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Achieving Growth in a Challenging Environment
Achieving growth in a challenging environment ANNUAL REPORT 2016 Profile Established in 1957 as Bahrain’s first locally owned Bank, NBB has grown steadily to become the country’s leading provider of retail and commercial banking services. With a major share of the total domestic commercial banking market and the largest network of 25 branches and 61 ATMs, the Bank plays a key role in the local economy. At the same time, the Bank continues to diversify and develop capabilities to capture business opportunities in the Gulf region and international markets. Our branches in Abu Dhabi and Riyadh lead the way in this initiative. Publicly listed on the Bahrain Bourse, the Bank is owned 44.94% by private and institutional shareholders, mainly Bahrainis, 44.18% by Bahrain Mumtalakat Holding Company, which is 100% owned by the Government of the Kingdom of Bahrain and 10.88% by Social Insurance organisation. Market driven and customer led, the Bank harnesses the latest technology to people skills, enabling its 585 employees to deliver highly professional services for retail and corporate customers. His Royal Highness His Royal Majesty His Royal Highness Prince Khalifa bin Salman King Hamad bin Isa Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa Al Khalifa Al Khalifa Prime Minister King of The Kingdom of Bahrain Crown Prince, Deputy Supreme Commander and First Deputy Prime Minister Contents Financial Summary 04 Board of Directors 08 Board of Directors’ Report 10 Statement of the Chief Executive Officer 12 Corporate Governance 14 Executive Management 24 Review -
India-Bahrain Relations
India-Bahrain Relations India-Bahrain Relations India and Bahrain enjoy excellent bilateral relations characterized by cordial political, economic and cultural contacts. Our bilateral Trade and commercial exchanges go back to about 5,000 years ago tracing their origins to the period of Dilmun Civilization in Bahrain to the era of Indus valley civilization in India. Ancient Bahraini traders are believed to have carried out flourishing trade of Bahraini pearls with Indian spices from India. Presence of around 350,000 Indian nationals who comprise a third of Bahrain's total population of 1.4 million is an important anchor of our bilateral relations with Bahrain. Recent visits to India State visit of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa: At the invitation of the then Hon'ble President of India, Shri Pranab Mukherjee, His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, the King of the Kingdom of Bahrain paid his first state visit to India from 18-20 February, 2014. HM the King was accompanied by a high-level delegation comprising Ministers, senior officials and business leaders. He was accorded a ceremonial welcome in the forecourt of the Rashtrapati Bhavan on 19 February, 2014. Hon'ble President, Shri Pranab Mukherjee hosted an official banquet in honour of HM the King which was preceded by official discussions. The other bilateral engagements included meeting with Hon'ble Vice-President, Shri M. Hamid Ansari and delegation-level bilateral discussions with Hon'ble Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh. HM the King also received Hon'ble External Affairs Minister, Shri Salman Khurshid and the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Smt Sushma Swaraj. -
Sheikh Qassim, the Bahraini Shi'a, and Iran
k o No. 4 • July 2012 o l Between Reform and Revolution: Sheikh Qassim, t the Bahraini Shi’a, and Iran u O By Ali Alfoneh The political stability of the small island state of Bahrain—home to the US Navy’s Fifth Fleet—matters to the n United States. And Sheikh Qassim, who simultaneously leads the Bahraini Shi’a majority’s just struggle for a more r democratic society and acts as an agent of the Islamic Republic of Iran, matters to the future of Bahrain. A survey e of the history of Shi’a activism in Bahrain, including Sheikh Qassim’s political life, shows two tendencies: reform and t revolution. Regardless of Sheikh Qassim’s dual roles and the Shi’a protest movement’s periodic ties to the regime in Tehran, the United States should do its utmost to reconcile the rulers and the ruled in Bahrain by defending the s civil rights of the Bahraini Shi’a. This action would not only conform to the United States’ principle of promoting a democracy and human rights abroad, but also help stabilize Bahrain and the broader Persian Gulf region and under- mine the ability of the regime in Tehran to continue to exploit the sectarian conflict in Bahrain in a way that broadens E its sphere of influence and foments anti-Americanism. e Every Friday, the elderly Ayatollah Isa Ahmad The Sunni ruling elites of Bahrain, however, l Qassim al-Dirazi al-Bahrani, more commonly see Sheikh Qassim not as a reformer but as d known as Sheikh Qassim, climbs the stairs to the a zealous revolutionary serving the Islamic pulpit at the Imam al-Sadiq mosque in Diraz, d Bahrain, to deliver his sermon. -
Suddensuccession
