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The Political Consequences of Social Movements SO36CH14-Amenta ARI 3 June 2010 0:31 The Political Consequences of Social Movements Edwin Amenta,1 Neal Caren,2 Elizabeth Chiarello,1 and Yang Su1 1Department of Sociology, University of California, Irvine, California 92697; email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] 2Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina 27599; email: [email protected] Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2010. 36:287–307 Key Words First published online as a Review in Advance on collective benefits, states, influence, political mediation, case studies April 20, 2010 The Annual Review of Sociology is online at Abstract soc.annualreviews.org Research on the political consequences of social movements has recently This article’s doi: accelerated. We take stock of this research with a focus on movements 10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-120029 in democratic polities and the United States in comparative and histori- Copyright c 2010 by Annual Reviews. cal perspective. Although most studies demonstrate the influence of the All rights reserved largest movements, this research has not addressed how much move- 0360-0572/10/0811-0287$20.00 by University of California - Irvine on 08/23/12. For personal use only. ments matter. As for the conditions under which movements matter, scholars have been revising their initial hypotheses that the strategies, Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2010.36:287-307. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org organizational forms, and political contexts that aid mobilization also aid in gaining and exerting political influence. Scholars are exploring alternative arguments about the productivity of different actions and characteristics of movements and movement organizations in the var- ied political contexts and institutional settings they face. Researchers are also employing more innovative research designs to appraise these more complex arguments. Scholarship will advance best if scholars continue to think through the interactions between strategies, organizations, and contexts; address movement influences on processes in institutional pol- itics beyond the agenda-setting stage; situate case studies in comparative and historical perspective; and make more comparisons across move- ments and issues. 287 SO36CH14-Amenta ARI 3 June 2010 0:31 INTRODUCTION opinion (cf. McCarthy & Zald 1977), which we see as analytically separate from movements The political consequences of social move- and may have a direct impact on political out- ments have drawn extensive scholarly attention comes (Giugni 2004, Brooks & Manza 2006, in the first decade of this century. The years Agnone 2007). Using a similar definition, 2001 through 2009 alone have seen an acceler- Amenta et al. (2009) identify 34 major social ation of publications, including 45 articles, 38 movement families by surveying all national in the top four general sociology journals—the and political U.S. SMOs that appeared in American Sociological Review, American Journal of The New York Times in the twentieth century. Sociology, Social Forces,andSocial Problems—and The most covered movements were those of 7inMobilization, the top movement specialty labor, African American civil rights, veterans, journal. This outpouring includes several feminists, nativists, and environmentalists. monographs and edited volumes from presti- A central issue in the literature is whether gious scholarly presses. This review takes stock social movements have had any major political of this research—its questions, conceptual consequences or can be routinely expected to and theoretical developments, and research have them. Unlike mobilizing constituents, strategies—which was last reviewed more than creating collective identities, increasing indi- a decade ago (Giugni 1998). We address social vidual and organizational capacities, or altering movements’ attempts to influence policymak- the career trajectories of movement partici- ing, the main subject of research, but also move- pants, political consequences are external to ment influences on democratic rights, electoral and not under the direct control of SMOs. The processes, legal decisions, political parties, and proximate actors in key political decisions are state bureaucracies. In this review, we focus on political executives, legislators, administrators, the political impact of movements in largely and judges, each subject to myriad influences. democratized polities and especially in the U.S. The disagreement on this basic issue is wide. polity in comparative and historical perspective. Some scholars (Baumgartner & Mahoney We define political social movements as 2005, Piven 2006) hold that social movements actors and organizations seeking to alter power are generally effective and account for most deficits and to effect social transformations important political change. Others (Skocpol through the state by mobilizing regular citizens 2003, Burstein & Sausner 2005, Giugni 2007) for sustained political action (see Tilly 1999, argue that social movements are rarely influen- Amenta et al. 2009). The definition focuses tial and overall not significantly so compared on social movement organizations (SMOs) with other political actors, institutions, and (McCarthy & Zald 1977) or “challengers” by University of California - Irvine on 08/23/12. For personal use only. processes. The extant research—mainly case (Gamson 1990) that can be combined into studies of the largest movements—typically Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2010.36:287-307. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org social movement industries or families. We concludes that these movements are politically include all the political collective action of influential for the specific outcomes analyzed, movements: not only extrainstitutional action but it does not settle the larger questions of such as protest marches and civil disobedience, whether movements are generally effective or but also lobbying, lawsuits, and press confer- how influential they are. ences.1 The definition does not include public Most scholars studying the political in- fluence of movements seek to identify the 1Our definition includes established SMOs and movement actors, such as the National Organization for Women. Our definition excludes politically active interest groups based recreational, and fraternal organizations and actors, such as on business and professional actors, such as the Chamber of the March of Dimes, the American Bowling Congress, and Commerce and American Medical Association, whose con- the Knights of Columbus, as they are not mainly politically stituents are not facing political power deficits and are seen as focused. Nor do we include all international nongovernmen- members of the polity (Tilly 1999) and also excludes service, tal organizations, given their frequent service orientation. 288 Amenta et al. SO36CH14-Amenta ARI 3 June 2010 0:31 conditions under which social movements From there we address the distinctive method- are likely to be influential and see the impact ological issues that arise in attempting to of social movements on states as a recursive appraise theoretical claims about the political process (Soule et al. 1999, Amenta et al. 2002, consequences of movements (Tilly 1999, Earl Meyer 2005, Amenta 2006, Olzak & Soule 2000, Giugni 2004, McVeigh et al. 2006, 2009). The structure and activities of states Tilly & Tarrow 2006). We conclude with influence lines of organization and action suggestions for future thinking and lines of among movements, and social movements empirical inquiry. seek to influence states by mobilizing people, resources, and claims around lines of action. Partly because of its late start, research on the HOW MIGHT MOVEMENTS political consequences of movements began by MATTER IN POLITICS? hypothesizing that political influence would be The question of how movements might matter produced by the movement literature’s three is about the nature of the outcome or depen- main determinants of mobilization: resource dent variable. Scholars of the political impacts mobilization and organizational forms or of movements have moved away from address- “mobilizing structures” (McCarthy & Zald ing whether movements or organizations are 2002, McVeigh et al. 2003, Andrews 2004, successful in gaining new benefits or acceptance King et al. 2005), framing strategies (Cress (Gamson 1990) and have turned to examining & Snow 2000, McCright & Dunlap 2003, the causal influence of movements on political McVeigh et al. 2004, McCammon et al. 2008, outcomes and processes drawn from political McCammon 2009), and political opportunities sociology literature (Andrews 2004, Amenta & and contexts (Giugni 2004, Meyer & Minkoff Caren 2004). The main potential political con- 2004, Soule 2004, Meyer 2005, McVeigh et al. sequences of movements at the structural level 2006). The idea was that the circumstances are the extension of democratic rights and prac- that helped challengers mobilize would also tices and the formation of new political parties. aid them in their bids to effect political change. At a more intermediate level are changes in pol- Recent research has suggested that high mo- icy, which can provide consistent benefits to a bilization is necessary for a movement to gain movement’s constituency as well as enforce col- political influence and that certain mobilizing lective identities and aid challengers in strug- structures and political circumstances boost the gles against targets not mainly state oriented. productivity of movement efforts, but also that Scholars have found it valuable to divide the conditions and activities that spur
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