Reexamining the Fintech Capital of Europe After Brexit
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854 Final ANNEXES 1 to 3 ANNEXES to The
EUROPEAN COMMISSION Brussels, 25.12.2020 COM(2020) 854 final ANNEXES 1 to 3 ANNEXES to the Proposal for a REGULATION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT AND OF THE COUNCIL on the Brexit Adjustment Reserve EN EN ANNEX I Allocation method for the pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve The pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve shall be distributed between the Member States according to the following methodology: 1. Each Member State’s share from pre-financing of the Brexit Adjustment Reserve is determined as the sum of a factor linked to the fish caught in the waters that belong to the UK Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and a factor linked to trade with the UK. 2. The factor linked to fish caught in the UK EEZ is used to allocate EUR 600 million. The factor linked to trade is used to allocate EUR 3 400 million. Both amounts are expressed in 2018 prices. 3. The factor linked to fisheries is determined on the basis of the following criterion and by applying the following steps: a) share of each Member State of the total value of the fish caught in the UK EEZ; b) these shares are increased for Member States with fisheries that have an above average dependency on the fish caughts in the UK EEZ and decreased for the ones that have a below average dependency as following: (i) for each Member State, the value of fish caught in UK EEZ as a percentage of the total value of fish caught by that Member State is expressed as an index of the EU average (index of dependency); (ii) the initial share of the value of fish caught in the UK EEZ is adjusted by multiplying it with the Member State’s index of dependency; (iii) these adjusted shares are rescaled to ensure that the sum of all Member States’ shares equals 100%. -
The Brexit Vote: a Divided Nation, a Divided Continent
Sara Hobolt The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Hobolt, Sara (2016) The Brexit vote: a divided nation, a divided continent. Journal of European Public Policy, 23 (9). pp. 1259-1277. ISSN 1466-4429 DOI: 10.1080/13501763.2016.1225785 © 2016 Routledge This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/67546/ Available in LSE Research Online: November 2016 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. The Brexit Vote: A Divided Nation, a Divided Continent Sara B. Hobolt London School of Economics and Political Science, UK ABSTRACT The outcome of the British referendum on EU membership sent shockwaves through Europe. While Britain is an outlier when it comes to the strength of Euroscepticism, the anti- immigration and anti-establishment sentiments that produced the referendum outcome are gaining strength across Europe. -
Article the Empire Strikes Back: Brexit, the Irish Peace Process, and The
ARTICLE THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK: BREXIT, THE IRISH PEACE PROCESS, AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW Kieran McEvoy, Anna Bryson, & Amanda Kramer* I. INTRODUCTION ..........................................................610 II. BREXIT, EMPIRE NOSTALGIA, AND THE PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................615 III. ANGLO-IRISH RELATIONS AND THE EUROPEAN UNION ...........................................................................624 IV. THE EU AND THE NORTHERN IRELAND PEACE PROCESS .......................................................................633 V. BREXIT, POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN NORTHERN IRELAND ....637 VI. BREXIT AND THE “MAINSTREAMING” OF IRISH REUNIFICATION .........................................................643 VII. BREXIT, POLITICAL VIOLENCE AND THE GOVERNANCE OF SECURITY ..................................646 VIII. CONCLUSION: BREXIT AND THE LIMITATIONS OF LAW ...............................................................................657 * The Authors are respectively Professor of Law and Transitional Justice, Senior Lecturer and Lecturer in Law, Queens University Belfast. We would like to acknowledge the comments and advice of a number of colleagues including Colin Harvey, Brian Gormally, Daniel Holder, Rory O’Connell, Gordon Anthony, John Morison, and Chris McCrudden. We would like to thank Alina Utrata, Kevin Hearty, Ashleigh McFeeters, and Órlaith McEvoy for their research assistance. As is detailed below, we would also like to thank the Economic -
Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK?