SUDDEN SUCCESSION Examining the Impact of Abrupt Change in the Middle East SIMON HENDERSON KRISTIAN C. ULRICHSEN EDITORS MbZ and the Future Leadership of the United Arab Emirates IN PRACTICE, Sheikh Muhammad bin Zayed al-Nahyan, the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, is already the political leader of the United Arab Emirates, even though the federation’s president, and Abu Dhabi’s leader, is his elder half-brother Sheikh Khalifa. This study examines leadership in the UAE and what might happen if, for whatever reason, Sheikh Muham- mad, widely known as MbZ, does not become either the ruler of Abu Dhabi or president of the UAE. THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY ■ POLICY NOTE 65 ■ JULY 2019 SUDDEN SUCCESSION: UAE RAS AL-KHAIMAH UMM AL-QUWAIN AJMAN SHARJAH DUBAI FUJAIRAH ABU DHABI ©1995 Central Intelligence Agency. Used by permission of the University of Texas Libraries, The University of Texas at Austin. Formation of the UAE moniker that persisted until 1853, when Britain and regional sheikhs signed the Treaty of Maritime Peace The UAE was created in November 1971 as a fed- in Perpetuity and subsequent accords that handed eration of six emirates—Abu Dhabi, Dubai, Sharjah, responsibility for conduct of the region’s foreign rela- Fujairah, Ajman, and Umm al-Quwain. A seventh— tions to Britain. When about a century later, in 1968, Ras al-Khaimah—joined in February 1972 (see table Britain withdrew its presence from areas east of the 1). The UAE’s two founding leaders were Sheikh Suez Canal, it initially proposed a confederation that Zayed bin Sultan al-Nahyan (1918–2004), the ruler would include today’s UAE as well as Qatar and of Abu Dhabi, and Sheikh Rashid bin Saeed al-Mak- Bahrain, but these latter two entities opted for com- toum (1912–90), the ruler of Dubai. -
A Divided Sea: a Study of Bahrain's Identity Conflict and Identity Formation
Master’s Thesis 2018 30 ECTS Department of International Environment And Development Studies Prof. Stig Jarle Hansen A Divided Sea: A Study of Bahrain’s Identity Conflict and Identity Formation Bashar Marhoon International Relations LANDSAM The Department of International Environment and Development Studies, Noragric, is the international gateway for the Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU). Established in 1986, Noragric’s contribution to international development lies in the interface between research, education (Bachelor, Master and PhD programmes) and assignments. The Noragric Master theses are the final theses submitted by students in order to fulfil the requirements under the Master programme “International Environment Studies”, “International Development Studies” and “International Relations”. The findings of this thesis do not necessarily reflect the views of Noragric. Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the author and on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, contact Noragric. © Bashar Marhoon, May 2018 [email protected] Noragric Department of International Environment and Development Studies P.O. Box 5003 N-1432 Ås Norway Tel.: +47 67 23 00 00 Internet: https://www.nmbu.no/fakultet/landsam/institutt/noragric I Declaration I, Bashar Marhoon, declare that this thesis is a result of my research investigations and findings. Sources of information other than my own have been acknowledged and a reference list has been appended. This work has not been previously submitted to any other university for award of any type of academic degree. Signature……………………………………………. Date…………………………………………. II III Acknowledgements This research would not have been possible without the existence of many individuals in my life, some of whom I must briefly thank. -
In Colonial Bahrain: Beyond the Sunni / Shia Divide
THREATS TO BRITISH “PROTECTIONISM” IN COLONIAL BAHRAIN: BEYOND THE SUNNI / SHIA DIVIDE A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Arab Studies By Sarah E. A. Kaiksow, M.St. Washington, D.C. April 24, 2009 I would like to thank Dr. Judith Tucker and Dr. Sara Scalenghe for inspiration and encouragement. ii Copyright 2009 by Sarah E. A. Kaiksow All Rights Reserved iii TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 1 Research Focus 2 Periodization 7 Archives 9 II. Background 12 The al-Khalifa and the British 12 Economy & Society of an island thoroughfare 17 Trade, pearls, date gardens, fish, and fresh water springs 17 Baharna, Huwala, Persians, Najdis, Thattia Bhattias, and Jews 20 III. Threats on the Ground: Saud-Wahabis in the Nineteenth Century 24 Uncertain allies (1830-1831) 24 First interventions (1850-1850) 26 Saud-Wahabis, Persia, and the Ottomans (1860-1862) 29 Distinctive registers 33 A new role for Britain (circa 1920) 34 The case for internal “reform” (1920-1923) 36 The “Najdi” crisis (April, 1923) 44 Debating the threats (May, 1923) 48 Forced succession (May 26, 1923) 50 Pearling industry and reforms (1915-1923) 52 Resistance to colonial reform (June – September, 1923) 55 Dawasir Exodus (October, 1923) 59 Consolidating the state (1926-1930) 61 IV. Persia and State Consolidation in the Twentieth Century 64 V. Conclusion 66 Bibliography 75 iv I. Introduction In the early months of 1923, the Under Secretary -
