Transformations of Heroism

Fame, Celebrities, and Public Performances

Fredrik Schoug

Schoug, Frodrik 1997: Transfo rmation of Heroism. Fame, Celebrities, and Public Performances. - Ethnologia Europaea 27: 105-118.

As tho audience, we have a proponHity to 1:1eoktho "truth" about 1:1tars and horoe1:1. We want to know "how they really are" and soc tho reality "behind" the public porfilrmancc. Thus, heroes and celebrities arc increasingly depicted as com mon people in the media, which in turn indicates a revaluation of ordinariness. Since the Great Men therefore belong to the past, classical expressions of heroism arc antiquated whi le now forms emerge. These new forms arc required by the modern search for identification that presupposes a "bringing down" ofthe hero to the level ofordinary people. The transformation of heroism results in hybrids that blur the boundaricR between the star's role as hero and average person, due to the fa ct that the ordinary becomes a constitutive clement in the charisma. Hence, the medial­ ization of celebrities tends to expose formerly hidden roles and spheres. Especially televisi on ha::; i ncreased th e focus on emotional expressions and private life. This eager attention to the hidden indicates that we live in an age of curiosity. Secret affairs ought to be discovered, fishy stories should be revealed. This tendency is explained in the light ofthe fragmentation and mobility of everyday life that create numerous stashes in every personality, to which importance and truth can be ascribed and which thereby can be transformed into desirable secrets. Thus, information about these hidden recesses becomes indispensable to stipulate identities.

Fredrik Schoug, Ph.D., Department ofEthnolo gy, Lund University, Finngatan 8, S-223 62 Lund, Sweden. E-mail: [email protected]

an who chopped off the penis of her husband Patterns of Fame John Wayne Bobbitt, who nevertheless regained Every day we meet celebrities and famous peo­ his former virility with the aid of modern sur­ ple. Their faces keep gazing at us from advertis­ gery and signed a porn-filmcontract. Such life ing signs, centrefolds, newspaper pages, and stories appear "mesmerizing" or "thrilling" and television screens. As the successful conquerors are therefore well suited as consumer products of publicity, they are always at the center of in advanced media society. Thus, the old idea of attention, and the constant invention of new fame as the glory of achievement seems an­ channels of publicity brings us a continuous tique. flowof new celebrities. It seems, however, that Notoriety does not necessarily presuppose differentmedia epochs create different kinds of deeds, but it does require publicity. Public he­ heroes and, at the same time, different fo rms of roes or villains are thereby created with the public reception of them and their public per­ capacity to survive their biological existence. formances. In the age of bards and rune stones, Hence, the theme of fame has been put in princes and warlords used to gain priority in relation to death. Whereas Christianity held the consciousness of posterity. With the diffu­ spiritual immortality as a reward or a punish­ sion of mass media and the increased plurality ment, which was dispensed with bodily death of values in our times, the roads to fame have and which retrospectively was to give meaning been multiplied. Not long ago, vast media at­ to the finishedlif e, secularized civilization has tention was payed to Lorena Bobbitt, the worn- posed fame as the replacement of the belief in

105 an af'ierlif'e (cf'. Buumun 1994/1. 992:40 and pas­ and authenticity thai I believe is characteristic si m; Braudy 1986:28). Thw;,the modern world or modern heroism. has fo und its own ways to individual transcend­ Heroes of sport have national (or local) rele­ ence. Since more and more cry out for attention, vance without being cast in the traditional it has, however, become increasingly difliculi to parts ofHistory, thai is, without carrying up the stay in the public fo cus. Diffe rent characters historical greatness ofihe nation. Even if Bjorn create different forms of enthusiam, devotion, Borg, Diego Maradona, and Jesse Owens are prestige, or abhorrence, and their ability to said to be prominent figures of'"sporis histo ry, " make lasting impressions therefore also diflers. such stars primarily cause outbursts of emotion Some heroes play the roles of History. Charac­ at the moment of victory. People might rejoice ters like kings, warlords, artists, authors, sci­ retroactively over these "unforgettable mo­ entists, explorers, inventors, airmen, politicians, ments," but in the long run they nevertheless or traitors are sometimes inscribed in the an­ tend to be forgotten or at least faded. New nals of nations, civilizations, or peoples. Thus, generations, who were not present during the their time is extended. While the aura ofhero or event, arc more attracted by contemporary villain can survive their physical appearances sports heroes, rather than looking buck at ex­ for several centuries or even millennia, some ploits they never witnessed. Since the ability of achieve a similar prominence only after death. sporting stars to attract the public attention is The significance ofthcsc characters is general­ temporary, their fame tends to be episodic. ly far greater in mythology than in the course of Therefore they represent the contemporary, history. rather than the historical, greatness. Every epoch has its own symbols of heroism Compared to rock stars, sports heroes seem or villainy, undermining the historical stability to play slightly different roles on the public of devotion or identification. Since, fo r example, stage. The world of rock music consists of both nationalism is under constant transformation, well-behaved "mushy singers" and subversive changing its fo rms of expression and its rhetor­ or "insufferable" stars. The subversion of the ical pitch, the appeal of various national heroes latter is based on different strategies, depend­ differs. Ye sterday's kings and princes appear to ing on what is oppositional at the actual mo­ be ruled out as national symbols or incarna­ ment. Sexual "indecency," political protest, glo­ tions of heroic qualities and replaced by more rification of drug abuse, "disordely conduct," up-to-date characters. Their place has been "brutal" music, long hair, abusive language, taken by, for example, sports heroes, whose and the smashing up of hotel rooms or guitars informal and ordinary personalities are better are some of most popular methods. suited to symbolize the nation in accordance The world of sport is distinguished by a with its contemporary shape (cf.Lofgren 1993). shortage ofcontroversiality. Of course, athletes Thus, heroism has changed and its traditional are sometimes suspended, for example, for drug idolatry no longer seems a self-evident fe ature. abuse, but generally the limits are narrow. My aims is to analyze this transformation and Sport is characterized by a norm of conscien­ outline some ofthe modern trends ofheroes and tiousness. When the British fo otball player Paul fa me. Since renown presupposes an audience, Gascoigne responed to a provocative question all fe atures like fa me, heroism, celebrity, and by burping in the microphone, he was fined,and notoriety are relational constructions. Hermits when the German midfielderStef an Effenberg can never be famous and, accordingly, the pub­ made a pejorative gesture to the audience dur­ lic has to be considered. The admiration of ing the World Cup in 1994, he was immediately heroes and celebrities creates community. Na­ sent home and has never since played in the tions, fan clubs, and supporters' clubs are such national team. Sometimes the stars frustrate communities that are generated and reinforced the audience's hopes by not participating in the by this interplay. In this study, sporting stars national team. In that case, no measures are will be particularly in focus, as they provide taken by sports organizations, but mass media significant examples of the plain ordinariness often depict them as traitors and praise the