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK? Martin, David 2020 Martin, D. (2020). Singapore on the Thames : Model for a Post‑Brexit UK? (RSIS Commentaries, No. 020). RSIS Commentaries. Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/137261 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 30 Sep 2021 07:03:19 SGT Singapore on the Thames: Model for a Post-Brexit UK? By David Martin SYNOPSIS Last week, the UK formally exited the European Union. As it charts a new destiny outside the EU post-Brexit, the domestic debate is whether it should adopt the Singapore model of economic self-reliance. Can ‘Singapore on the Thames’ work? COMMENTARY ‘SINGAPORE ON the Thames’ has become an unfortunate shorthand for what many Brexiteers laud as a model for Britain’s economy, now that it has formally left the European Union on 31 January 2020. Unfortunate for Singapore because it promotes a flawed view of its economic success and an international image it could do without. Unfortunate for the United Kingdom because the version of the Singapore model it promotes is both undeliverable and certain to make any trade deal with the EU more difficult, if not impossible, to deliver. Singapore’s Image in Britain The image of Singapore being promoted is that of a low tax (even tax haven), unregulated, small government laissez faire paradise. The advocates of ‘Singapore on the Thames’ either ignore or are ignorant of the fact that on top of a relatively low tax rate the Central Provident Fund compels workers and employers to contribute 37% of wages and salaries. -
BREXIT DIVORCE BILL” Eulalia Rubio | Senior Research Fellow, Jacques Delors Institute
TRIBUNE 21 NOVEMBER 2017 UNDERSTANDING THE “BREXIT DIVORCE BILL” Eulalia Rubio | Senior research fellow, Jacques Delors Institute T he UK’s financial settlement, or so-called “Brexit divorce bill”, refers to the expected payment the United Kingdom has to make to the EU to honour its share of the financial commitments jointly undertaken by EU countries while the UK was a member of the European Union. In media and in public discussions, there is some con- remaining EU-27 should adjust the MFF to reflect the fusion with regard to the nature of this payment and fact that one of the biggest net contributors is leaving. the legal and political arguments supporting the EU’s However, enlargement differs from withdrawal in that claim. The UK media tends to label this payment as an it is a decision adopted unanimously by EU member “exit bill” the EU is imposing on the UK to open trade states, not imposed by one of them on the others. talks. Brexit bill talks are also frequently portrayed as classical, zero-sum money negotiations. In reality, dis- It is also important to note that part of spending com- agreements on the amount of the bill hide more pro- mitments linked to this MFF will be executed after found discrepancies regarding the nature and compo- 2020. This is the famous RAL or “Reste-à-Liquider”, sition of this payment and, ultimately, in relation to the that is, the amount of spending authorised in EU nature of EU membership and the purpose of Brexit annual budgets but still not executed. -
Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States
The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and Relations with the United States Updated April 16, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RL33105 SUMMARY RL33105 The United Kingdom: Background, Brexit, and April 16, 2021 Relations with the United States Derek E. Mix Many U.S. officials and Members of Congress view the United Kingdom (UK) as the United Specialist in European States’ closest and most reliable ally. This perception stems from a combination of factors, Affairs including a sense of shared history, values, and culture; a large and mutually beneficial economic relationship; and extensive cooperation on foreign policy and security issues. The UK’s January 2020 withdrawal from the European Union (EU), often referred to as Brexit, is likely to change its international role and outlook in ways that affect U.S.-UK relations. Conservative Party Leads UK Government The government of the UK is led by Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the Conservative Party. Brexit has dominated UK domestic politics since the 2016 referendum on whether to leave the EU. In an early election held in December 2019—called in order to break a political deadlock over how and when the UK would exit the EU—the Conservative Party secured a sizeable parliamentary majority, winning 365 seats in the 650-seat House of Commons. The election results paved the way for Parliament’s approval of a withdrawal agreement negotiated between Johnson’s government and the EU. UK Is Out of the EU, Concludes Trade and Cooperation Agreement On January 31, 2020, the UK’s 47-year EU membership came to an end. -
Brexit Tax Competition Between the UK and the EU27
