DOCSLIB.ORG

Caroline Goodson, 'Urbanism As Politics in Ninth-Century Italy,'

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Caroline Goodson, 'Urbanism As Politics in Ninth-Century Italy,' C Goodson / revised 12 Dec 2017 1 Caroline Goodson, ‘Urbanism as Politics in Ninth-Century Italy,’ in After Charlemagne: Ninth century Italy and its Rulers, ed. Clemens Gantner (Cambridge: in production). ‘See how well it [the city of Verona] was founded by evil men who knew not the law of our God and worshipped ancient images of wood and stone!’1 ‘Old Rome, your morals decay as do your walls … Now if the virtue of Peter and Paul do not favour you, you will long be wretched, little Rome.’2 The author of the famous Versus of Verona, composed between 795–807, remarked upon the position of the city on the river, the walls and temples of stone, its ancient bridges and roads, as well as beauty and the history of its conversion and early Christian bishops and saints. For this anonymous author, Verona’s ancient architecture was a praise-worthy asset as much as the relics of saints in its modern churches were. For the translator of the pseudo-Dionysius, working in the Carolingian court, there was an explicit correlation between the urban fabric of Rome and the moral rectitude of those living there. Only the princes of apostles, whose had died in Rome and whose bodies lay there now, could redeem the city. Verona was not unique among medieval cities in Italy to have evolved from its ancient civic form into a medieval centre, to be celebrated as having a continuous tradition from ancient civitas to medieval city.3 Nor was Rome the only early medieval city to be criticised for lax morality, exhorted to place its faith in the saints. In the tensions between ancient Roman traditions and their socio-political forms, on the one hand, and the fast-paced changing world and new power structures emerging in the ninth century, on the other, meant that urbanism and investment in cities were effective tools for Carolingian rulers of Italy and their contemporaries. 1 Versus de Verona, ed. Pighi : Ecce quam bene est fundata a malis hominibus/ qui nesciebant legem dei nostri atque uetera simulacra uenerabantur lignea lapidea!; Godman, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance, pp. 80–7. 2 John Eriugena’s translation of Ps. Dionysius the Areopagite’s letter to the apostle John: John Eriugena, Joanni theologo apostolo et evangelistae determinate in Pathmos insulam, PL 122, col. 1194: Moribus et muris Roma uetusta cadis…Jam ni te meritum Petri Paulique foueret, tempore iam longo Roma misella fores; trans. Neil, Seventh-century Popes and Martyrs: the Political Hagiography of Anastasius Bibliothecarius, pp. 89–90. 3 Hyde, ‘Medieval descriptions of cities’; Granier, ‘À rebours des laudes civitatum’. C Goodson / revised 12 Dec 2017 2 The legacy of Roman cities was enormous for the communities of the Italian peninsula in the eighth and ninth centuries. Roman cities were the principle places of governance, administration, much commerce, as well as the performance of civilised cultural values and status within imperial hierarchies. A dense network of cities, linked by roads and rivers, had developed during the Republic and became richer and more vibrant in the period of the principate. 4 There is no doubt that by the fifth century, the vibrancy of Italian cities had diminished and that some places that had thrived in antiquity were nearly non-existent in the early middle ages. The intensity, chronology, and regional variation of urban change in early medieval has been the subject of a significant body of literature over the past 30 years, as urban archaeology has provided surprising (if uneven) insights, and debate has sharpened our historiographical and methodological tools.5 For the most part, at present it can be agreed that in the Italian peninsula, many long-lived cities endured from antiquity into the middle ages. They were trading places, royal seats, and the targets of elite investment and residences of elites. 6 They had large stone- or brick-built public churches and halls, high-status residences and they supported artisanal production and commercial exchange. Indeed, urbanism was (for the most part) so successful in Italy that the impetus to found new cities emerged in the eighth and ninth centuries, with new walled neighbourhoods at Benevento and Rome and new foundations in the ninth century.7 North of the Alps and elsewhere in the Empire, where the urban networks of antiquity had been more dispersed and civic centres themselves had been smaller, the decline and reordering of ancient cities 4 On the cities of Roman Italy, Cracco Ruggini, ‘La città nel mondo antico: realtà e idea’; Crawford, ‘Italy and Rome from Sulla to Augustus’. 