106 loyal ones who consider ii an honor io represent Charisma and Heroic Unaffectedness their country. Tho examples arc numerous. In the world o!'spori, there is u con tinuous ctl'oriio Heroes and celebrities noi only create sensa­ put an end to u ndes i red fo rms of behavior, Lions and passions among the public. Some­ although these arc noi noco�;sarily violations of Limes ihey also gain the attention of social the rules and thereliJre cannot always be classi­ science. By ihai, I do noi mean the abundance fied as cheating. Fair play, decency, and l oyalty of hagiographies ofGreai Men, but rather anal­ to the icam mates and the country arc virtues yses of f�m1e and illustriousness itself.A line of that should characterize sport. Sports organi­ development, many times pointed out in this zations and the media are therefore engaged in research, is the increasing divergence of fa me punishing breaches ofeiiqueiie. Thus, sporting or heroism from divinity. While the illustrious stars arc demanded io �;erve a�;mo dels ofbehav­ heroes of ihe pasi were Great Men, associated ior, which is a demand ihai would be impossible with superhuman, divine qualities, celebrities (and seem ridiculous) io impose on oppositional of today have become more ordinary. Ancient rock stars like Sid Vi cious, Johnny Rotten, or fame was primarily the property of princes and Jim Morrison. warlords, and the roads to such a prominence Accordingly, rock stars never have to radiate were fe w. While this dominance broke up, fa me health or conscientiousness or worry about increasingly became connected with social mo­ breaches of etiquette. They aiiain their posi­ bility. Particularly, renown was conveyed io tions in an interplay with the audience. They characters who managed to rise fr om lower might benefit from musical competence and positions and stand out fr om the multitude. succesful distinctions, but since they complete­ Today, the channels of fa me are numerous, ly operate on a market, ihey are always depend­ which is a consequence of both the explosive ent on the approval of the consumers. Without development of media and the increasing plu­ this approval, they wouldn't be rock stars. Of rality of values. The American literary histori­ course, the hierarchic positions of sports heroes an Leo Braudy (1986) has called this process can also be dependent on image, but without "the democratization of fame." victories there would be no stardom. In the Observations of the declining nobility of he­ world of sport, hierarchy is primarily based on roes and celebrities recur in the work of other medals, records, and world rankings. Even scholars. For instance, at the beginning of the though popularity also can be the outcome of 1960s, the American sociologist Orrin Klapp looks, style, and profile, there are hardly any (1972/1962) wrote about "the deterioration of shortcuts. Thus, it is impossible to base one's the hero." In accordance with Emile Durkheim, career as sports hero on provocation and "insuf­ Klapp believed in the importance of the consen­ fe rability. " Whereas ihe rock star as agent pro­ sus of values and thus worried about the con­ vocateur appear hyper-individuated, the sport­ temporary tendency to identify with disparate ing star is hyper-socialized. heroes, fr equently of low exemplariness. The As the audience, we have a propensity to film scholar Richard Dyer (1979:24-26) dis­ seek the "truth" about these stars or heroes. We cusses an analogous development, although would like to know how they "really are," to from a much shorter perspective, concerning meet their "true selves" and get to know the the movie stars of Hollywood. Whereas the reality "behind" the public performance. This theatrical heroes of silent filmwere regarded as quest for authenticity has a regulative effect on gods, sound-film demystified the actors and the public perception. Mass media is the neces­ made them seem more ordinary by depriving sary precondition of the "highness" of stars and them of the silence. In the same spirit, the celebrities, but it is paradoxically also the in­ sociologist and author Judith Williamson strument for the scrutinization of their person­ (1988:75-89) describes how the British royal alities and, consequently, for the "bringing down" family is increasingly "brought down" to the of the modern hero. level of common people. The American media researcher Joshua Meyrowitz (1985:268-304)

107 ha::; al::;oa n aly :t.ed how the propensity of televi­ relations to the superhuman, the divine, or the sion to expo::;ein f(Jrmation that in other media eternal, but rather contain their abilitic::; in contexts was kept locked up backstage, has their own characters. The public gaze is direct­ "lowered" presidents and other political heroes ed against the personalities of charismatic per­ to the same ordi nary level. sons, not against the circumstances which make

