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The Latin Americanization of U.S. Race Relations 41 Complex Racial Stratifcation System The Latin Americanization 3 of U.S. Race Relations A New Pigmentocracy Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and David R. Dietrich We need to speak about the impossible because we know too much about the possible.1 “WE ARE ALL AMERICANS!” Tis, we contend, will be the racial mantra of the United States in years to come, although for many analysts (because of this country’s deep history of racial divisions), this prospect seems implausible. Nationalist statements denying the salience of race are the norm all over the world. Coun- tries such as Malaysia or Indonesia, Trinidad or Belize, or, more signifcant to our discussion, Iberian countries such as Puerto Rico, Cuba, Brazil, or Mexico, all exhibit this ostrich approach to racial matters. Tat is, they all stick their heads deep into the social ground and say, “We don’t have races here. We don’t have racism here. Races and racism exist in America and South Africa. We are all Mexican, Cuban, Brazilian, or Puerto Rican!” Nevertheless, despite these claims, racial minorities in these self-styled ra- cial democracies, tend to be worse of, comparatively speaking, than racial mi- norities in Western nations. In Brazil, for example, blacks and pardos (tan or brown) earn about 40 to 45 percent as much as whites compared with 55 to 60 percent for blacks in the United States, are twice less likely than blacks in the United States to be employed in professional jobs, are about three times less likely than blacks in the United States to attend college, and have a life expec- tancy, controlling for education and income, between fve and six years shorter than white Brazilians—a diference similar to that between blacks and whites in the United States.2 In this chapter we contend that racial stratifcation and the rules of racial (re)cognition in the United States are becoming Latin America-like. We suggest that the biracial system typical of the United States, which was the exception in the world racial system, is becoming the norm—that is, it is evolving into a 40 The Latin Americanization of U.S. Race Relations 41 complex racial stratifcation system. Specifcally, we argue the United States is developing a triracial system with whites at the top; an intermediary group of honorary whites, similar to the coloreds in South Africa during formal apart- heid; and a nonwhite group or the collective black3 at the bottom. As we sug- gest in Figure 3.1, the white group will include traditional whites, new white immigrants, and, in the near future, assimilated Latinos, some multiracials (light-skinned peoples), and other subgroups. We predict the intermediate ra- cial group, or honorary whites, will comprise most light-skinned Latinos (e.g., most Cubans and segments of the Mexican and Puerto Rican communities),4 Japanese Americans, Korean Americans, Asian Indians, Chinese Americans, the bulk of multiracials,5 and most Middle Eastern Americans. Last, the collec- tive black will include blacks, dark-skinned Latinos, Vietnamese, Cambodians, Laotians, and maybe Filipinos. Tis map, however, is heuristic rather than defnitive and thus is included as a guide of how we think the various ethnic groups will line up in the new Whites Honorary whites Collective black Figure 3.1 Preliminary Map of a Tri-Racial System in the United States 42 Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and David R. Dietrich emerging racial order. We acknowledge, however, that the position of some groups may change (e.g., Chinese Americans, Asian Indians, and Arab Ameri- cans), that the map is not inclusive of all the groups in the United States (for in- stance, Samoans, Micronesians, and so forth, are not in the map), and that, at this early stage of this project and given some serious data limitations, some groups may end up in a diferent racial stratum altogether (e.g., Filipinos may become honorary whites rather than another group in the collective black stratum). More signifcant, if our Latin Americanization thesis is accurate, there will be categorical porosity as well as “pigmentocracy,” making the map useful for group-level, rather than individual-level, predictions. Porosity refers to individ- ual members of a racial stratum moving up (or down) the stratifcation system (e.g., a light-skinned middle-class black person marrying a white woman and moving to the honorary white stratum). Pigmentocracy refers to the rank or- dering of groups and members of groups according to phenotype and cultural characteristics (e.g., Filipinos being at the top of the collective black stratum given their high level of education and income as well as high rate of interracial marriage with whites). Tis strategy for determining racial and ethnic stratif- cation views groups is sof bounded, not hard bounded or having the defnitive closure of traditional ethnic groups. Instead, these groups occupy spaces in the feld of race that are not cleanly delineated; thus, they have an element of plural- ism. Research