5 For general discussion see Cantino Wataghin, ‘Quadri urbani nell’ Italia settentrionale: tarda antichità e alto medioevo’; Liebeschuetz, Decline and Fall of the Roman City; La Rocca, ‘Public Buildings’; Marazzi, ‘Cadavera urbium, nuove capitali e Roma aeterna’. For a summary of the debate (as of 1996), see Ward-Perkins, ‘Continuitists, catastrophists, and the towns of Post-Roman Northern Italy’. 6 Brogiolo and Gelichi, La città nell’alto medioevo italiano. Archeologia e storia; Augenti, Le città italiane tra la tarda antichità e l’alto Medioevo, especially La Rocca, ‘Residenze urbane ed élites urbane tra VIII e X secolo in Italia settentrionale’. 7 Marazzi, ‘Le città nuove pontificie e l’insediamento laziale nel IX secolo’; Gelichi, ‘La storia di una nuova città attraverso l’archeologia: Venezia nell’alto medioevo’; Pani Ermini, ‘Città fortificate e fortificazioni delle città italiane fra V e VI secolo’. C Goodson / revised 12 Dec 2017 3 and the civic structures of governance was significantly more comprehensive.8 In Southern Gaul, some port cities and episcopal centres, such as Marseille and Arles persevered, but north of the Loire and east of the Rhine, the few ancient urban centres became even fewer in the early middle ages. 9 Centre-places were rural in Northern Europe between c. 500 and c. 1100: trading places for the exchange of goods (sometimes even using money), royal seats and monasteries.10 Much earlier analysis of early medieval urbanism has aimed to define cities by scale or functional attributes, though these varied considerably by region and period.11 Efforts expended to determine whether a place was a city or not have tended to overshadow the analysis of what roles the characteristics of urban places might have played in life and the experience of living in those cities. Population density, demographic diversity, elite patronage, commerce, craft production and administrative capacity—all characteristics of urban centres all over the medieval world—were not simply the by-products of urban investment, they also shaped the nature of social interaction and governance in those cities. Thus modern geographers and urban historians of more modern periods have long recognised the ways in which the experience of a city, its diversity and its pressures might intensify competition among inhabitants, drive innovation and harden divides between some groups, despite the desires and advantages of heterogeneity and opportunity that the city provides.12 Following a Foucauldian understanding of power structures in urban forms, we can recognise that cities house 8 See the balanced depiction of this process in Loseby, ‘Lost cities. The end of the Civitas-system in Frankish Gaul’ where he stresses the survival of Gallic civitates as centres of territories. Compare Verhulst’s characterisation of the ‘nadir of urban life’ in Merovingian Gaul, Verhulst, The Rise of Cities in North-west Europe, p. 24. See also Verhaeghe, Loveluck and Story, ‘Urban developments in the age of Charlemagne’; Henning, ‘Early European towns - the development of the economy in the Frankish realm between dynamism and deceleration AD 500–1100’. 9 These broad-brush statements inevitably obscure nuances of evidence and interpretation which have emerged in recent scholarship. For overview, Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages: Europe and the Mediterranean, 400–800, pp. 665–6, 71–2, 74–88; Loseby, ‘Reflections on urban space: streets through time’, pp. 665–6, 671–2, 674–88. 10 Airlie, ‘The palace complex’, pp. 257–9. 11 See discussion of the historiography in Goodson, Lester and Symes, ‘Introduction,’ pp. 5–6; the essays in Sami and Speed (eds.), Debating Urbanism within and beyond the Walls A.D. 300–700; Loseby, ‘Reflections on urban space: streets through time’. 12 On ‘time-space compression’ as an urban social characteristic, see Frisby, Simmel and since: Essays on Georg Simmel’s Social Theory; Simmel, ‘The metropolis and mental life’. For a recent example of the gap between urban diversity and social isolation, see Butler and Robson, ‘Social capital, gentrification and neighbourhood change in London: A comparison of three South London neighbourhoods’. C Goodson / revised 12 Dec 2017 4 particular discursive strategies which make possible or impossible certain kinds of individual and collective expressions and representations.13 Investment in cities, therefore, further supports or limits certain kinds of discourse. To recognise the early medieval rulers’ efforts to create and sustain cities as a way of living is to acknowledge a kind of rulership and therefore a heuristic.14 In their provocative history of the Mediterranean in the longue durée, P. Horden and N. Purcell called for abandoning urbanism as an analytical category because no city exists wholly without a rural hinterland or wider territory.15 For entirely different reasons, in 1959, E. Dupré Theseider declared the study of the early medieval city to be ‘a hopeless undertaking,’ given the vastly different kinds of evidence which need to be considered in order to achieve a vision of the whole. 