1t therefore seems as if the Great Men, in their dominance possible. The ideal type of some respects, belong to the past. Ye sterday we charisma emphasizes qualities and capacities obediently promoted characters to heroes, but not available to people in general and therefore nowadays we seem to reflect ourselves in them. by definitionimplies unusualness. At the same Some may be concerned and regard this as a time, however, it seems obvious that heroes, devaluation of virtue, but it should rather be celebrities and renowned characters of today considered as a transformation of established have become increasingly ordinary. The border­ hierarchies of value. The antiquation of classi­ line between the heroic life and everyday life cal expressions of heroism is intimately con­ has weakened (cf. Featherstone 1992). Concur­ nected to the evaluation of its opposite - the rently, charisma tends to undergo transforma­

ordinary. When heroes are made common, this tion. It no longer becomes exclusively reliant on ordinariness or unaffectednessis exalted. There­ exceptional gifts, but to a larger extent on the by, the heroic charisma is transformed. Where­ possessor's ability to seem natural and authen­ as the ancient hero was closely associated with tic. Today, such impressions are hardly created the divine, the modern counterpart fu nctions as by distinguished behavior. On the contrary, an object of identification. politicians often gain popularity by "showing Charisma is one ofthe central concepts in the their fe elings" and behaving like "ordinary peo­ classical sociology of Max Weber. ' In his uni­ ple," thereby creating impressions of authentic­ verse, charisma is analyzed as one of three ity. Simultaneously, some heroes play a double fo rms of authority: a traditional, a legal or game. On one hand, they play roles of brilliance rational, and finally a charismatic form. Where­ and accomplish great exploits on stages, movie as the traditional authority is based on the screens, and sports arenas, while on the other reverence of established customs, the legal one hand, they sometimes dress up in the costume is fo unded on inviolable, impersonal laws and of usualness and act like "everybody else." appears in, for example, the modern bureaucra­ This heroic mix of extraordinary skill and cy. Charisma, for its part, is an extraordinary average personality can frequently be seen in form of dominance, beyond the routines of eve­ the case of sports heroes. Sport is a producer of ryday life. It signifies an inherent quality in the charisma, since it reproduces and institutional­ personality, which makes its carrier seem en­ izes circumstances generating charisma. Cha­ dowed with a gift of grace, a supernatural or risma, in this context, should be regarded as a superhuman talent to guide and command. It source of acknowledgment, reputation, and sta­ gives him the "right" to be in charge and impos­ tus, rather than mere authority. The champion

es a "duty" to obey on the subordinates. Charis­ is the carrier of the gift of grace par excellence ma, however, is primarily a concept of relations. and every new competition is a charismatic It implies an acknowledgment from the group, settlement. In these encounters, redistributions since it regards the charismatic person as the of charisma occur to the struggling adversaries, "natural" leader. continuously changing the charismatic balance. Religious prophets are typical examples of New "divinely gifted" masters enter the stage, charismatic characters, whose endowments others disappear behind the curtain. New kings consist in close connections to divinity. Ancient are crowned, old ones are forced to abdicate. heroes can also be seen as charismatic, al­ Therefore, the sports hero appears as a decided­ though they tend to be less religious. In the ly extraordinary person on the field, while he, secularized world, successful politicians and nevertheless, is often depicted as an average various kinds of "geniuses" can be regarded as person by the media. possessors of charisma. These persons have no This is not least common in the Swedish

108 context, where the stars, purticulurly within they reduce the distance between the audience team sport�;,arc recurrently portrayed a�;"ord i­ and the hero, making the formcr mirror itselfin nary guy�;," who are "j ust like everybody else" the latter. Because ofhis propensity to present and "great pal:;."'l'hc�;e heroe�; re ject all needs of the spectator with images of ordinariness, that distinction. They arc just like "us" - like you is, ofthe spectator himself, the unaffectedhero and me - and this certainly facilitates identifi­ seems authentic. Therefore, heroic unaffected­ cation. To be sure, it is hard to compare fa vora­ ness could never emerge in a premodern con­ bly with the gods. Thus, the hidden manual text. On the contrary, it can only exist in a prescribes emulation, rather than reverence. modern or a postmodern world, where the search This exemplary, unaflected ordinariness is ide­ for identity is an institutionalized fe ature. Only ally suited for team sports, where it gains co­ then can heroes be brought down fr om their operation and fe elings or solidarity. It is there­ pedestals to reinforce our selves. fore also perceived as the central ingredient in the concept of team spirit or team morale, signi­ Medializing Interiors tyi.ngcloseness, friendship, solidarity, and fight­ ing spirit, allegedly Swedish qualities and fre­ The medialization of society has led to the quently used as explanations of achievements exposure of fo rmerly hidden roles and spheres by Swedish national teams in World Cup tour­ of celebrities. Whereas the partitions between naments by coaches, players, and the media. public and private spheres of fa mous people Foreign teams are generally regarded as used to be distinct, the mass-media panoptici­ more dependent on individual stars, distin­ zation has displaced and blurred these bound­ guished by a lesser degree of solidarity and aries. Women's magazines and the tabloid press sometimes by prima donna behavior, while continuously report on actual or alleged inci­ Swedish teams are depicted as close fa milies dents in the private lives of celebrities. Thus, without internal distinctions. This unaffected divorces, addiction problems, two-timing, and closeness, dependent on the "ordinary guys" other private matters tend to become public and the "great pals," stands out as a particular­ knowledge. Besides, reports fr om the homes of ly Swedish weapon against the strategies ofthe stars, where they can be seen in their domestic adversaries. Hence, the Swedish sports hero environments as fa mily men or women, have benefits fr om his ordinariness while achieving gained a wide popularity. his exploits. This brings us to a phenomenon The primary cause of the separation of differ­ which I call heroic unaffectedness. This heroic ent spheres in former times is, as Joshua Mey­ unaffectedness is not an ordinariness separat­ rowitz (1985) has demonstrated, the fact that ed from the heroic element, but rather a precon­ information was more of a place-bound phe­ dition of it. This quality blurs the borders be­ nomenon. To be able to observe in a world with tween the stars' roles as hero and average hardly any media, it was necessary to be at the person, due to the fact that heroic unaffected­ same place as the observed object. Mass audi­ ness emerges when the ordinary becomes a ences were only possible if the stage was local­ constitutive element in the charisma. ized in public squares or other open places. The heroic unaffectedness, however, is not Information and knowledge therefore tended to only a common form of charisma within Swed­ be compartmentalized within social groups and ish sport. It can typically be noticed in several strata. Printing implied a break with this ten­ other contexts as well. Popular and folksy char­ dency, even if the printed word still entailed acters, as the All-American Guy, modern politi­ greater possibilities to separate backstage en­ cians, and television stars, are also significant vironments from the public gaze. Public per­ examples ofthe nobility of unaffectedhero ism, formances in print withhold the reader from since they become exceptional persons as a glimpses ofthe settings where the messages are result of their ability to seem unexceptional. produced. This faculty to appear ordinary makes their Television, however, abolishes this border­ rivals seem distinguished and artificial. Hence, line. Meyrowitz (1985) emphasizes that where-