Brexit: tax competition between the UK and the EU27 Since the outcome of the Brexit referendum there has been speculation about whether any UK/EU trade agreement would allow the UK to position itself as a tax haven. The UK/EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement imposes a number of restrictions on the UK, including subsidy controls and commitments to maintain certain OECD tax standards. Outside of these restrictions, opportunities remain for the UK to make its tax regime more competitive as compared to its EU27 neighbours, but it seems likely that divergences between the tax regimes of these jurisdictions will in any event develop over time. Throughout the various stages of the Brexit negotiations, there has been speculation about what the final terms of any trade agreement would say about tax; in particular, whether the deal might allow the UK to position itself as the media-dubbed ‘Singapore-on-Thames’. The broad idea being that the UK could set itself up as a tax haven boldly neighbouring the EU27 jurisdictions by aggressively reducing its corporate tax rate, offering targeted tax incentives to attract businesses to the UK and diluting rules countering tax avoidance. The question is whether the Brexit trade deal, as agreed at the eleventh hour, allows for this. The ‘Singapore-on-Thames’ concept can be traced back to comments made by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Hammond, in January 2017, that in the event of a no-deal Brexit the UK would be forced to change its economic model to remain competitive. Boris Johnson, in his capacity as both foreign secretary and subsequently prime minister, fanned the flames of this idea with comments about seizing the opportunity of Brexit to reform the UK’s tax system and simplify regulation. -
Brexit Transition and Northern Ireland: a Reading List
Research and Information Service Briefing Paper Paper 31/20 31 December 2020 NIAR 182-2020 Compiled by Seán McGeown Brexit Transition and Northern Ireland: A Reading List Research and Information Service briefings are compiled for the benefit of MLAs and their support staff. Authors are available to discuss the contents of these papers with Members and their staff but cannot advise members of the general public. We do, however, welcome written evidence that relates to our papers and this should be sent to the Research and Information Service, Northern Ireland Assembly, Room 139, Parliament Buildings, Belfast BT4 3XX or e-mailed to [email protected] Providing research and information services to the Northern Ireland Assembly NIAR 92-17 Briefing Paper Table of Contents 1. INTRODUCTION 2. GOVERNMENTS United Kingdom Government Government of Ireland Northern Ireland Executive Welsh Government Scottish Government 3. LEGISLATURES Westminster Parliament Houses of the Oireachtas/Tithe an Oireachtas Northern Ireland Assembly Senedd Cymru/Welsh Parliament Scottish Parliament 4. EU INSTITUTIONS European Council and Council of the European Union European Commission European Parliament 5. COMMENTARY AND ANALYSIS Brexit Institute (Dublin City University) Briefings for Britain (formerly Briefings for Brexit) British Irish Chamber of Commerce Brookings Institution Carnegie Europe Centre for Brexit Policy Centre for Brexit Studies (University of Birmingham) Centre for Cross Border Studies Centre for European Reform Centre on Constitutional Change Committee -
Britain's No-Deal Debacle?
Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad John Ryan STRATEGIC UPDATE OCTOBER 2020 LSE IDEAS is LSE’s foreign policy think tank. Ranked #1 university affiliated think tank in the world in the 2019 Global Go To Think Tank Index. We connect academic knowledge of diplomacy and strategy with the people who use it. CONTENTS Brexit—Endgame of the Reluctant European?— 4 The Phase of Scepticism 1945-2016 No-Deal Brexit Consequences for Ireland 7 The 2020 Irish Republic Election Result 11 Has Recast Ireland’s Political Dynamics A Joe Biden Presidency and Congress May 14 Block US-UK Post-Brexit Trade Deal Conclusion 18 References 20 ‘‘ Britain’s No-Deal Debacle? The Costs at Home and Likely Setbacks Abroad | John Ryan 3 he UK left the EU on 31 January 2020 after 47 years of membership. If a No-Deal Brexit Tbecomes a reality, it may not only be a sore The historic awakening for Boris Johnson and his government, but ‘‘commitment by the also for the United Kingdom as a whole. In this paper, US government to I will examine UK scepticism over Europe as a long- the peace process established phenomenon as well as the failure over the withdrawal agreement and the problems with the in Northern Ireland poorly executed UK strategy for Brexit negotiations. is a factor, but in I will then look at how a No-Deal Brexit scenario will addition the Irish complicate the economic and political consequences American vote ‘‘ for Ireland, and the associated repercussions for trade matters in US negotiations for the UK with the United States. -
Brexit and Public Opinion
