The SAGE Handbook of Contemporary China ASSOCIATE EDITORS
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Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-84256-3 - China’s Republic Diana Lary Index More information Index of names Anderson, J. G., 92 as leader, 104–5, 125 Ang Lee, see Li Ang Memorial Hall, 195 and Northern Expedition, 56 n. 5, 79 Ba Jin, 55 puritanism, 195 Backhouse, Edmund, 56 n. 5 remains, 76 Bada Shanren, 93 in Resistance War, 114, 117, 125, 142–3 Bai Chongxi, 100, 189, 198 resumes presidency, 189 Bai Xianyong (Pai Hsien-yung), 198 as revolutionary leader, 76 Black, Davidson, 92 as soldier, 100 Bland, J. O. P., 16, 31 in Taipei, 190 Borodin, Michael, 75 Chiang Wei-kuo, 201 n. 13 Bose, Subbhas Chandra, 155 n. 4 Churchill, Winston, 127 Buck, Pearl, 19, 85, 107 Cixi (Empress Dowager), 17, 29 death, 40 Cai Tingkai, 69, 99, 100, 176 flight from Peking, 27 Cantlie, James, 21 and reforms, 22–3 Cao Cao, 59 tomb, 47, 53 Capa, Robert, 119 Confucius, 53 Cartier-Bresson, Henri, 161 Chang, Jun (Zhang Rong), 168 Dai Li, 125 Chen Duxiu, 75 Dai Jitao, 201 n. 13 Ch’en, Eugene, 79 De Wang, 75, 99, 129, 130, 155 Chen Jian, 147 n. 12 Deng Xiaoping, 59, 181, 212 Chen Jiongming, 57 Ding Wenjiang, 64, 92 Chen Jitang, 60, 102, 103 Dong Jianhua (C. H. Tung), 175 Chen Kaige, 198 Du Fu, 59 Chen Lifu, 174, 182 Chen Piqun, 155 Fei Xiaotong, 176 Ch’en Shui-pien (Shuibian), 12, 181, 201, Feng Youlan, 176 202 n. 14, 205, 216 Feng Yuxiang, 60, 100 Chen Yi, 158 Fu Zuoyi, 170, 176 Chen Yi (Marshal), 158 Chennault, Claire, 144 Gong Li, 94 Cheung, Leslie, 94 Goto Shimpei, 186 Cheung, Maggie, 89 Gu Weijun (Wellington Koo), 55 Chiang Ching-kuo, 85, 201 n. -
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise. -
China Data Supplement
China Data Supplement October 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 29 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 36 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 45 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 54 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 61 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 66 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
Contemporary China: a Book List
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST by Lubna Malik and Lynn White Winter 2007-2008 Edition This list is available on the web at: http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinabib.pdf which can be viewed and printed with an Adobe Acrobat Reader. Variation of font sizes may cause pagination to differ slightly in the web and paper editions. No list of books can be totally up-to-date. Please surf to find further items. Also consult http://www.princeton.edu/~lynn/chinawebs.doc for clicable URLs. This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of courses on "Chinese Development" and "Chinese Politics," for which students may find books to review in this list; --to provide graduate students with a list that may suggest books for paper topics and may slightly help their study for exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not much should be made of this because such books may be old or the subjects may not meet present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan; many of these are now available on the web,e.g., from “J-Stor”; --to suggest to book selectors in the Princeton libraries items that are suitable for acquisition; to provide a computerized list on which researchers can search for keywords of interests; and to provide a resource that many teachers at various other universities have also used. -
Continuing Crackdown in Inner Mongolia
CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 March 1992 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-56432-059-6 Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch/Asia was established in 1985 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. Sidney Jones is the executive director; Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director; Robin Munro is the Hong Kong director; Therese Caouette, Patricia Gossman and Jeannine Guthrie are research associates; Cathy Yai-Wen Lee and Grace Oboma-Layat are associates; Mickey Spiegel is a research consultant. Jack Greenberg is the chair of the advisory committee and Orville Schell is vice chair. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of its Helsinki division. Today, it includes five divisions covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, as well as the signatories of the Helsinki accords. -
New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility. -
The Summary of My Thesis China's Foreign Policy Towards Central
The summary of my thesis China’s Foreign Policy towards Central Eastern European States after 1949 --Feng Ping My thesis is about China’s foreign policy towards Central Eastern European states after 1949. The constructivism is used as the theory to analyse China’s identity, and evolution of China’s identity after 1949. Through elaborating China’s identity, the thesis mainly discuss the influence of China’s identity towards China’s foreign policy towards Central Eastern European states. The thesis use comparative analysis to compare China’s foreign policy towards Central Eastern European states in six different period, 1949-1978, 1978-1990, 1990-1995, 1995-2003, 2003-2010, 2010 to present. Central Eastern European states is a term that includes the countries in the Central Europe, the Baltic states, and Southeastern Europe. To China, this term is not only a geographic term, but also an ideological term. Most Central Eastern European states are states of former socialist camp during the cold war. In 2012, China proposed twelve measures to deal with relations with Central Eastern European states. The term of Central Eastern European states in the thesis refers to the sixteen states under the 16+1 forum, V4 states, (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Slovenia, the three Baltic states(Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania) and the eight states of Southeast Europe Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania. There are connections between China and Central Eastern European states in the ancient time. Most Central Eastern European countries got independent after the first world war. They established diplomatic relations with republic of China. -
Adaptive Fuzzy Pid Controller's Application in Constant Pressure Water Supply System