109 as written and printed media provide coded ofthe emotional drama of mediated sport. Th us, versions of' incidents, elect ronic media rather we get visible proofs of the pain of' the allegedly supply impr i n ts of them. On the TV screen we innocent combatant, who has given a pen a lty gel a direct view of' the environments where the kick to the opponents or is about to be sent off. messages arc produced. Thus, the viewer also Maybe the emotional expressions are most ap­ has the possibility to read the unintentional, parent when goals are scored and the hero and expressive informations about emotions and his team-mates embrace each other, beaming moods that performing persons emit. Looks, with joy, in "a love pantomime in honour· ofthe vocal pitches, tears, and fa cial expressions ap­ camera" (Zerlang 1989:338). Hence, questions pear more distinctly in these media presenta­ like "How does it fe el?" are not only asked tions. While printed media have a fi·ont region during the fo llowing press conference, but are bias, electronic media have a back region bias. also continuously answered by the television Meyrowitz also argues thai television has ob­ coverage. In other words, not only matches and tained an advantage over other media in defin­ victories are fo cused on by the media and the ing reality in the sense thai radio reports and audience. The emotional lives of players and newspaper journalism increasingly are depict­ coaches are considered newsworthy as well. ing events as they would have appeared in This seems to be due to the tendency to television. Hence, the public stage in all media regard emotions as an interior phenomenon. tends to expand across the boundaries that According to this view, the individual is like a used to separate the private sphere. container of fe elings "which can explode when In the world of electronic media, the intimate we get fu rious, simmer when in love, or get sphere and the forms of behavior traditionally totally drained in case of insensitiveness" (An­ associated with it come into public view. The dersson 1992:7). Thus, emotions tend to be seen domain of sport is a significant example of this. as separated fr om their social surroundings, as In Swedish sportjournalism, fo r example, mem­ something natural, unsocialized, and authen­ bers of national teams are commonly depicted tic. Sometimes, emotional life has appeared as members of the team fa mily. The delinea­ irrational and chaotic, in need of submission to tions of celebrated sports heroes are also distin­ reason. In our times, however, there seems to be guished by a noticeable interest in intimate and an increasing belief in the value of fr ee emo­ private aspects of their characters. Personal tions, of "showing one's fe elings" (cf. Gerholm fe elings belong to this kind of backstage-biased 1987). This concurs with an augmented reli­ information that has been fo cused on by the ance on what Camille Paglia (1992/1990:14) media and which is thus prioritized also in has called "the ultimate benevolence of human presentations of sport. Tennis players, soccer emotion." We have a propensity to reject exteri­ heroes, and the like are constantly asked ques­ ors as illusions in favor of the "genuine" interi­ tions like "How does it fe el?" after victories or ors. Since the authenticity of the individual is defeats, and the champion radiantly explains located "inside" his personality, emotionality is that "It's unbelievable!" or that "This is the ascribed a certain significance. To "show one's greatest day of my life!," while the disappoint­ fe elings" spontaneously is to give off informa­ ment of the defeated is manifest. tion about who one "really" is, "deep inside." Emotional expressions on the fieldare also This individualization and interiorization of in close-up focus. Mt er a finished attack, the the emotions is characteristic of the modern camera catches the fa cial expressions of the world. According to the British sociologist Colin striker who just fa iled to utilize a close opportu­ Campbell (1987:72-73), premodern cultures nity. Feelings of annoyance often show clearly; rather regarded emotions as inherent aspects perhaps he throws his arms about in despair in of reality, existing outside of man, from whence an attempt to propitiate the gods, perhaps he they exerted their influence over him. In the "hides" his fa ce in his hands, perhaps one can spirit of Weber, Campbell argues that this no­ read a curse on his lips. Agitated protests against tion changed as a consequence of the process of the referee's decision provide another example "disenchantment," that is, the collapse of the

110 general ussu m pti on that independent agents or explain the hero's relations to his loved one:;. "spirits" were opera tive in nature. The emo­ Thi:; is not least apparent in tennis, where tions were then moved from the external world close-ups of relatives are shown as parts ofthc and relocuted "w ithin" the i ndivi dual. drama as well as slow-motion sequences of The interiorization and individualization of their more or less involuntary emotional ex­ emotional life has also aHccted social interplay. pressions during decisive rallies.

