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2020

Between History and Geography

Karen M. Morin Bucknell University, [email protected]

Mike Heffernan Nottingham University, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Morin, Karen M. and Heffernan, Mike, "Between History and Geography" (2020). Faculty Contributions to Books. 213. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/fac_books/213

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Between History and Geography

Michael Heffernan and Karen M. Morin

INTRODUCTION discerned in several countries in this period. This chapter focuses on writers from Europe During the late nineteenth and the early and before United States but similar histories twentieth centuries, attempts were made by could be discussed in other parts of the world academics, scholars and writers of varying (see Chiang 2005; Que 1995 on China; predilections and affiliations to bring together Kinda 1997; Takeuchi 2000 on Japan). approaches and methods from history and While some of the leading advocates of geography to create a hybrid intellectual pro- late nineteenth-century historical geography ject, generally described as ‘historical geog- have been studied in detail, and are amply raphy’, in the belief that this would speak referenced in other chapters in this vol- directly to the cultural and political chal- ume, until very recently there was a curious lenges of the fin-de-siècle world. These unwillingness on the part of modern histori- efforts to ‘bridge the divide’ between the cal geographers to acknowledge this earlier disciplines of time and space did not amount episode as a part of their own intellectual his- to a self-conscious, intellectually coherent tory (see, however, Baker 2003, 1–36; Butlin campaign to recalibrate existing disciplinary 1993, 1–22). The objectives of this chapter formations, not least because the early pro- are to consider examples from this recon- ponents of historical geography held diverse dite early tradition of historical geography opinions and were motivated by different in an international, comparative context, and viewpoints. Notwithstanding these differ- to examine how this perspective survived in ences, however, a broadly similar appeal to some countries more than others. historical geography as a novel way to con- The reasons why modern practition- ceptualise and communicate the interrela- ers of historical geography have been rela- tionships between past and present can be tively silent about this episode can perhaps

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be explained by reference to the subsequent the Franco-Prussian war of 1870, the Ministry politics of disciplinary formation. Although of Public Instruction commissioned a report early proponents of historical geography on the teaching of history and geography habitually used that term to describe their in French primary and secondary schools. writings, only a handful self-identified as The authors were Pierre-Émile Levasseur ‘historical geographers’, or indeed as geogra- (1828–1911), an economist, statistician and phers. Their objectives, methods and styles of geographer at the Collège de France, and writing were, moreover, quite different from Louis-Auguste Himly (1823–1903), an histo- the generation of scholars who established rian-turned-geographer at the Sorbonne and a a recognisably modern version of histori- specialist in historical geography. Their report cal geography after the First World War, and argued that France’s national humiliation in who increasingly called themselves ‘histori- 1870–71, which brought an ignominious end cal geographers’. While the former constitu- to the Napoleonic Second Empire, was due ency were trained in traditional disciplines of in part to the absence of a carefully-formulated the humanities – classics, archaeology and civic educational system in which patriotic history – and had few institutional associa- ideals could be actively promoted. According tions with the inchoate discipline of geogra- to Levasseur and Himly, France needed a new phy, the latter group were either trained as educational programme to rival the system in geographers, or owed their allegiance to this the new German Empire, in which history discipline as teachers in newly-established and geography could be taught together and university departments of geography. to a much higher level (Levasseur and Himly The questions asked by these two genera- 1871; see also Levasseur 1872). tions, and the scales at which their scholar- The generation who created the modern ship operated, were also quite different. The version of historical geography in the dec- early practitioners built on a much older idea ades after the First World War sought to of historical geography, initially articulated distance themselves from the fin-de-siècle in the eighteenth century, as an essentially tradition of historical geography. From their political project, exemplified by the writings post-1918 perspective, these earlier writings of Edward Gibbon on the rise and fall of the belonged to another world and another era – Roman Empire. Like Gibbon, late Victorian to the complacent Victorian and Edwardian and Edwardian historical geographers were age that ended so abruptly in 1914. That ear- concerned with the waxing and waning of lier historical geographies had often peddled states and empires over long periods and increasingly discredited theories of environ- across substantial sections of the globe. In mental determinism and pseudo-scientific these ‘big picture’ narratives of civilisational racialism intensified the separation of the old flux, geography was considered in three from the new, of ‘then’ from ‘now’. Interwar ways – as a significant, sometimes determin- historical geographers, led by Clifford Darby ing explanatory factor, especially when con- in Britain and Carl Sauer in the United sidering the role of the natural environment; States, saw themselves as pioneers of a new as a manifestation of political changes, nota- and quite distinct intellectual project – a geo- bly when considering the shifting boundaries graphical historical and cultural geography, and frontiers of states and empires; and as anchored in the self-consciously modern a body of geographical knowledge directly discipline of geography. Although this pro- implicated in these political processes. ject was itself highly varied, in the minds This fusion of history and geography was of its still youthful proponents it was not given some political support during the clos- to be confused with the tradition of histori- ing decades of the nineteenth century, notably cal historical geography previously cham- in France. In the wake of France’s defeat in pioned by classically-trained historians and