US Military Policy in the Middle East an Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: an Appraisal
Research Paper Micah Zenko US and Americas Programme | October 2018 US Military Policy in the Middle East An Appraisal US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Domestic Academic and Political Debates 7 3 Enduring and Current Presence 11 4 Security Cooperation: Training, Advice and Weapons Sales 21 5 Military Policy Objectives in the Middle East 27 Conclusion 31 About the Author 33 Acknowledgments 34 1 | Chatham House US Military Policy in the Middle East: An Appraisal Summary • Despite significant financial expenditure and thousands of lives lost, the American military presence in the Middle East retains bipartisan US support and incurs remarkably little oversight or public debate. Key US activities in the region consist of weapons sales to allied governments, military-to-military training programmes, counterterrorism operations and long-term troop deployments. • The US military presence in the Middle East is the culmination of a common bargain with Middle Eastern governments: security cooperation and military assistance in exchange for US access to military bases in the region. As a result, the US has substantial influence in the Middle East and can project military power quickly. However, working with partners whose interests sometimes conflict with one another has occasionally harmed long-term US objectives. • Since 1980, when President Carter remarked that outside intervention in the interests of the US in the Middle East would be ‘repelled by any means necessary’, the US has maintained a permanent and significant military presence in the region. • Two main schools of thought – ‘offshore balancing’ and ‘forward engagement’ – characterize the debate over the US presence in the Middle East. -
1 the Brookings Institution Is There a Widening Sunni-Shia
1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION IS THERE A WIDENING SUNNI-SHIA SCHISM? Washington, D.C. Friday, February 22, 2013 PARTICIPANTS: Welcome and Introduction: DURRIYA BADANI, Deputy Director Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World The Brookings Institution Moderator: SUZANNE MALONEY, Senior Fellow Saban Center for Middle East Policy The Brookings Institution Panelists: BRUCE REIDEL, Senior Fellow Saban Center for Middle East Policy The Brookings Institution GENIEVE ABDO, Fellow Middle East/Southwest Asia Program The Stimson Center * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MS. BADANI: Thank you everyone for joining us today. My name is Durriya Badani. I'm the deputy director for the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World here at the Brookings Institution. It's quite a mouthful as all of you see. I want to thank you for braving the wintry weather and coming in and joining us on a Friday afternoon. For those of you who follow this conflict, many of you know that the tensions between the Sunni and the Shia communities have become escalated recently. While we've been continually aware of this conflict in Saudi Arabia, in Iraq, in Lebanon, in Bahrain, in Syria and in Pakistan, what's been surprising lately has really been the level of violence and the acuteness as it's unfolded recently particularly in Pakistan. It's a subject that hasn't received a great deal of attention here in Washington in part I think because it's very complex in the way that it manifests itself in different countries, the internal dynamics of each of those countries and the interplay as this unfolds across the MENA and even in South Asia. -
The Diplomatic Gazette First Issue February 2017 Monthly Newsletter
The Diplomatic Gazette First Issue February 2017 Monthly Newsletter Turkish President in landmark visit to Bahrain His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa welcomed the President of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan who made a landmark visit to the Kingdom of Bahrain on February 12-13. HM King Hamad and President Erdoğan held rounds of talks and attended the signing of several memoranda of understanding. Editorial Shaikh Khalid bin Ahmed bin Mohammed Al Khalifa Minister of Foreign Affairs All political systems are based on two interlaced countries and enhance its regional and international dimensions: internally, the dimension focuses on the standing through its achievements and commitment political, economic and social objectives and policy; to the principles of peace, development and good externally, the dimension is based on the principles and neighbourliness. objectives that it seeks to maintain and achieve within its This remarkable status that has kept us proud of our foreign relations. heritage, optimistic about our present and encouraged Since its establishment during the rule of late Shaikh about our future could not have been achieved without Ahmed Al Fateh in 1783 and gaining UN membership in the tremendous support and essential directives of His 1971, the Kingdom of Bahrain has followed a dynamic, Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa. His vision is a proactive policy that positively interacted with all continuance of the bold and wise steps taken by his father, diplomatic, regional and international developments and the late Emir Shaikh Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, may God successfully defended the nation’s higher interests and rest his soul in eternal peace, to boost Bahrain’s openness consolidated its achievements. -
Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Contents
Research Paper Jane Kinninmont and Omar Sirri Middle East and North Africa Programme | October 2014 Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Contents Summary 2 Introduction 3 Political Disputes and Failed Dialogues 7 Bahraini Civil Society, Youth and Informal Political Processes 16 The International Context 28 Conclusions 33 About the Authors 36 Acknowledgments 36 1 | Chatham House Bahrain: Civil Society and Political Imagination Summary • Bahrain’s political crisis continues, following the failure of dialogue efforts since 2011. That crisis is not only damaging the country’s economy and social fabric; it is also contributing to a deepening of sectarian tensions and an increased risk of violence. • The failure of the dialogue efforts to date is radicalizing the opposition and weakening the reformist elements within the government. At the same time, tight restrictions on freedom of association, speech and political activity are not silencing the most vocal and radical of the political opposition; rather, they are squeezing out the very moderates with whom the authorities will eventually need to work if they are to reach a sustainable political resolution to the crisis. • Because of the stalemate, many Bahrainis expect the future of their country to be determined by the government’s interactions with larger powers – especially the United States, Iran and Saudi Arabia – adding to the sense of disempowerment among the population. But those countries have many other priorities; and it is unclear whether they have a clear vision for the future of Bahrain. • Despite the stalling of the formal dialogue, Bahrain’s traditionally active civil society could make a valuable contribution to sincere efforts to reach a political resolution – if, that is, it were given the political space to do so. -
U.S. Military Bases and Facilities in the Middle East
U.S. Military Bases and Facilities in the Middle East Fact Sheet - Matthew Wallin i June 2018 BOARD OF DIRECTORS The Honorable Gary Hart, Chairman Emeritus Admiral William Fallon, USN (Ret.) Senator Hart served the State of Colorado in the U.S. Senate Admiral Fallon has led U.S. and Allied forces and played a and was a member of the Committee on Armed Services leadership role in military and diplomatic matters at the highest during his tenure. levels of the U.S. government. Governor Christine Todd Whitman, Chairperson Raj Fernando Christine Todd Whitman is the President of the Whitman Strategy Group, a consulting firm that specializes in energy Raj Fernando is CEO and founder of Chopper Trading, a and environmental issues. technology based trading firm headquartered in Chicago. Nelson W. Cunningham, President of ASP Nelson Cunningham is President of McLarty Associates, the Scott Gilbert international strategic advisory firm headed by former White Scott Gilbert is a Partner of Gilbert LLP and Managing House Chief of Staff and Special Envoy for the Americas Director of Reneo LLC. Thomas F. “Mack” McLarty, III. Brigadier General Stephen A. Cheney, USMC (Ret.) Vice Admiral Lee Gunn, USN (Ret.) Brigadier General Cheney is the Chief Executive Officer of Vice Admiral Gunn is the President of the Institute of Public ASP. Research at the CNA Corporation, a non-profit corporation in Virginia. Norman R. Augustine The Honorable Chuck Hagel Mr. Augustine was Chairman and Principal Officer of the Chuck Hagel served as the 24th U.S. Secretary of Defense and American Red Cross for nine years and Chairman of the served two terms in the United States Senate (1997-2009). -
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Updated February 5, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary An uprising against Bahrain’s Al Khalifa ruling family that began on February 14, 2011, has diminished in intensity, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime has not achieved its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest has compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have claimed responsibility for attacks on security officials. Elections for a legislative body, held most recently during November 24-December 1, 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering to prevent opposition victories, but observers praised the newly elected lower house of the Assembly for naming a woman as its speaker. The Bahrain government’s repression has presented a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain was designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally” in 2002. There are over 7,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain. Bahrain relies on U.S.-made arms, but, because of the government’s use of force against protesters, the Obama Administration held up some new weapons sales to Bahrain and curtailed U.S.