Authentic behavior is often seen as made up of As a consequence of the all-consuming inter­ exposing one's "inner essences," thereby estab­ est in the private life of celebrities, fa mily mem­ lishing a line of continuity between interior and bers are incorporated in the news coverage. For exterior. To the extent that emotions are re­ example, during the World Cup in soccer in garded as expressions ofindividuality, they also 1994, Swedish media opened the doors to the fu nction a:; keys to ind ividual identity. One is innermost recesses of the Swedish players, what one feels. In partic ular, the shedding of thereby covering both the deeds of the national tears ofjoy or sorrow in public is apprehended team in the wide world and the state of its realm as authentic behavior. Thus, the medialization of intimacy. A television team was located at the of weeping has become common in presenta­ home of coach Tommy Svensson's father during tions of celebrities. In Swedish tabloids, fo r the game against Russia, newspapers depicted example, questions like "When was the last how the children of defender Roland Nilsson time you wept?" arc frequent in the interviews. supported daddy fr om the stand, reporters vis­ Medialized crying, however, is not only an ap­ ited the parents of striker Kennet Andersson parent fe ature in journalism concentrated on and the wife of goalkeeper Thomas Ravelli, and the jet set, but even in reports of unknown an unknown brother oftheir team-mate Martin people. War correspondents, or other journal­ Dahlin was tracked down and presented to the ists reporting on catastrophes or accidents, of­ public. A friend of mine, who saw one of the ten desperately search fo r victims or relatives United States matches on American television, who "show their feelings." The universe of sport also told me that a reporter had been sent out on provides numerous occasions to cry in fr ont of the stand to watch the game with the father of the eyes of the world. Thus, the sports enthusi­ goalkeeper Tony Meola. During captivating ast remembers the "unforgettable moments" moments, the reporter kept asking questions when tears ofdisappointment floodedthe cheeks like "How does he fe el after a save like that?" of Diego Maradona after the defeat by West Finally, the wearied Mr. Meola replied "How the Germany in the World Cup finalin 1990, or how hell should I know?" the British midfielderPaul Gascoigne, afterhe In the vast media attention paid to family had received his second yellow card in the life, the "feelings" and personalities of relatives semifinalof the same tournament and thereby are also included in the event, as it is definedin should have been suspended from a potential public. Among the main issues of these reports final, went on fightingred-faced and crying, or are the stories of how the stars "really are" how the Italian sweeper Franco Baresi shed backstage. Family members are the real ex­ tears of sorrow after the defeat by Brazil in the perts in this fieldand thereby serve as channels World Cup in 1994, after he had contributed to to the secret worlds of the stars. As insiders, the the outcome by fa iling in the deciding penalty relatives can provide invaluable information shootout. about their real selves, about their relations to The quest for authenticity of heroes and sisters or children, and how they already in celebrities, however, does not only imply a great childhood had the talent and ambition to suc­ interest in their "inner" emotionality. The ways ceed as famous soccer heroes. This inquisitive to bridge the gap between private and public interest seems to rely on the idea of the private also include close attention to family life. Tele­ sphere as a realm of authenticity. Since it is vised sport often focuses on wives, girl friends, oftenapprehended as a backstage environment, brothers, sisters, and parents during breaks in where one can "relax" and "be oneself," it there­ the game, which induces the commentator to by functions as a place where true identity is

111 exposed. It is also associated with being, rather Correspondingly, the abominable lie appears as

than doing. In public on e a.ds,while in private a coverage or a blackout. People who refuse to one is. The charisma of sports heroes is prima­ open up for scrutiny can be assumed to be rily dependent on their actions onstage, but wearing a disguise. Although "integrity" is a when the charismatic relationship is estab­ moral category, used to legitimize a certain lished, the interest in what they arc is en­ degree of hush-hush around one's own person, hanced. the boundaries oftencause controversies. Hence, Thus, media, in general, hold the same per­ celebrities fr equently accuse reporters of viola­ spective as is commonly ascribed to women's tions of integrity, while the world of media magazines, whose sport coverage is primarily defends itself in terms of the "public interest." fo cused on the privacy of celebrities. A major The hidden character of truth requires a media task is therefore to transgress the bor­ critical, scrutinizing gaze, looking for outward derline between public and private and expose signs as manifestations of what is going on the interiors of the intimate sphere. Under under the surface. Richard Sennett (1976: 168£), these circumstances, celebrities and superstars like others after him, has drawn parallels be­ perform backstage as well as onstagc. This tween the urban scene of the streets in the development could be interpreted as privacy nineteenth century and the contemporary suc­ made public. When th e intimate realm becomes cess of the detective novel. Detectives, or inter­ a stage for public performances, it loses its preters of the signs of hidden reality, were private quality. The popularity of this "public exactly what men and women had to be to make privacy," however, also means that the bounda­ sense oflife in the street. In modern society, the ry between public and private still remains. curiosity and penetrative gaze of the detective The public nature of the backstage environ­ has become everyone's property. This role has ment relies on the fa ct that it is not viewed as a been adopted, not least, by the mass media, public stage, but rather as distinguished by whose panoptic fu nctions provide insights into private qualities. This fo rm of medialization what used to be inaccessible. Thus, today we all can hardly survive unless people fe el that they carry on espionage. are standing behind the curtain, spying and The growth of curiosity goes hand in hand eavesdropping. Otherwise, there would be no with the rise of secretiveness. By that, I do not reason to retreat fr om the heroic deeds and mean that people during the age of curiosity exploits in the quest for truth and authenticity. have begun to hide more and more aspects of their lives. It is, of course, possible that modern society, with its expanded public sphere, has The Modern Sex Appeal of Secrets increased the need for concealing oneself fr om The eager attention we pay to the hidden, to other people's scrutiny. The connection between that which is "deep inside," "under the surface," curiosity and mystery-making, however, is ba­ or "behind the scenes," indicates that we live in sically of a different kind. If the entire world the age of curiosity. Secret affairs ought to be were as clear as glass, there wouldn't be any­ discovered, fishy stories should be revealed. thing to reveal and consequently nothing to be The truth is never apparent, it is stashed away curious about. Thus, defining truth as some­ and thus has to be dug out. The visible is thing hidden also draws attention to the ob­ regarded as a surface that covers up a deeper scure. It involves the production of secrets, reality. The closets are crowded with skeletons, enigmas, conundrums, mysteries, and taboos. the fa cts are swept under the rug. Thus, we Voyeurism can flourish only if the seductive is have to tear away the fig-leaves and uncover not fu lly visible. Curiosity is aroused only if the truth. Accordingly, our metaphors depict something threatens to elude it. We concern the act of telling the truth as a matter of making ourselves about the authenticity of heroes only visible. The "naked" truth can be "discovered," if it is not already apparent to us. Hence, inquis­ "disclosed," "exposed," "unmasked," "made evi­ itiveness is deemed to exist in an enigmatic dent," "seen through," or "brought to light." world.