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archaeologists in the closing decades of the explored the legacies of a more recent past nineteenth century. in the landscapes and environments in which The new version of historical geography they lived and worked. established in the 1920s and 1930s was less While understandable in this context, the overtly political and more consistently empir- desire of modern historical geographers to ical. It relied on painstaking research in previ- disown earlier versions of their subject, and ously overlooked archives and extensive field to deny any significant continuity across the investigation. The objective was to reveal the chasm of the First World War, seems more long-term, secular impact of humanity on problematic today given that the approach the natural world, rather than the other way developed by scholars such as Darby and around. This was an historical geography that Sauer no longer enjoys the hegemonic sta- gave priority to the clearing of primordial tus it acquired in the middle decades of the woodlands, the draining of ancient wetlands, twentieth century. As historical geography and the creation of early agricultural systems. has recently reconnected with larger political Its findings were expressed not in the sweep- themes of nationalism and imperialism, and ing, curlicued Edwardian prose of an earlier with the global challenges of environmental generation but in a restrained, modest and and climate change, a reconsideration of how disinterested register. late Victorian and Edwardian versions of his- This change reflected the political cul- torical geography engaged with these same ture of the post-1918 world, after the col- themes, for different reasons and with differ- lapse of European imperial dynasties and ent objectives, seems overdue. This task has at a time when governments were, rhetori- an additional significance given that historical cally at least, seeking to create a ‘land fit for geography has recently re-incorporated the heroes’ (Heffernan and Gruffudd 1988). The history of geography within its remit, recreat- new interwar historical geography was less ing a combination accepted in the earlier tra- concerned with the lofty processes by which dition of historical geography but not by the nations and empires had risen and fallen, and intervening generation for whom the history more interested in down-to-earth economic of geography, insofar as it was considered at and social questions of agricultural produc- all, was deemed an entirely separate project. tion and practices. Out went discussions of In that sense, this chapter can be read as an ancient battlefields, military strategy and the attempt to reconsider the thematic affinities fortunes of the crowned heads of Europe; between the forms of historical geography in came carefully prepared maps showing that developed at the last two fin-de-siècles, the distributions of oxen, ploughed land and in the late Victorian and Edwardian era, and domesticated animals. in the past three decades. The temporal and spatial focus of inquiry also changed. The classical eras of Rome and Greece became less dominant in inter- war historical geography, as did the regional ANCIENTS AND MODERNS focus on the Mediterranean, to be replaced by new geographical inquiries on the medi- Late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century eval and early-modern periods in the regions historical geography focused to a consid­ of northern Europe and North America in erable extent on the geography of the which the research was conducted. Whereas ancient world, especially – though not earlier historical geographers sought to ­exclusively – the classical civilisations of excavate their cultural and political roots in the Mediterranean. This literature, which the ancient landscapes of the sun-drenched includes the hundreds of travel narratives Mediterranean, the post-1918 generation and related commentaries on the Holy Land,

