbelievable. Marshall: … “There is neither a place for human adventure nor the idea of progress. In this universe, where nature commands all, man escapes from the anxiety of history, which besets the modern man. But he stays unmoved, in the middle of an unchanging order, where everything is written in advance. He will never throw himself into the future, will never have the idea to leave repetition, or to invent a destiny for himself. That is the problem of Africa. That is the challenge for Africa - to enter into history.” So this is Hegel. Bacchetta: Yes, Hegel, and a whole list of his contemporary and subsequent scholars. I am thinking, for example, of Johannes Fabian’s classic Time and The Other, in which he critically analyzes 2 how, across dominant Western/Northern philosophical, linguistic and anthropological theory, the West/North is positioned in the here and now, and the West/North’s others are positioned in the (West/North’s) past. He argues that the Dominant will not be able to fully recognize the Other as a subject until the Dominant understands the Other to be in coeval, present time. Marshall: It's absolutely staggering that this is where we are at today, in 2007. And it makes me extremely depressed, considering what we've been saying for the last 40 years in our field, and certainly in the last 25. That the President of the French Republic can say this in Dakar, which was of course the pearl of French colonial power. To be able to say this today, and say it with certitude and conviction, it’s really extremely discouraging, even though, maybe, as Mbembe says, we can just ignore it. Although he says many of the youth to whom it's addressed are quite convinced of this fact, which is actually even more depressing. I don't necessarily agree that most of African youth are in phase with this sort of talk, perhaps the ones addressed in Dakar: as Mamadou Diouf pointed out in his own response, nobody got up to leave in protest. But the youth that I'm researching in Côte d’Ivoire are more ambivalent on the question of this mythologized history. Ticktin: Yes, it's really a question of what makes it okay to say something like that today. Why has it come to the fore again? What are the reasons? Not that it really went away, but what are the challenges? Bacchetta: Yes, it never really went away. Such discourses can be articulated so clearly right now in France and be heard. The colonial grid of intelligibility that renders them meaningful, and renders critical discourse unintelligible, hasn’t been sufficiently interrogated, deconstructed. A number of recent issues in France have brought these colonial-postcolonial discourses to the fore and reinforced them in the public space. I mean, discourses supporting the 2004 law that banned the Islamic headscarf in schools, discourses denouncing the 2005 revolts in the suburban slums, discourses in favor of the 2005 law that was to force teachers to teach the “positive role” of French colonialism, etc. Ticktin: That's true. Bacchetta: In France today, there is quite a paradox around colonial memory. On the one hand there is a dominant refusal in the public discursive space to grapple critically with French colonialism and its current legacy, but also what Spivak might call ‘sanctioned ignorance’ in academia too.
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