112 The social psychology of c u rios i ty and secre­ of modern society. This lack of transparency is tiveness raises que::;t.ion::; about w hat circum­ of at least two different kinds. First, political stances actually generate �;py ing and secrets. instances and other centers of the design of Even though a hi::;toricaluniver ::;ality of private society disappear from the individual's range of spheres has been us::;erted (cf. e.g. Duby 1987/ vision. Modernity implies the development of 1985), there is no reason to assume a universal global relations, connecting remote localities. inquisitiveness throu ghou t history. Whereas Thus, local events become more and more de­ privacy in some contexts might have implied pendent on actions performed at distance, and the possibility to appear unarmed, private these webs tend to compress the world (cf. spheres today seem to become invested with Giddens 1990:55-78; Robertson 1992). Even truth value. These realms are ruled by infor­ though mass media endeavor to monitor parlia­ mality and thus imply opportunities to "be ments, bureaucracies and industry, invisible oneself," that is, unmasked and sincere. Fac­ spaces develop under such circumstances, in tors like mobility and anonymity vary histori­ which many of the decisions affecting peoples cally and, I believe, in some ways condition lives are made. The majority of the people secretiveness. To fu lfil this argument, however, concerned play an acclamatory role as "public it is necessary to increase the understanding of opinion," without participating in the debate the changes that deported premodern society to (cf. Habermas 1991/1962; 1991/1973). history and made way for modernity. Second, and most important, invisibility is It has often been claimed that society via the also generated in human relations. Whereas process of modernization has become increas­ the former lack of permeability emerges when ingly transparent. For example, Michel Foucault some face-to-face relations, for example, be­ ( 1979/197 5 ), in his influential study of the pris­ tween patriarch and subordinate, are replaced on system as a metaphor of modernity and its by distant bonds, the latter implies an increased disciplinary techniques, has indicated the im­ degree of invisibility in the remaining face-to­ portance of visibility in modern society. Argu­ face relations. This lack of transparency con­ ments informed by his ideas generally tend to sists in the fact that people in modern and underline the capacity of power to inscribe itself postmodern society have a propensity to create in the subject by making it the object of knowl­ new zones of inaccessibility to each other. In the edge and observation. However, modern society premodern world people tended to lead their can also be said to undergo panopticism from lives in a highly compressed space. Even ifgreat the opposite direction. Through the vast mass­ migrations have of course occurred throughout medialization of society, webs of information history, agricultural life generally meant a place­ and communication have been created with bound and stationary life. To the extent that the many ramifications. These have made larger individual played different social roles in that and larger areas of the public as well as the kind of environment, these were to a great private spheres visible, which has not least degree performed in front ofthe same audience. resulted in a fo cus on the state and other cent­ The fact that work, home, and consumption ers of the exercise of power (cf. e.g. Meyrowitz were located in the same limited space also 1985). Scott Lash and John Urry have even meant that the various tribulations oflife were argued that these webs are replacing social enacted in the same social context, within the structures and thereby provide a precondition frames of the very same social constellation. for the reflexive individualization that is a The comparatively low mobility fu rthermore main theme in depictions ofpostmodernity (Lash integrated the social constitution. As Joshua 1994; Lash and Urry 1994:110). Meyrowitz (1985) and other media theorists There is probably nothing to object to the have shown, information in this world was a idea that society via these processes has become more or less place-bound phenomenon. Th be increasingly transparent. It involves, however, able to observe, it was necessary to be at the the risk of concealing the new forms of invisibil­ same place as the observed object, and to the ity that have been generated along with the rise extent that information was mediated, it could

113 under no circumstances travel fa ster than the of life I would have had the opportunity to mcsl:!cngcr himsclf(cf. McLuhan 1964). llowcv­ gather the necessary infi>rmation to fi>rm an er, this docs not only mean that knowl edge and opinion in this matter. Now, since that is not the information tended to become com partmental­ case, the uncertainty provides a potential ob­ ized within limited circles. While the view out­ ject to be curious about. Accordingly, modern wards w as blocked, the view in wards tended to and postmodern society fulfills a basic trait to become unlimited since people more or less make people seem enigmatic to each other. always were at the same spot. It would seem However, the unseen or unknown docs not un­ redundant to tell "the history of one's life" in conditionally become an object of voyeurism. this kind of environment, as the only possible Only if we define sexuality, backstage environ­ audience lor that kind of narrative had already ments, private life, or the intimate sphere as witnessed it as it happened . While you couldn't areas of personal truth, is information about see anything outside of your own region, every­ these matters indispensable to stipulate identi­ thing tended to be visible inside it. ties. In that case, these are the areas where Themodern andp ostmodcrni ndividual , how­ people arc thought to embody their true essenc­ ever, divides his or her life between various es, that is, where they "arc themselves" or what social subsystems. Hence, modern and post­ they "feel inside." To be able to establish what modern life becomes spatially fragmented. The individuals "really are like," these private or diflercnt roles we play in everyday life arc secret zones become relevant obj ects of observa­ relocated socially as well as geographically. We tion. This curious desire is especially directed tend to act as professionals, parents, or mem­ against those individuals who are partly known, bers of associations in different places, in fr ont for example, colleagues, neighbors, or celebri­ of different audiences. We thereby commute, ties, that is, people we know fr om some fora but not only between various roles, but also be­ not fr om others. Secrets of anonymous persons tween the various stages where these are per­ are not as mesmerizing as those of, say, Madon­ fo rmed. The more often we change workplace, na, Hugh Grant, or the neighbor's wife. housing estate, home town, or spouse, the more In a society where people lead lives that are social contexts we pass by in the course of our relocated to different and separate environ­ lives. At every single station only a part of the ments, into which we cannot gain full insight, full repertoire is accessible to the surrounding behavior may become subjected to problems of audience. Hence, modernization does not sim­ coherency. Biographies are not only created ply imply increased visibility. We always have a around one's own person. Other people are also lack of information about the people with whom to a great degree conceived of in biographical we share differentsections of our lives. There is terms. This form of biographical conception no one constantly at our side fr om the cradle to aims at creating unity and meaning of the the grave, acquainted with all our affairs. The individual as an indivisible atom. The issue of secret zones people generate under these condi­ consistency and continuity between behavior, tions set barriers, but at the same time offerthe opinions, and emotions, in different contexts as seductive temptation to break through the par­ well as with regard to "external" gestures and tition walls by gossip, confession, or spying (cf. "inner" experiences, becomes a central prob­ Simmel 1906:446). Under these circumstances, lem. Unexposed corners or recesses then serve we therefore often experience a need to tell our as correctives to illuminated arenas. Thus, the life histories to each other. issue contains criteria for true and false behav­ In the contemporary world everybody har­ ior. These principles form what I call a "phe­ bors numerous stashes, to which importance nomenology of authenticity," a term that refers and truth can be ascribed and which thereby to the ways in which impressions of authentic­ can be transformed into desirable secrets. I ity are created in a society where heroes and might know my boss as a professional, but what celebrities are performing backstage as well as is he actually like as a lover or a womanizer? If onstage. we had shared all our hardships and localities First, there is a tendency to associate au-