suggests that there is a world tradition of preference for lightness6 and that phenotype may be a better predictor of stratifcation outcomes in the United States than the three major racial–ethnic categorizations of white, His- panic, and African American.7 We predict that phenotype will become an even greater element of stratifcation in America’s racially mixed future. However, we cannot make a stronger empirical case for the importance of pigmentocracy, because there are neither census data on phenotype nor a single data set that includes systematic data on the skin tone of all Americans. We recognize that our thesis is broad (attempting to classify where everyone will ft in the racial order) and hard to verify empirically with the available data (as just mentioned, there is not a single data set that includes systematic data on the skin tone of all Americans). Nevertheless, we believe it is paramount to begin pushing for a paradigm shif in the feld of race relations and consider our eforts here as a preliminary efort in that direction. In the remainder of the chapter, we do four things. First, we draw on research on race in Latin America and Caribbean societies and extract what we think are their central racial strati- fcation features. Second, we outline fve reasons why Latin Americanization is The Latin Americanization of U.S. Race Relations 43 occurring at this historical juncture. Tird, we examine various objective (e.g., income, education), subjective (e.g., racial views, racial self-classifcation), and social interaction (e.g., residential preferences, interracial marriage) indicators to assess whether the data point in the direction predicted by the Latin Amer- icanization thesis. Last, we conclude by discussing the likely implications of Latin Americanization for the future of race relations in the United States. How Race Works in the Americas To advocate transculturation without attempting to change the systems and institutions that breed the power diferential would simply help to perpetuate the utopian vision that constructs Latin America . as the continent of hope. (p. 32)8 Eduardo Bonilla-Silva has argued elsewhere that racial stratifcation systems operate in most societies without races being ofcially acknowledged.9 For ex- ample, although racial inequality is more pronounced in Latin America than in the United States, racial data in the former are gathered inconsistently or not gathered at all. Yet, most Latin Americans, including those most afected by ra- cial stratifcation, do not view inequality between whites and nonwhites in their countries as racial. Prejudice—Latin Americans do not talk about racism—is viewed as a legacy from slavery and colonialism, and inequality is regarded as the product of class dynamics. Terein lies the secret of race in Latin America and why racial protest there is so sporadic. Because examining the long his- tory that produced this state of afairs is beyond the scope of this chapter, we only sketch the six central features of Latin American (and Caribbean) racial stratifcation. Latin American nation-states, with the exception of Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, and Costa Rica, are thoroughly racially mixed. Tis mixture has led many ob- servers to align with Brazilian historian Gilberto Freyre, who described Brazil as having “almost perfect equality of opportunity for all men regardless of race and color”10 and thus label it a racial democracy. However, all “racial contacts” between Europeans and the various peoples of the world involved racial mix- ing. Te important diference is that the mixing in Latin America led to the de- velopment of a socially and, sometimes, legally recognized intermediate racial strata of mestizos, browns, or trigueños. 44 Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and David R. Dietrich Racial mixing, however, in no way challenged white supremacy in colonial or postcolonial Latin America because (1) the mixing was between white men and Indian or black women, maintaining the race/gender order in place; (2) the men were fundamentally poor and/or of the working class, which helped main- tain the race/class order in place; (3) the mixing followed a racially hierarchical pattern with whitening as a goal; and (4) marriages among people in the three main racial groups were (and still are) mostly homogamous.11 Te latter point requires a caveat. Although most marriages have been within-strata, they still have produced phenotypic variation. How can this be? Because members of all racial strata have variations in phenotype, members of any strata can try to “marry up” by choosing light-skinned partners within strata. Triracial Stratification System Although Portuguese and Spanish colonial states wanted to create “two soci- eties,” the demographic realities of colonial life superseded their wishes. Be- cause most colonial outposts were scarcely populated by Europeans, all these societies developed an intermediate group of browns, pardos, or mestizos that bufered sociopolitical conficts.
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