Eritrean Afars the Refugees You Never Hear About Dan Connell
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UP FRONT School in Ali Addeh. DAN CONNELL Eritrean Afars The Refugees You Never Hear About Dan Connell hmed, a 25-year old Afar who served eight years in the Most Eritreans from other ethnic groups who flee to Eritrean infantry, fled his country in 2006. He went Djibouti continue on to Ethiopia and Sudan for the long Afirst to Djibouti, and then to neighboring Ethiopia and dangerous journey to Libya and a chance at a boat to but, finding no work and fearing the risks of crossing Europe—that is, if they are not jailed here and sent to a desert the Mediterranean Sea, he went back to his first place of refugee camp, the rough equivalent of a life sentence. But Afar refuge. I met him in Djibouti Ville—the country’s bustling refugees have it better, for they tend to blend into Djibouti’s deepwater port and only city—where he now struggles to populace, about a third of whom are Afars. carve out a life. Ahmed was typical of the Eritrean Afars here. Though he said he felt trapped and had few prospects for work or educa- Dan Connell is a contributing editor of Middle East Report and vice chair of MERIP’s board of directors. He is working on a book about Eritrean refugees. Part two of this tion, he preferred to remain among other Afars, with whom he story, on the Afars in Ethiopia, will appear in a subsequent issue. shares culture and community, even though he is cut off from 6 MIDDLE EAST REPORT 276 ■ FALL 2015 what little attention and aid reach Eritreans in other parts of as a stable multicultural state that citizens will want to the region. The other option was to venture into the conflict return to instead of run from, then all its Muslim minori- and uncertainty that awaits elsewhere. ties, including the Afars, will have to be brought into the One of Eritrea’s more downtrodden Muslim minorities, the nation-building process, not as targets of forced assimilation Afars also live on the margins of its exploding refugee crisis, but as actors in their own right. which broke into the news when hundreds of bodies washed up on the shores of Italy’s Lampedusa island in October 2013 Afar People and Politics and has popped in and out ever since, whenever a large boat goes down in the Mediterranean. The Afars are a Cushitic people related to the Somalis and Despite Eritrea’s small size—its population is between 4 the Saho of central Eritrea. They have their own language and 5 million—and the fact that it is not a hot war zone, it is and culture, shaped by the unforgiving environment in producing one of the largest groups of asylum seekers in Europe. which they live. Most derive their livelihoods from pasto- These people flee to escape indefinite terms of “national service” ralism, the only viable mode of existence on this parched in the military or civilian jobs in state-run projects or services land, though some along the coast have lived from fishing and from suffocating political repression at the hands of the and regional trade. Their homeland stretches from the Red army that won Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia nearly 25 Sea coast of Eritrea to what is now eastern Ethiopia and years ago, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), now includes half the territory of the modern state of Djibouti known as the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice. Both in an area often termed “the Afar triangle,” or just Afarland. iterations are known in local parlance as the “popular front,” Its location astride the Bab al-Mandab straits at the which for Eritreans underlines the reality of continuity masked southern entrance to the Red Sea has given Afarland a by the name change. strategic importance for centuries and repeatedly made Thousands make the risky Mediterranean crossing each week. the Afars targets of conquest. This fact, coupled with their Others join the throngs of refugees and migrants trekking extremely harsh environment, hardened the Afars while through the Balkans. Some even fly to South America and fostering a fierce warrior culture that has endured through make their way to the United States. But most of those we the intrusions of the Ottoman Turks, the European colonial are seeing in media portrayals are urbanites from the country’s powers and the Ethiopian empire even as their lands were densely populated, mostly Christian highlands. carved up and distributed among what were to become the By contrast, the Afars, pastoralists and fishers from the post-colonial states. coastal lowlands of southern Eritrea, rarely make the news. Almost all Afars are Sunni Muslim, with a traditional