A Detailed Ethnographic Work Can Sometimes Involve First Hand Critical

RST 35.1 (2016) 114–115 Religious Studies and Theology (print) ISSN 0892-2922 doi:10.1558/rsth.v35i1.31637 Religious Studies and Theology (online) ISSN 1747-5414

Reclaiming the Faravahar: Zoroastrian Survival in Contemporary Tehran, by Navid Fozi. Iranian Studies Series. Leiden University Press, 2014. 240pp. 9 halftones, | 1 illustration, 1 table. Pb. $26.29. ISBN-13: 9789087282141.

Reviewed by Arshdeep Khaira, Concordia University of Edmonton, arshdeep. [email protected]

Keywords Persia, Zoroastrian, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Shia (Shi’ite), Islam, Parsi, Minority-Studies, Ethnography

A detailed ethnographic work can sometimes involve first hand critical engagement with the community of study, but at times, cultural groups that have left many academics mystified are out of arms reach for personal interaction. “Reclaiming the Faravahar” is an ethnographic work on the lingering Zoroastrian community of Iran (a community inaccessible by many because of their minority status within the Islamic regime). The book includes theo- retical work on the historical relationship between Zoroastrians and their Shia majority countrymen, as well as first hand ethnographic interaction with the group in the locality of origin by a diaspora Baha’i with Iranian ancestry. Because of his cultural connection, Navid Fozi finds himself at certain advantages during his fieldwork. However, at times his personal connection becomes a source of skepticism from his subjects, which in turn creates a lack of trust as well as assumptions by locals of his actual intent. Despite that, it may well be Fozi’s personal cultural proximity to his subjects that forms the dynamic engagement he shows with his work. At times he finds himself clois- tered in the personal space of the community as they engage in the sacred, seen as an individual who “can be trusted” with information pertaining to the Zoroastrians’ holy practices. Fozi shows that he can become the quintessen- tial “fly on the wall,” systematically processing the whispers of what at times comes across as discontent or resentment of the Islamic regime by practition- ers of the “indigenous” faith. However Fozi’s Iranian cultural background also means that he has to question his own effect on his fieldwork. He does this aptly, by contextualizing his position as both an observer and a partici- pant. Fozi does an excellent job of maintaining an essence of objectivity and impartiality; however, he addresses the very matter that as a member of an Iranian minority community himself (Fozi is Baha’i) he may be predisposed to certain partialities in spite of his rigorous ability to disengage this side of his person in fieldwork. He bases his ability to remain objective on his detailed methodological and technical training in ethnographic work.

© Equinox Publishing Ltd. 2016, Office 415, The Workstation, 15 Paternoster Row, Sheffield, S1 2BX Book Reviews 115 Fozi begins by outlining some basic background and theory that later forms the basis, or theme, for the subsequent accounts of his experiences with the Zoroastrian community in Iran. He quickly mentions the strict lines of demarcation adhered to by Iranians in general in distinguishing themselves from the Arab “other.” This understanding of Iranians’ unique national and ethnic identity is based primarily around the adoption of Shia Islam as the religion of the state and the masses (distinguishing them from the Arab world, the majority of which is Sunni), but also includes the appropriation of cultural heirlooms that are unique to Iran, many of which are linked to the “indigenous” Zoroastrian community. This becomes a theme that Fozi maintains throughout his work, often describing the way that the dwindling Zoroastrian community (which is bound together religiously and ethnically) has become a living testament to the Iran of old (or, Iran before the Arab Muslim invasions). In a sense, members of the Zoroastrian community are seen as the torchbearers of a fallen legacy, and Iranians associate them with the days of Cyrus, Darius the Great and the vast Persian Empire. Fozi describes the fascination amongst modern Shia Iranians with the Zoro- astrian community and their traditions, and their (the Shia community’s) celebration of many Zoroastrian festivals like NouRooz (Persian New Year), Mehregan (Thanksgiving), Yalda (Winter Solstice) and Chaharshanbe-Suri (Festival of Fire). The lingering resentment with the Arab world is described as further propelling society towards understanding and conceptualizing their own “Iranianess” in the context of living in a Shia theocracy. Fozi shows us that the Zoroastrian community continues to dwindle in size because of a strict adherence to the practice of not accepting converts, since Zoroastrians, like Jews, see themselves as a unique ethno-religious community (or, pure Iranians) and consequently do not accept Muslims into their faith. At the same time, many of the younger Zoroastrians continue to leave the country, or themselves convert to Islam or the Baha’i faith. Fozi goes on to show that Zoroastrians, while the object of cultural fascination by many Shia Irani- ans, are also openly criticized and condemned by conservative members of the Shia regime who refer to them as atash-prast (fire-worshippers) or worse, kafir. It is therefore not a surprise that the community has experienced much violence against them, which has set a precedent for the several mass exodus movements out of the country: First between the 8th and 10th century CE to India, avoiding the persecution of invading Muslim Arabs, and again in the 19th and 20th centuries to India, avoiding persecution by the Qajar dynasty. These historical events are also given considerable attention by Fozi.