Foreword It is hard to exaggerate the importance of public opinion when it comes to Brexit. The decision to leave the EU was itself, of course, the result of a public vote. And as the Brexit process rolls on, both sides anxiously parse every survey for evidence of what the public now thinks. Some people continue to believe that a significant shift in public opinion might allow the decision made in June 2016 to be reconsidered. In what follows, a team of experts on public opinion considers not only what happened in the referendum itself, but also what has taken place in terms of public attitudes subsequently. I’m delighted that we’ve been able to bring together some of the best minds working on public attitudes to make this contribution to the debate. I’m immensely grateful to all those who contributed to this report. As ever, they’ve tolerated my questions and comments with efficient good humour. Particular thanks to Alan Wager, for whom putting together this report has been something of a baptism of fire. And also to John-Paul Salter, for his fine proofing work. Professor Anand Menon The UK in a Changing Europe Hyperlinks to cited material can be found online at www.ukandeu.ac.uk. The UK in a Changing Europe is an impartial and independent organisation created to make the findings of academic research easily available to the widest possible audience. Brexit and Public Opinion Contents Introduction – Anand Menon ......................................................................................................................................... 4 Analysing the Referendum Brexit and British politics – Anand Menon and Alan Wager ................................................................ 6 Minority ethnic attitudes and the 2016 EU referendum – Neema Begum ............................... -
The Realities of Trade After Brexit
The realities of trade after Brexit A new perspective from Baker McKenzie As companies consider their strategies for life in a post-Brexit world, there remains great uncertainty about the UK’s future trading relationship with the European Union. In this report, Baker McKenzie goes behind the headlines to uncover what the impact of ‘hard Brexit’ would be in four sectors that are key to UK manufacturing and to our clients: the automotive, technology, healthcare and consumer goods industries. For the purposes of this study, a hard Brexit is one in which the UK leaves the EU customs union and bilateral tariffs revert to WTO ‘Most Favoured Nation’ levels for all UK-EU trade in goods. This would be a ‘worst case’ scenario, which the UK is seeking to avoid, however, this model allows us to draw the strongest possible contrast between continued membership of the Single Market and each of the various ‘options’ posited for post-Brexit Britain. It is important to note that this research is limited to the above hard Brexit scenario and does not account for currency fluctuations, trade agreements with the EU or third countries, or any other measures such as state aid that could offset the potential losses associated with exiting the Single Market. Our findings shed new light on the real costs of Brexit, in both monetary and human terms, and uncover details about the level of dependency that exists between the EU and the UK. We also explore some overlooked but crucial issues for the business community, including the impact that non-tariff barriers will have on post-Brexit Britain. -
Northern Ireland and the EU Referendum
House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 HC 48 House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Northern Ireland and the EU referendum First Report of Session 2016–17 Report, together with formal minutes relating to the report Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed 25 May 2016 HC 48 Published on 26 May 2016 by authority of the House of Commons Northern Ireland Affairs Committee The Northern Ireland Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Northern Ireland Office (but excluding individual cases and advice given by the Crown Solicitor); and other matters within the responsibilities of the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (but excluding the expenditure, administration and policy of the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, Northern Ireland and the drafting of legislation by the Office of the Legislative Counsel). Current membership Mr Laurence Robertson MP (Conservative, Tewkesbury) (Chair) Tom Blenkinsop MP (Labour, Middlesbrough South and East Cleveland) Oliver Colvile MP (Conservative, Plymouth, Sutton and Devonport) Mr Nigel Evans MP (Conservative, Ribble Valley) Mr Stephen Hepburn MP (Labour, Jarrow) Lady Hermon MP (Independent, North Down) Kate Hoey MP (Labour, Vauxhall) Danny Kinahan MP (Ulster Unionist Party, South Antrim) Jack Lopresti MP (Conservative, Filton and Bradley Stoke) Dr Alasdair McDonnell MP (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South) Nigel Mills MP (Conservative, Amber Valley) Ian Paisley MP (Democratic Unionist Party, North Antrim) Gavin Robinson MP (Democratic Unionist Party, Belfast East) Powers The committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No.