114 thenticity with being ordinary. As depicted when a secret mistress or a blowjob on Sunset above, ce lebrities and heroes who �ccm like Boulevard is revealed, careers arc afl'cctcd or ordinary people arc often reg·arded as "authen­ sometimes even destroyed .� tic," "natural , " or "unaffe cted," while di�tin­ This phenomenology of authenticity is of guished people run the risk of being considered major importance to the reception of fa me, "affected" or "unnatural." Unail'cctcd heroes, heroes, and their public performances in ad­

like the All-American Guy or the " ordi n ary vanced media society, with its extended capac­

guys" in Swedish sports media, a rc to a great ities of public recognition. Th is is so not only degree constructed with the back region as a because heroes arc objects of identification,but means and a resource, and sports heroes cer­ also because authenticity today goes hand in

tainly appear most ordinary backstage , where hand with personal legitimacy. the deed� and exploits arc not accompli�hed. The medialization of the back region is there­ Walls and Borders fo re an i mportant step in the "authenticization" of renowned characters. In the world of sport, the sex appeal of heroo�,

Second, authenticity i s created through a and thus also their authenticity, varies sub­ continuity between the interior and exterior of stantially due to the constant changes of tho the individual . This principle relics on the mod­ public enthusiasm about certain events. Usual­

ern intcriorization of emotional life. 'lb behave ly it is routinely assumed that some, especially authentically in this sense is to expose the men, are interested in sport, while others, espe­ interior through the exterior, that is, to "show cially women, are not. However, this idea is one's feelings." Latent realities have to be man­ deceptive. Of course there are some real sports ifested in order to justify the behavior and make fa ns, who watch more or less every sport event the identity true. The impression of authentic­ on television, while a group of detractors prob­ ity therefore requires continuity between exte­ ably never experience any excitement at all. rior and interior. Insincerity and hypocrisy are But between these two parties, there is a mul­ terms signifying the "fraud" caused by the lack titude of potential enthusiasts in state of alert. of such a coherency. To present a fa �ade that is When the odds are in favor and victories are not directly connected to one's interior is re­ anticipated in the Olympic Games or the World garded as passing oneself offas "someone else," Cup, the living-room sofas are packed with not what one actually is "inside." viewers. In case of misfortune, they simply Third, impressions of authenticity are also switch channels and thereby expel the feelings produced by an apparently consistent behavior of disappointment. Great national (or local) in both public and private spheres. Av ailable expectations always attract these "opportun­ information about backstage behavior fu nctions ist" fa ns. as a key to compare the public performance The 1994 World Cup in soccer was such an with. The authentic norm requires some degree occasion in Sweden. During this event, some of unambiguous essence. Even if people can be common tendencies were intensified.The back­ said to play different roles in differentcontexts, stage spheres of sports heroes are always under these roles have to be united by a common public scrutiny, but the exceptional enthusiasm denominator to generate authenticity. To ap­ multiplied this recognition. The quantitative pear unaffected, you always and everywhere increase, however, implied qualitative effects. have to show an unaffected attitude. A single The intense fo cus on soccer heroes fo rmed part failure in this respect can sometimes be ex­ of the emotionalization of the nation. The vast cused by phrases like "I wasn't myself at the media coverage created an inner space of na­ actual moment," but recurrent misdemeanors tional inclusion, based on emotional identifica­ in the long run undermine all claims to authen­ tion. The relatives of Swedish athletes are of no ticity. If the normative violation is regarded as relevance to fo reigners. During a successful too serious to be excused, the celebrity might World Cup, that is, when the national emotion­ end up in an awkward situation. Accordingly, ality reaches a peak, however, they may tempo-