16 Both of these points are indeed true. No city existed entirely without a rural territory, but the category of ‘urban’ — as opposed to ‘rural’— mattered in the middle ages. Thus, early medieval charters of property transactions never leave doubt about whether a property was inside or outside the walls or limits of a city or town.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Glories of Norman Sicily Betty Main, SRC
    The Glories of Norman Sicily Betty Main, SRC The Norman Palace in Palermo, Sicily. As Rosicrucians, we are taught to be they would start a crusade to “rescue” tolerant of others’ views and beliefs. We southern Italy from the Byzantine Empire have brothers and sisters of like mind and the Greek Orthodox Church, and throughout the world, of every race and restore it to the Church of Rome. As they religion. The history of humankind has were few in number, they decided to return often demonstrated the worst human to Normandy, recruit more followers, aspects, but from time to time, in what and return the following year. Thus the seemed like a sea of barbarism, there Normans started to arrive in the region, appeared periods of calm and civilisation. which was to become the hunting ground The era we call the Dark Ages in Europe, for Norman knights and others anxious was not quite as “dark” as may be imagined. for land and booty. At first they arrived as There were some parts of the Western individuals and in small groups, but soon world where the light shone like a beacon. they came flooding in as mercenaries, to This is the story of one of them. indulge in warfare and brigandage. Their Viking ways had clearly not been entirely It all started in the year 1016, when forgotten. a group of Norman pilgrims visited the shrine of St. Michael on the Monte Robert Guiscard and Gargano in southern Italy. After the Roger de Hauteville “pilgrims” had surveyed the fertile lands One of them, Robert Guiscard, of Apulia lying spread out before them, having established his ascendancy over the promising boundless opportunities for south of Italy, acquired from the papacy, making their fortunes, they decided that the title of Duke of Naples, Apulia, Page 1 Calabria, and Sicily.
    [Show full text]
  • Profile of a Plant: the Olive in Early Medieval Italy, 400-900 CE By
    Profile of a Plant: The Olive in Early Medieval Italy, 400-900 CE by Benjamin Jon Graham A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2014 Doctoral Committee: Professor Paolo Squatriti, Chair Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes Professor Richard P. Tucker Professor Raymond H. Van Dam © Benjamin J. Graham, 2014 Acknowledgements Planting an olive tree is an act of faith. A cultivator must patiently protect, water, and till the soil around the plant for fifteen years before it begins to bear fruit. Though this dissertation is not nearly as useful or palatable as the olive’s pressed fruits, its slow growth to completion resembles the tree in as much as it was the patient and diligent kindness of my friends, mentors, and family that enabled me to finish the project. Mercifully it took fewer than fifteen years. My deepest thanks go to Paolo Squatriti, who provoked and inspired me to write an unconventional dissertation. I am unable to articulate the ways he has influenced my scholarship, teaching, and life. Ray Van Dam’s clarity of thought helped to shape and rein in my run-away ideas. Diane Hughes unfailingly saw the big picture—how the story of the olive connected to different strands of history. These three people in particular made graduate school a humane and deeply edifying experience. Joining them for the dissertation defense was Richard Tucker, whose capacious understanding of the history of the environment improved this work immensely. In addition to these, I would like to thank David Akin, Hussein Fancy, Tom Green, Alison Cornish, Kathleen King, Lorna Alstetter, Diana Denney, Terre Fisher, Liz Kamali, Jon Farr, Yanay Israeli, and Noah Blan, all at the University of Michigan, for their benevolence.