2010 2nd International Conference on Information Science and Engineering (ICISE 2010) Hangzhou, China 4-6 December 2010 Pages 1-774 IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1076H-PRT ISBN: 978-1-4244-7616-9 1 / 10 TABLE OF CONTENTS ADAPTIVE FUZZY PID CONTROLLER'S APPLICATION IN CONSTANT PRESSURE WATER SUPPLY SYSTEM..............................................................................................................................................................................................................1 Xiao Zhi-Huai, Cao Yu ZengBing APPLICATION OF OPC INTERFACE TECHNOLOGY IN SHEARER REMOTE MONITORING SYSTEM ...............................5 Ke Niu, Zhongbin Wang, Jun Liu, Wenchuan Zhu PASSIVITY-BASED CONTROL STRATEGIES OF DOUBLY FED INDUCTION WIND POWER GENERATOR SYSTEMS.................................................................................................................................................................................9 Qian Ping, Xu Bing EXECUTIVE CONTROL OF MULTI-CHANNEL OPERATION IN SEISMIC DATA PROCESSING SYSTEM..........................14 Li Tao, Hu Guangmin, Zhao Taiyin, Li Lei URBAN VEGETATION COVERAGE INFORMATION EXTRACTION BASED ON IMPROVED LINEAR SPECTRAL MIXTURE MODE.....................................................................................................................................................................18 GUO Zhi-qiang, PENG Dao-li, WU Jian, GUO Zhi-qiang ECOLOGICAL RISKS ASSESSMENTS OF HEAVY METAL CONTAMINATIONS IN THE YANCHENG RED-CROWN CRANE NATIONAL NATURE RESERVE BY SUPPORT -
The Foreign Policy of Xi Jinping After the 19Th Congress: China Strives for a Central Role on the World Stage
ARI 87/2017 7 November 2017 The foreign policy of Xi Jinping after the 19th Congress: China strives for a central role on the world stage Mario Esteban | Senior Research Analyst, Elcano Royal Institute, and Professor at the Autonomous University of Madrid | @wizma9 Theme At the recent 19th Congress of the Communist Party of China, Xi Jinping expounded upon the central features of Chinese foreign policy to be followed over the next five years. Summary Over the coming five years Xi Jinping will undertake a more assertive foreign policy aimed at increasing Chinese influence on global governance and within its region. China’s growing surge positions it as a global power that can serve as a model for other countries and as a leader in the effort to guarantee global public goods. The ‘low profile’ foreign policy, designed a quarter of a century ago by Deng Xiaoping, is being left behind for a new road map designed to turn China into a moderately wealthy society by 2020, a developed country by 2035 and a first-rate national power with a world class military by 2050. Analysis In the wake of the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), a number of signs indicate that over the next five years Xi Jinping will pursue a foreign policy that intensifies the lines of action defined during his first term (2012-17) and takes advantage of the opportunities opened up by the government of Donald Trump. Xi’s report to the 19th National Congress of the CPC was particularly clarifying. Based on this document, we can expect Xi to follow a more assertive foreign policy during his second term, conceived to expand China’s influence in the context of global governance, and within its region. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 2003: China (Includes Tibet, Hong Kong and Macau)
Page 1 of 66 China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau) Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2003 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor February 25, 2004 (Note: Also see the section for Tibet, the report for Hong Kong, and the report for Macau.) The People's Republic of China (PRC) is an authoritarian state in which, as directed by the Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP or Party) is the paramount source of power. Party members hold almost all top government, police, and military positions. Ultimate authority rests with the 24-member political bureau (Politburo) of the CCP and its 9-member standing committee. Leaders made a top priority of maintaining stability and social order and were committed to perpetuating the rule of the CCP and its hierarchy. Citizens lacked both the freedom peacefully to express opposition to the Party-led political system and the right to change their national leaders or form of government. Socialism continued to provide the theoretical underpinning of national politics, but Marxist economic planning has given way to pragmatism, and economic decentralization increased the authority of local officials. The Party's authority rested primarily on the Government's ability to maintain social stability; appeals to nationalism and patriotism; Party control of personnel, media, and the security apparatus; and continued improvement in the living standards of most of the country's 1.3 billion citizens. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, in practice, the Government and the CCP, at both the central and local levels, frequently interfered in the judicial process and directed verdicts in many high-profile cases. -
Crisis and Governance: Sars and the Resilience of the Chinese Body Politic
CRISIS AND GOVERNANCE: SARS AND THE RESILIENCE OF THE CHINESE BODY POLITIC Patricia M. Thornton How crisis-prone is the reform-era Chinese state? Recent scholarly contributions yield no shortage of dire predictions, ranging from the regime’s imminent collapse 1 to the steady deterioration of the state’s extractive capacities due to persistent bureaucratic corruption and inefficiency.2 Lurking behind the “glitzy skylines of Shanghai, Beijing and other coastal cities”, Minxin Pei finds “a hidden crisis of governance” provoked by a range of pathologies, including élite cynicism and mass disenchantment due to deteriorating government performance.3 Bruce Gilley recently described a political system on the cusp of impending breakdown following the élite consolidation of power that began in 1994, the latest iteration of four such cycles that have unfolded since 1949. Gilley predicts that, driven by the inherently volatile “logic of concentrated power” and barring democratic breakthrough, the current leadership will probably rely on Party purges and increased social repression to maintain control, setting off periodic waves of crisis and consolidation into the foreseeable future.4 1 Jack A. Goldstone, “The Coming Chinese Collapse”, Foreign Policy, No. 99 (June 1995), pp 35-52; Gordon Chang, The Coming Collapse of China (New York: Random House. 2001). 2 Wang Shaoguang and Hu Angang, The Chinese Economy in Crisis: State Capacity and Tax Reform (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 2001). 3 Minxin Pei, “China’s Governance Crisis: More than Musical Chairs”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 81, No. 5 (September–October 2002), pp. 96-109; on China’s “governance crisis”, see also Shaoguang Wang, “The Problem of State Weakness”, Journal of Democracy, Vol. -
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