115 rarily erase internal social barriers and attract Mas:,;achusetts: Blackwell. Swedes as displays of the "inner" truths ol' Duby, Geor�eH 1987 ( l98fi): l�oreword to A II ist.ory of Private In: Aries, Ph lippe and Duby, Georges heroes. Since they were parts of "our" team, Life. i (gen. eds), A J-Tisti!I:Y of'Prival.eLife. T. From PoJ.Jan they were also fr equently exposed in the public Home to Byzantium Paul Veyne (ed.), pp. vii-ix. sphere even before the event. Thereby the pub­ Cam bridge, M assachusetts/London, England : The lic desire for their secrets, for their "true iden­ Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Dyer, Richard 1979: Stars . London: British Film In­ tities," was stimulated. To transgress the bor­ stitute. derline between public and private and expose Featherstone, Mike 1992: The Heroic Life and Every­ the interiors of the intimate realms of the he­ day Life. Theory, Culture and Society: Explomtions roes was also an opening ofthe door to this inner in Critical Social Science 9, 1: 159-182. F c l , Michel 1979 (1975): n space of national participation, which, perhaps ou au t Discipline and Pu ish: Th e Birth of'the Pri.�on. IIarmondsworth: Penguin more than anything else, separates insiders Books. fr om outsiders. This inner community is de­ Gerholm, Lena 1987: "Utomordentligt uppriird": Om marcated by an ambiguous dividing line. Where­ den arga medelklassen. In: Arnstberg, Kari-Oiov as fo r the insider, this line is a border which can (ed .), Bliickfisken: Om tillvarons tollminJ.J, sunt fiirnuft och psykologins utbredning, pp. 94-117. be crossed, the outsider hardly experiences Stockholm: Carlssons. transgression as fe asible. Thus, the various Giddens, Anthony 1990: The Consequences a/Moder­ national dimensions are defined by different nity. Cambridge: Polity Press. fr ames. Territorially, nations are demarcated I-Iabermas, Jiirgen1991 (1962): The Structural Trans­ fo rmation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a by borders, while, emotionally, the borders are Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge, Massa­ replaced by walls. Therefore, it is possible to chusetts: The MIT Press. visit any nation without entering its nationali­ Habermas, Jiirgen 1991 (1973): The Public Sphere. ty. In: Mukerji, Chandra and Schudson, Michael (eds), Rethinking Popular Culture: Contemporary Per­ spectives in Cultural Studies, pp. 398-404. Berke­ ley/Los Angeles/Oxford: University of California Press. Notes Klapp,Orrin 1972 (1962): Heroes, Vi llains, and Fools: This article is based on a chapter of my doctoral thesis Reflections of the American Character. San Diego: (Schoug 1997) and was presented at the workshop Aegis Publishing Company. "Flows, Borders, and Hybrids. A Conference on Cul­ Lash, Scott 1994: Reflexivity and Its Doubles: Struc­ tural Processes in Contemporary Society," October ture, Aesthetics, Community. In: Beck, Ulrich, Gid­ 25-27, 1996 in Arild, Sweden. dens, Anthony and Lash, Scott -ReflexiveModern­ ization. Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the 1. The discussion of the concept of charisma is based Modern Social Order. pp. 110-173. Cambridge: on Economy and Society, cf. Weber 1968a; 1968b. Polity Press. 2. The latter is especially the case when it comes to Lash, Scott and Urry, John 1994: Economies ofSigns politicians, whose ability to seem authentic is of and Space. London/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: major importance if they are to gain credibility. Sage. Consider, for example, the case of former Ameri­ Lofgren, Orvar 1993: Nationella arenor. In: Ehn, can president candidate Gary Hart, who had to Billy, Frykman, Jonas and Lofgren, Orvar, For­ withdraw from the elections in 1988, after his svenskningen av Sverige: Det nationellas fo r­ secret mistress had been revealed to the public. vandlingar, pp. 21-117. Stockholm: Natur och Kul­ tur. McLuhan, Marshall 1964: Understanding Media: The References Extensions of Man. New Yo rk: McGraw-Hill. Meyrowitz, Joshua 1985: No Sense of Place: The Andersson, Sten 1992: Kii nslornas filosofi. Stock­ Impact of Electronic Media on Social Behavior. holm/Stehag: Symposion. New/York/Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bauman, Zygmunt 1994 (1992): Doden och ododlig­ Paglia, Camille 1992 (1990): Sexual Personae: Art heten i det moderna samhiillet. Goteborg: Daidalos. and Decadence from Nefertiti to Emily Dickinson. Braudy, Leo 1986: The Frenzy ofRenown. Fame and London/New Yo rk/Victoria/Toronto/Auckland: Pen­ Its History. New Yo rk/Oxford: Oxford University guin. Press. Robertson, Roland 1992: Globalization: Social Theo­ Campbell, Colin 1987: The Romantic Ethic and the ry and Global Culture. London/Newsbury Park/ Sp irit ofModern Consumerism. Oxford/Cambridge, New Delhi: Sage.

116 Schoug, l''red ri k 1997: In tima samhtillsuisioner: Angeles/London: University of' Califilrnia Pre;;;;. Sporlt!/1 mel/an minima/ism Ot'h uiwwtism . Stock­ Weber, Max 1968b: Emnomy and Sot'it>ly: An Outline o holm/St.ehag: Sympm;ion. of' lnterprelatiue Sociology . V l u me ll. Edited by Sennett, Rich arc! 1976: 7'/w Fall of'Puhlir· Ma n. Ca m ­ Guenther Roth and Clau;; Wittich. Borkoley/LoH of bridge: Ca m bridge Uni ver·�ity Pre��. Angeles/London: University California Press. of Simmel, Georg 1906: 'l'he Sociology of' Secrecy and Williamson, Judith 1988: Con .� wning Passions: Th e Secret Societie�. Th e American Joumal of'Sociolo­ Dy namics of' Popular Culture . London/New Yo rk: o o gy 11 , 4: -141-498. Mari n B yars. Weber, Max 1968a: Econom.,y and Society: An Ou tlin e Zerlang, Martin 1989: Underholdningens historie: of' ln terprela liue Srwiology. Vo lume T. l�rlited by Fra antil1./wn.s glarlia lorer til nutiden.� 1'V- >rier.sr Guenther Hoth and Clau� Wittich. Berkeley/Los Copenhagen: Gyldendal.

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