    [Show full text]
  • Cities, Citizens, and Civic Discourse in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages
    THE CITY SPEAKS: CITIES, CITIZENS, AND CIVIC DISCOURSE IN LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES BY MEGAN WELTON This article investigates how civic discourse connects the virtue of citizens and the fortunes of cities in a variety of late antique and early medieval sources in the post- Roman west. It reveals how cities assume human qualities through the rhetorical tech- nique of personification and, crucially, the ways in which individuals and communities likewise are described with civic terminology. It also analyzes the ways in which the city andtheciviccommunityaremadetospeaktooneanotherattimesofcrisisand This article is a result of the project NWO VICI-Rose 277-30-002 Citizenship Discourses in the Early Middle Ages, 400–1100, funded by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). I would like to thank our entire project team, and especially Els Rose, for reading and providing invaluable comments on several previous drafts of this article. Furthermore, I thank Tom Noble for his astute comments on an earlier draft of this article, as well as the anonymous reviewers at Traditio for their many perceptive critiques and comments. The following abbreviations are used in the notes of this article: BPU = Abbo of St-Germain, Bella Parisiacae Urbis, ed. P. von Winterfeld in MGH, Poetae 4.1 (Berlin, 1899), 77–121; trans. A. Adams and A. G. Rigg, “A Verse Translation of Abbo of St. Germain’s Bella Parisiacae urbis,” Journal of Medieval Latin 14 (2004): 1–68, cited by chapter and/or line(s) and page number(s). LP = Liber Pontificalis,inLe Liber Pontificalis: Texte, introduction et commentaire, vol. 2, ed.
    [Show full text]
  • Cry Havoc Règles Fr 05/01/14 17:46 Page1 Guiscarduiscard
    maquette historique UK v2_cry havoc règles fr 05/01/14 17:46 Page1 Guiscarduiscard HISTORY & SCENARIOS maquette historique UK v2_cry havoc règles fr 05/01/14 17:46 Page2 © Buxeria & Historic’One éditions - 2014 - v1.1 maquette historique UK v2_cry havoc règles fr 05/01/14 17:46 Page1 History Normans in Southern Italy and Sicily in the 11th Century 1 - The historical context 1.1 - Southern Italy and Sicily at the beginning of the 11th Century Byzantium had conquered Southern Italy and Sicily in the first half of the 6th century. But by the end of that century, Lombards coming from Northern Italy had conquered most of the peninsula, with Byzantium retaining only Calabria and Sicily. From the middle of the 9th century, the Aghlabid Dynasty of Ifrîquya (the original name of Eastern Maghreb) raided Sicily to take possession of the island. A new Byzantine offensive at the end of the century took back most of the lost territories in Apulia and Calabria and established Bari as the new provincial capital. Lombard territories further north were broken down between three cities led by princes: Capua, Salerno, and Benevento. Further east, Italian duchies of Naples, Amalfi, and Gaeta tried to keep their autonomy through successive alliances with the various regional powers to try and maintain their commercial interests. Ethnic struggles in Sicily between Arabs and Berbers on the one side, and various dynasties on the other side, led to power fragmentation: The island is divided between four rival military factions at the beginning of the 11th century. Beyond its natural boundaries, Southern Italy had to cope with two external powers which were looking to expel Byzantium from what they considered was part of their area of influence: the Papacy and the Holy Roman Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • ROGER II of SICILY a Ruler Between East and West
    . ROGER II OF SICILY A ruler between east and west . HUBERT HOUBEN Translated by Graham A. Loud and Diane Milburn published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge cb2 1rp, United Kingdom cambridge university press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge, cb2 2ru,UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, ny 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, vic 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcon´ 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org Originally published in German as Roger II. von Sizilien by Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, 1997 and C Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt, 1997 First published in English by Cambridge University Press 2002 as Roger II of Sicily English translation C Cambridge University Press 2002 This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge Typeface Bembo 10/11.5 pt. System LATEX 2ε [TB] A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data Houben, Hubert. [Roger II. von Sizilien. English] Roger II of Sicily: a ruler between east and west / Hubert Houben; translated by Graham A. Loud and Diane Milburn. p. cm. Translation of: Roger II. von Sizilien. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0 521 65208 1 (hardback) isbn 0 521 65573 0 (paperback) 1. Roger II, King of Sicily, d.