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Chateaubriand’s ‘land weathered by mira- in particular, focused almost exclusively on cles’, has recently been as reconsidered as historical geography, publishing two widely- modern historical geography’s ‘forgotten read texts based on his Oxford lectures on the past’ by William Koelsch (2013; see also geography of ancient Greece and on classical Idinopulos 1998). In an outstanding recent geography, as well as a later work on the his- volume, Koelsch charts the development of tory of geography in the ancient world (Tozer this literary tradition in Britain and the 1873, 1876, 1897; see also della Dora 2008; United States, demonstrating how an interest Koelsch 2010, 127; 2013, 117–37). in the geographies of ancient empires and As Koelsch notes, the establishment of a civilisations was invariably connected to the geography programme at Oxford, directed contemporary cultural, religious and geo­ by Halford Mackinder from 1887, was facili- political concerns of those who wrote these tated not only by the national campaign coor- accounts (Goldhill 2011; Jenkyns 1980). dinated by the Royal Geographical Society Historical geographies of the ancient world (RGS) in London, but also by sympathetic captured the imaginations of a surprising interventions from classicists, theologians number of prominent public figures, includ- and historians elsewhere in the university ing Thomas Jefferson in the United States who had long been attracted by the value and William Gladstone in Britain (Koelsch of teaching the historical geography of the 2013, 75–104, 141–62). In the latter coun- ancient world. These ‘fellow travellers’ try, much of the literature was generated by included John Linton Myres (1869–1954), a group of liberal Anglican scholars, mainly the first Wykeham Professor of Ancient associated with the University of Oxford, History; David G. Hogarth (1862–1927), who were strongly influenced by the ideas of an archaeologist specialising in the Middle Thomas Arnold (1795–1842), the legendary East who later directed the University’s headmaster of Rugby School and Oxford’s Ashmolean Museum; William Mitchell first Regius Professor of History (Koelsch Ramsey (1851–1939), a leading archaeolo- 2013, 164–72; see also Burrow 1981; gist, New Testament scholar and an authority Koditschek 2011). Arnold’s reform-minded on Asia Minor about which he wrote a cel- educational ideas were based on the study ebrated historical geography (Ramsey 1890; of the classics which he believed provided see also Scargill 1976; Stoddart 1986, 127– the essential moral and political foundations 40). Historical geography loomed large in the for modern, liberal and enlightened citizen- new geography curriculum at Oxford, nota- ship. In his inaugural lectures at Oxford in bly in the lectures presented by Mackinder 1841–42, delivered shortly before his death, himself. The historical geography of the Arnold insisted on the need to consider the classical world, represented by the teaching history and geography of the ancient world of G. Beardoe Grundy (1861–1948) and – together. Geography was more than a neutral briefly – the young Arnold Toynbee (1889– backdrop for the grand sweep of history, he 1975), was a significant, though eventually argued, but less than a determining influence tenuous element in this programme (Koelsch (Arnold 1843). 2013, 241–71). The historical geography of the classi- This story was by no means limited to cal world became a common feature in the Oxford. In 1886, Ramsey moved to a chair reformed curricula of leading British schools at the University of Aberdeen, where he and universities by the 1870s, encouraged completed his work on the historical geog- by several Oxford classicists and historians, raphy of Asia Minor. He was later joined at including Arthur Penrhyn Stanley (1815–81), Aberdeen by the Old Testament theologian Arnold’s former pupil and biographer, and George Adam Smith (1856–1942), who was Henry Fanshawe Tozer (1829–1916). Tozer, elected as the university’s vice chancellor in

