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Durham E-Theses Durham E-Theses Mobilising women: social change and political: organisation in the west bank and Gaza strip, 1967-1990 Cave, Sarah How to cite: Cave, Sarah (1994) Mobilising women: social change and political: organisation in the west bank and Gaza strip, 1967-1990, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5493/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 MOBILISING WOMEN: SOCIAL CHANGE AND POLITICAL ORGANISATION IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA STRIP, 1967-1990. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Sarah Cave M. A. University of Durham Department of Sociology and Social Policy 1994 0 JU119^ Page 1 Sarah Cave Mobilising Women: Social Change and Political Organisation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, 1967-1990 M.A. thesis submitted in 1994. Abstract This thesis examines the mobilisation of women in the Palestinian national movement in the West Bank and Gasa Strip. The introduction seeks to place the issues raised in the body of the thesis within the general context of the experience of women in Africa and Asia. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the nature of Israeli occupation, and the development of Palestinian responses to it. The thesis then offers a historical account of the growth of Palestinian women's organisations in the context of anti-colonial, and nationalist, politics. Subsequent chapters consider the impact of social issues on the role of women within Palestinian society, and the relationship of women's organisations to the national movement. Within this context, the underlying theme of the thesis is the nature of the relationship between the politics of nation, class and gender under military occupat ion. Paqe 2 MOBILISING WOMEN: SOCIAL CHANGE AND POLITICAL ORGANISATION IN THE WEST BANK AND GAZA STRIP, 1967-1990. Sarah Cave M. A. University of Durham Department of Sociology and Social Policy 1994 Page 3 Table of Contents Page No. Abstract 1 Acknowledgements 5 List of Abbreviations 6 Introduction 7 Chapter Is Occupation and Resistance in the 24 West Bank and Gasa Strip, 1967-87. Chapter 2: The Development of Women's 66 Organisations in Palestine. Chapter 3: Women, Education and Employment 98 in the West Bank and Gaza. Chapter 4: Motherhood and Dress in Palestinian 141 Political Culture. Page 4 Page No. Chapter 5s The Impact of the Intifada on the 169 Palestinian Women's Movement in the West Bank and Qaza Strip. Conclusion 2:08 Bibliography 213 Page 5 Ac knowledgement s I would like to express my particular thanks to my supervisor, Pandeli Glavanis, whose sustained interest, encouragement and criticism enabled me to complete this thesis, and to James Chiriyankandath for his continuing support - both intellectual and practical. Paqe 6 List of Abbreviations DFLP Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, GUPW General Union of Palestinian Women. N6C National Guidance Committee. PNF Palestine National Front. PNC Pal est i ne Nat i onal Counc i1. PFWAC Palestinian Federation of Women's Action Comm i 11 ees. PFLP Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. UNLU United National Leadership of the Uprising. UNRWA United Nations Relief and Works Agency. UPWC Union of Palestinian Women's Committees. UPWWC Union of Palestinian Working Women's Committees. WCSW Women's Committees for Social Work. WHC Women's High Council. Page 7 Introduct ion In the past twenty years there has been a growing interest in questions concerning the relationship between gender and nationalism in Asia and Africa. Various aspects of this relationship have been examined at some length. Initially the promotion of women's social and civil rights was located within the context of greater contact with the West. Emphasis was placed upon the importance of factors such as the development of an indigenous bourgeoisie, the advent of female education and the opening up of the professions to women. Increasingly, greater importance was placed upon the relationship between anti-colonial national movements and the emergence of women's movements. In this respect Jayawardena's 1988 study of nationalist movements in 'the third world' was significant because of its scope, and because it suggested links between the emergence of women's militancy in the context of nationalist movements, and the soc.io-economic impact of Western Page r3 encroachment. These themes have been explored further in a number of case studies looking at the involvement of women in national liberation movements - for example in Nicaragua, Eritrea, and South Africa. In the 1970s the leftist view of the relationship between national and women's liberation in the context of anti- colonial movements found its apotheosis in statements like that of the President of Mozambique, the late Samora Machel Women's liberation is to be achieved by the abolition of private property and women's entry into social production, both of which are inseparable from socialist strategy itself and therefore requiring no separate struggle (Jacobs and Howard,1987:29). The experience of women such as those in Algeria has done much to temper the more simplistic formulations of the relationship between national and gender liberation. However, the idea of there being, in some sense, a linear progression from national to social liberation (of which gender liberation forms one part) remains. An extension of this leftist-nationalist approach to gender issues is the-suggest ion that the position of women in post-colonial Africa and Asia is essentially Paqe 9 determined by the economics of international capitalism CAbdel Kader,1987:148-9). In this context women are viewed as a reserve pool of labour, which in times of economic growth is mobilised and thus able to attain economic, social and civil advantages. At times of economic slow-down women are pushed back into the domestic environment and suffer from state-led attacks upon their social and civil rights. Dominelli's 1986 case study of Algerian women in the process of autogestion comes within this general theoretical framework. In this sense, in the post- colonial state, the primary determining factor for women's emancipation is economic. This approach would tend to place politics and state policy as secondary factors, arising out of economic conditions. Some recent studies have examined the significance of gender in nation formation - at the cultural level in terms of symbol and image, and at the socio-economic level in terms of state policy and planning CAfshar, 1987; Anthias and Yuval-Davis,1989; Kandiyoti,1991). In these studies the impact of the state, and of state- sponsored ideology upon women, is examined in a range of case studies. The significance of gendered constructs of Page 10 the nation and the state, and the role of ideology in promoting these, is often seen as being in conflict with the economic policies of the state, illustrating the operation of contradictory elements within the state apparatus. Within these discussions the dichotomy between concepts of 'tradition' and 'modernity' and their impact upon women is emphasized: In a society where change is viewed as an external attack and where tradition occupies a pre-eminent place in the so-called strategies for 'the future' and for 'development policies' (as is the case in the Muslim countries), ideology and perception have an over-determining influence (Mernissi,1988:3). In the convergence of tradition and development, women assume a key role as the repositories of national identity, and of the 'authentic'. Consequently, they often bear the brunt of these contradictions in terms of state ideology, law and policy. These contradictions in the fields of education, health, population control, familial relations, and employment have been examined in a number of case studies (Beck and Keddie,1978; Fernea,1985; Afshar,1987). Page 11 When 'traditional' practices are reinterpreted as being 'authentic' representations of national culture, and thus as holding a key to an essentially legitimate, indigenous form of modernisation, particular questions could arise - such as the issue of veiling. Minces argued that the veil grew in significance as increasing numbers of rural poor migrated to towns, and laid greater emphasis on the importance of veiling because of their changed circumstances. At the same time, the indigenous bourgeoisie began to question aspects of tradition in the light of Western influences. This combination of factors meant thats the veil gained additional importance as a means for many poor families to defend the traditional Islamic values against Western incursions, cultural depersonalization and the supposed or real moral laxity.of Westernized women (1982:50). The veil could become a symbol of resistance to the outside world (defined in terms of both the personal and the international), and of a distinct Muslim identity for women which provided an alternative view of emancipation and its meaning: This retreat into puritanical Islam was not seen simply as a holding onto the past, but also as a positive road for the future (Tabari,1982:13).
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