    [Show full text]
  • Diversity in Death; Differences in Burial Ritual As Recorded in Central Italy, 950-500 BC
    University of Groningen Diversity in Death Nijboer, Albert J. Published in: The Archaeology of Death IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Early version, also known as pre-print Publication date: 2018 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Nijboer, A. J. (2018). Diversity in Death: a construction of identities and the funerary record of multi-ethnic central Italy from 950-350 BC. In E. Herring, & E. O'Donoghue (Eds.), The Archaeology of Death: Proceedings of the Seventh Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the National University of Ireland, Galway, April 16-18, 2016 (Vol. VI, pp. 107-127). [14] (Papers in Italian Archaeology VII ). Archaeopress. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). The publication may also be distributed here under the terms of Article 25fa of the Dutch Copyright Act, indicated by the “Taverne” license. More information can be found on the University of Groningen website: https://www.rug.nl/library/open-access/self-archiving-pure/taverne- amendment. Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Art
    Byzantine Art 1 Chapter 3.2 Art of the Middle Ages PART 3 HISTORY AND CONTEXT Byzantine Art . Emperor Justinian great patron of the arts Funded Hagia Sophia, Constantinople . Mosaic made from glass tesserae In Byzantine churches to reflect light . Icons-venerated, believed to possess powers of healing https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B6c9adXfvSM Intro to Medieval Art Gateways to Art: Understanding the Visual Arts, Debra J. DeWitte, Ralph M. Larmann, M. Kathryn Shields Byzantine Terms Art and Architecture • Good Shepherd imagery: blended depictions of a Christ- like figure that merged pagan figural styles with Early Christian meaning. • Iconoclasm: literally translates as “image breaking”; a period of the destruction of religious imagery for fear of idolatry. • Mandorla: an almond-shaped enclosure encircling depictions of Christ. • Mosaic: patterns or pictures made by embedding small pieces (tesserae) of stone or glass in cement on surfaces such as walls and floors. • Orants: figural depictions of worshippers, denoted by their raised, outstretched arms. 3 Samuel anoints David, detail of the mural paintings in the syna-gogue, Syria, ca. 245–256. Tempera on plaster, 47 high. Early Jewish murals often told a narrative 4 Catacomb of Commodilla, Via Ostiense, Rome, Italy, ca. 370–385 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zXRAU23X9Zs Catacomb tour 5 Christ seated, from, Italy, ca. 350–375. Marble, 2’ 41/2” high. Museo Nazionale Romano–Palazzo Massimo alle Terme, Rome. A blending of Greco-Roman style and what will be Early Christian style artwork. The result is a strange amalgam: realistic and ideal, but somehow “wrong”. The legs seem too short and the fabric looks less skillfully handled.