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1909. Smith was the author of a popular vol- produced by continental European scholars. ume on the Historical Geography of the Holy As much of this work built on the German Land, first published in 1894 and re-issued tradition of biblical exegesis and the closely through 25 editions by the 1930s, as well as related German geographical scholarship of an associated atlas, published in 1915 (Smith Carl Ritter (1779–1859), it is scarcely sur- 1894). The dozens of other atlases of ancient prising that the historical geography of the geography published in this period attest to ancient world remained a prominent research the significance of this topic in late Victorian interest in Wilhelmine Germany. In this and Edwardian schools and universities national context, however, ancient geogra- (e.g., Smith 1872–74; see also Butlin 1988; phies were often subsumed within specifi- Koelsch 2013, 273–312). cally German imperial narratives, including In the United States, something approach- those associated with the (in)famous theory ing a ‘school’ specialising in the geography of Lebensraum, or ‘living space’, formulated of the ancient world emerged at Harvard at the time by the Leipzig geographer and following attempts by classicist Cornelius anthropologist Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904) Conway Felton (1807–62) and historian and later used extensively by the Nazis to Henry Warren Torrey (1814–93) to reform justify their imperial ambitions (Ratzel the university’s curriculum before and after 2018 [1901]; see also Ratzel 1897, 1909; the Civil War (Koelsch 2013, 203–39). Abrahamsson 2013; Smith 1980). Similar forms of historical geography devel- Ratzel’s successor at the University oped in other American universities in later of Leipzig, Joseph Partsch (1851–1925), decades, including Berkeley, Chicago, Clark, devoted much of his career to the ancient Cornell, and Johns Hopkins, promoted by geographies of Greece (Neumann and Partsch influential figures in the emerging discipline 1885; Partsch 1891), but the clearest German of geography such as Ellen Churchill Semple manifestation of the fusion between ancient (1863–1932), to whom we shall return, and geographies and imperial ambition were by sympathetic university leaders such as the writings of Ferdinand von Richthofen Wallace W. Atwood (1872–1949) and Daniel (1833–1905), briefly Ratzel’s colleague at Coit Gilman (1831–1908) (Koelsch 2013, Leipzig. At the University of Berlin, where 313–45; Semple 1931; see also Heyman Richthofen became professor of geography 2001). in 1886, a previously overlooked ‘school’ The imperial implications of late nine- of historical geography developed, based teenth-century British and American writ- on his interests. Richthofen’s most famous ings on ancient geographies conformed to work was a five-volume account of his trav- the standard ‘Orientalist’ template famously els in China, the first volume of which fea- discussed by Edward Said (1978). The lands tured a map on which he coined the phrase in which the classical civilisations of Rome, ‘Seidenstraße’, or Silk Road (Richthofen Greece and Egypt had once flourished had 1877–1912; see also Richthofen 1877; degenerated in the intervening centuries, it Zimmerer 2016). This richly evocative term was consistently argued, and now required has acquired multiple layers of meaning the civilising, stabilising and modernising over the decades, and has paradoxically been presence of a benign, enlightened Europe to reappropriated in recent years by the current re-create these inspirational geographies, on regime in China, but it was originally formu- paper in learned treatises and ultimately in lated by von Richtoften to highlight how the reality. This theme of ‘past glory and present near-mythical global trading routes across decay’, inspired by both religious and secular central Asia that had once linked the ancient political concerns, was equally evident in the civilisations of China and the Mediterranean historical geographies of the ancient world might once again become an economic and