Few go to Sudan, the launching pad for the trans-Saharan leadership anchored in four sultanates and more than one journey, and none are in the crowded camps in northern hundred clan families that still exert a powerful influence Ethiopia, which have gotten some media attention. The Afars over their lives. The mightiest of the sultanates was the who flee—and there are thousands—are on the other side of Awsa (Aoussa) headquartered in Assaita, which was the the Horn of Africa, facing the Arab world, not Europe. And Afar capital until the Afar Regional Council decided to they are Muslims. relocate it to the tiny hamlet of Semera, until then hardly Each person I met had his or her own tale of neglect and more than a rest stop on the Addis Ababa-Djibouti road. abuse, of trampled dreams and dashed hopes. Some of the Semera was officially designated the regional capital in 2007. young, unmarried Afar men dreamed of a new start in a Today, it is a bustling commercial center with a university faraway land and were applying for resettlement, though few and a regional airport. The Semera-Assaita axis remains at had any real idea of what might await them. But most who the core of Afar culture. came with families—a majority of Afars—opted to remain Afar militancy in Ethiopia traces back to the 1970s when close to their homeland, some in cities, others in rural camps. young reformers studying in Cairo organized themselves What they all had in common was the conviction that they as the Afar Koborih Angoyya (the Afar Mobilization were part of a mistreated minority within Eritrea and that Movement) and forces loyal to Sultan Ali Mirah formed this deeply felt grievance had to be redressed if there was to the Afar Liberation Front to wage guerrilla attacks on the be peace in the country and if they were to return, which new regime of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam. most wanted to do some day. Names changed over the years, as did allegiances, but Because the Afars fly below the radar does not mean Afar resistance to Ethiopian rule continued sporadically their human needs are any less pressing than those reaching until Mengistu’s overthrow in 1991 and carried over into the Greece or Italy or that the political dimension of their first years under Meles Zenawi, whose own rebel group, the situation is any less consequential. Quite the reverse, as Tigray People’s Liberation Front, led a multi-ethnic coalition extremes thrive in the chaos of this strategic crossroads that took over Ethiopia and began to transform it on the between Africa and the Middle East. And if ever Eritrea is to basis of “ethnic federalism.” Under this policy, the Afars emerge from its dark slide into repression and dictatorship got a semi-autonomous Afar Regional State. But infighting MIDDLE EAST REPORT 276 ■ FALL 2015 7 Boy walking to school in Ali Addeh. DAN CONNELL broke out among factions of the resistance movement, feeling intensified in the early years following Eritrea’s at that point called the Afar Revolutionary Democratic independence as the Afars resisted what they took to be a Unity Front (ARDUF, commonly known as Ugugumo, or new round of conquest. Revolution). Some chose to work within the new Ethiopian In response, the government in Asmara teamed up with framework, but a few broke off and fought on. both Djibouti and Ethiopia in the mid-1990s to crush the The Afar region in Eritrea—then still part of Ethiopia— Afar revolt, only to end up in conflicts with each erstwhile had served as an early base for the territory’s original inde- ally by the end of that decade, leaving them to deal with pendence movement, Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), in the Afar situation alone. They did so with gusto, refusing the 1960s and 1970s, but the Afars were for the most part to consider anything like the accommodation reached in on the periphery of the independence struggle. The EPLF, Ethiopia and repressing the Afars who would not submit which broke away from the ELF in 1970, pushed into the to the new order. region in 1983 after driving the ELF out of the country in Since then, the Afar struggle has devolved into local a civil war, but according to Afar veterans of that period, fights defined by the national territories in which—or their fighters were not popular as they had little grasp against which—they rage. In a stark political twist, one of of or appreciation for the distinctive Afar culture. This the Ugugumo factions found support from Eritrea after the 8 MIDDLE EAST REPORT 276 ■ FALL 2015 1998–2000 border war with Ethiopia and began carrying from one of the many jails and military installations in and out small ambushes and raids.