    [Show full text]
  • Urban Society and Communal Independence in Twelfth-Century Southern Italy
    Urban society and communal independence in Twelfth-Century Southern Italy Paul Oldfield Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD. The University of Leeds The School of History September 2006 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. Acknowledgements I would like to express my thanks for the help of so many different people, without which there would simply have been no thesis. The funding of the AHRC (formerly AHRB) and the support of the School of History at the University of Leeds made this research possible in the first place. I am grateful too for the general support, and advice on reading and sources, provided by Dr. A. J. Metcalfe, Dr. P. Skinner, Professor E. Van Houts, and Donald Matthew. Thanks also to Professor J-M. Martin, of the Ecole Francoise de Rome, for his continual eagerness to offer guidance and to discuss the subject. A particularly large thanks to Mr. I. S. Moxon, of the School of History at the University of Leeds, for innumerable afternoons spent pouring over troublesome Latin, for reading drafts, and for just chatting! Last but not least, I am hugely indebted to the support, understanding and endless efforts of my supervisor Professor G. A. Loud. His knowledge and energy for the subject has been infectious, and his generosity in offering me numerous personal translations of key narrative and documentary sources (many of which are used within) allowed this research to take shape and will never be forgotten.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Guido Tigler Frammento Di Pluteo a Intreccio Di Nastri Concentrici Italia Centro-Settentrionale, IX Secolo. Materiale: Marmo P
    Guido Tigler Frammento di pluteo a intreccio di nastri concentrici Italia centro-settentrionale, IX secolo. Materiale: marmo Proconnesio probabilmente di spoglio. Misure: cm 53 x 58 x 9. Stato di conservazione: forte appiattimento da consunzione1. Prima della recente pulitura gli incavi erano riempiti di malta, da ricondurre ad un riuso della lastra come materiale edilizio, probabilmente in una pavimentazione. Provenienza: collezione privata. La lastra frammentaria, che presenta due lati contigui rettilinei disposti ad angolo retto, tuttora delimitati da bordi piatti (mentre gli altri due lati sono irregolari ed evidentemente risultato di frantumazione), costituiva una parte angolare di un pluteo alto circa un metro, in cui lo stesso modulo, formato da nastri concentrici annodati fra di loro, veniva replicato almeno quattro volte, come si vede in casi confrontabili, fra i quali ve ne sono alcuni del tutto o parzialmente conservati in cui il modulo circolare è ripetuto anche nove volte, come a Torino (fig. 25), dodici, come a Santa Sabina a Roma (fig. 11), San Marco a Venezia (fig. 36) e in un pluteo già nella collezione Dal Zotto a Venezia (fig. 38), quattordici o più volte, come in un pluteo frammentario di Ferentino (fig. 16), e addirittura diciotto volte, come in uno a Spalato (fig. 42). L’uso del marmo Proconnesio, che è stato verificato dal giudizio di un esperto, deporrebbe a favore di una provenienza dall’area adriatica della penisola, dove questo materiale dell’isola di Marmara, lavorato prima a Nicomedia e poi a Costantinopoli, da dove veniva importato in Italia e altrove, è stato più spesso impiegato, anche se sporadicamente lo si è portato nell’Antichità pure sul versante tirrenico, e comunque si può dare per scontato che esso sia stato qui riciclato da un pezzo, eventualmente resecato, già usato precedentemente.
    [Show full text]
  • M6-750/750S M6-760/760S M6-770/770S
    M6-750/750S M6-760/760S M6-770/770S CHARACTERISTICS Microprocessor i486 DX2 @ 50 MHz M6-750 M6-750 S i486 DX2 @ 66 MHz M6-760 M6-760 S MOTHERBOARD INTEL DX4 @ 100 MHz M6-770 M6-770 S BA2080 Pre-production These are the processor’s internal clock boards only. rates. Clock M6-750 M6-750 S 25 MHz BA2123 Chip Set M6-760 M6-760 S 33 MHz Saturn step B 5 M6-770 M6-770 S 33 MHz BA2136 Chip Set Saturn step B with new Architecture ISA / PCI printed circuit. Memory RAM: minimum 8 MB, maximum 128 MB The motherboard has four sockets arranged BA2154 Chip Set in two separate banks capable of Saturn 2 accomodating the following SIMMs: BA2156 Chip Set EXM 28-004 No 1 1MB x 36 (4 MB) SIMM Saturn 2 with new EXM 28-008 No 1 2MB x 36 (8 MB) SIMM printed circuit. EXM 28-016 No 1 4MB x 36 (16 MB) SIMM o EXM 28-032 N 1 8MB x 36 (32 MB) SIMM BIOS - Two kits are always required. - The banks can host 8 MB, 16 MB, 32 MB The ROM BIOS is a or 64 MB. Mixed configurations can be Flash EPROM. The used. BIOS code is supplied - Different SIMMs cannot be used within on diskettes and must the same bank. be copied into the Flash EPROM. Memory access 70 ns Last level: Rel. 2.03 Cache - First level cache: 8 KB integrated in the processor - Secondary level cache: 128 KB or 256 KB capacity EXPANSION BUS Depending on the jumper settings, cache TIN BOX IN 2013 memory can work in either write back or IN 2022 write through mode.
    [Show full text]
  • L'iconografia Rateriana
    LA PIÙ ANTICA VEDUTA DI VERONA L’ICONOGRAFIA RATERIANA L’archetipo e l’immagine tramandata ATTI DEL SEMINARIO DI STUDI 6 MAGGIO 2011 MUSEO DI CASTELVECCHIO a cura di Antonella Arzone e Ettore Napione Il volume è frutto di una ricerca promossa da in collaborazione con nell’ambito del progetto «Verona nell’anno Mille» fi nanziato da Redazione Antonella Arzone; Gaia D’Onofrio Crediti fotografi ci Margherita Bolla; Francesco Cappiotti; Pietro Donisi; Gaia D’Onofrio; Dario Gallina Impostazione grafi ca Valentina Corbellari Stampa Cierre Grafi ca, Caselle di Sommacampagna, Verona Ringraziamenti La ricerca e l’edizione hanno goduto del sostegno, della comprensione e della paziente attesa della Fonda- zione Cassa di Risparmio di Verona Vicenza Belluno e Ancona, a cui rivolgiamo la nostra riconoscenza. Si ringrazia la Biblioteca Capitolare di Verona per la cortesia e la disponibilità accordata durante le ri- cerche. Si esprime gratitudine particolare a mons. Dario Cervato e a Bruna Adami. Un sentito ringraziamento a Denise Modonesi, che ha seguito le fasi iniziali di sviluppo del progetto, a Stefania Fabrello, che ha redatto la prima formulazione del Repertorio a conclusione del volume, a Gianni Peretti, Cinzia Soffi ati, Paola Sancassani e a tutto il personale del Coordinamento Musei Monumenti del Comune di Verona. © Copyright 2012 Comune di Verona Tutti i diritti sono riservati. Nessuna parte di questa pubblicazione può essere riprodotta in qualsiasi forma, sia mec- canica che elettronica, senza il permesso scritto dei curatori ([email protected];
    [Show full text]
  • Meanings of Community Across Medieval Eurasia
    Meanings of Community across Medieval Eurasia Eirik Hovden, Christina Lutter and Walter Pohl - 9789004315693 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com07/19/2018 09:47:35AM via free access <UN> Brill’s Series on the Early Middle Ages Continuation of The Transformation of the Roman World Managing Editor Bonnie Effros (University of Florida) Editorial Board Deborah Deliyannis (Indiana University) Edward James (University College Dublin) Eduardo Manzano (cchs-csic Madrid) Walter Pohl (Austrian Academy of Sciences) Andrea Sterk (University of Minnesota) VOLUME 25 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/bsem Eirik Hovden, Christina Lutter and Walter Pohl - 9789004315693 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com07/19/2018 09:47:35AM via free access <UN> Meanings of Community across Medieval Eurasia Comparative Approaches Edited by Eirik Hovden Christina Lutter Walter Pohl leiden | boston Eirik Hovden, Christina Lutter and Walter Pohl - 9789004315693 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com07/19/2018 09:47:35AM via free access <UN> This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 Unported (cc-by-nc-nd 3.0) License, which permits any noncommercial use, and distribution, provided no alterations are made and the original author(s) and source are credited. Cover illustration: The monastic complex of Gongkar Dorjeden. Wall painting by Yeshe Tendzin, Gongkar Dorjeden Monastery, Tibet; 1940s. ©Photograph by Jampel Shedrub. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Hovden, Eirik, editor. | Lutter, Christina, editor. | Pohl, Walter, editor. Title: Meanings of community across medieval Eurasia : comparative approaches / edited by Eirik Hovden, Christina Lutter, Walter Pohl. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2016] | Series: Brill’s series on the Early Middle Ages ; volume 25 | Includes bibliographical references and index.
    [Show full text]