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geopolitical reality, with the impulse and by Fritz Pichler (1834–1911) on Austria dynamism emerging from the developed under the Roman Empire (1902–04); Gustav west rather than the impoverished east, facili- Hölscher (1877–1955) on Persian and tated by new, continental rail and road con- Hellenistic Palestine (1903); Fritz Geyer nections (Chin 2013; Danielsson 2009; Wu (1879–1938) on the Greek island of Euboea 2014, 2015). The impact of von Richthofen’s (1903); Alfred Klotz (1874–1956) on Pliny Asian dreaming on the geopolitical theories (1906); Hans Philipp (1884–1968) on the his- subsequently elaborated by Mackinder in his torical geographies of the Isidore of Seville’s famous 1904 lecture to the RGS on the ‘geo- Etymologiae (1912–13); and a fascinating graphical pivot of history’ is striking, and fol- study by the Jewish linguist Sigmund Feist lowed Mackinder’s previous borrowing from (1865–1943) on the geography of Indo- his German counterpart for an earlier RGS European languages (1910). The series also lecture, delivered shortly before he accepted included a 1910 volume by Albert Herrmann the Oxford readership, on the ‘scope and (1886–1945), to whom we shall return, on the methods of geography’, a prospectus that ancient Silk Roads between China and Syria, drew extensively on the inaugural lecture von the first publication to use the phrase ‘Silk Richtoften delivered at Leipzig three years Road’ in the title (Herrmann 1910a; see also before he moved to Berlin (Mackinder 1887, Herrmann 1910b). Sieglin’s own contribution 1904, 1919; and Richthofen 1883). never materialised, and his reputation – such Similar geopolitical research on the his- as it was – rested on his successful atlas of torical geography of the ancient world was the ancient world, though he also wrote a continued by von Richthofen’s students bizarre treatise in 1905 on the incidence of and colleagues in Berlin, notably Wilhelm blond hair in the ancient world. This failed to Sieglin (1855–1935), previously librarian find a publisher at the time but was eventu- at the University of Leipzig, where he was ally printed in 1935 by a pro-Nazi publisher greatly influenced by Ratzel. Shortly after specialising in anti-Semitic and racialist lit- Sieglin was appointed by von Richthofen erature about Aryanism (Sieglin 1893, 1935; to a chair in historical geography at Berlin see Chapoutot 2016, 410). As this implies, in 1899, he established a series of research the seeds were already being sown in early monographs on the historical geography of twentieth-century German historical geogra- the classical world, Quellen und Forschungen phy for a much darker story to which we will zur alten Geschichte und Geographie soon return. (Sources and Research on Ancient History The equivalent tradition in France can be and Geography). These monographs, pub- traced in the writings of Ernest Desjardins lished in Berlin and Leipzig from 1901 to (1823–86) and Auguste Longnon (1844– 1918, eventually extended to 28 volumes, the 1911). Desjardins, whose expertise in the work of an eclectic group of historians, clas- ancient world was established during sev- sicists and theologians. The series included eral excavations around the Mediterranean, several volumes by the historian Detlef was appointed professor of epigraphy at the Detlefsen (1833–1911) on Pliny the Elder’s Collège de France in 1886. Among his pro- Naturalis Historia (1901, 1904, 1906, 1908 lific writings was an atlas of ancient Italy, a and 1909), the idea of the north in German geography of Roman Gaul revealed by the mythology (1904), and the Agrippa Map of Tabula Peutingeriana, the thirteenth-century the Roman Empire (1906); nine volumes by copy of a Roman itinerarium map of the the Dresden historian and librarian Ludwig empire, and a four-volume historical and Schmidt (1862–1944) on the migrations of administrative geography of Roman Gaul Germanic tribes during the Völkerwanderung (Desjardins 1852, 1870, 1876–93). The final, (1904–18); and single-volume contributions posthumous volume of Desjardins’ work on

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Roman Gaul was edited and co-authored by framework for classically trained scholars to Longnon, at the time employed as deputy to explore the dilemmas and challenges of the the national archivist Alfred Maury (1817– era in which they lived, other authors turned 92), a remarkable polymath whose writings to the historical geographies of a more recent ranged from a theory of dreams that antici- past to develop their equally impassioned pated Freud to histories of medieval astrol- criticisms of the present, often using similar ogy, magic, myths, legends and fairy stories, methods of inquiry and techniques of exposi- and who combined his role as keeper of the tion. The most opinionated and influential of country’s archives with professorial respon- this latter group was probably Edward sibilities at the Collège de France. During Augustus Freeman (1823–92), a Liberal poli- Longnon’s time as Maury’s assistant, he dis- tician and Regius Professor of Modern covered, and later edited, the papers of the History at Oxford from 1884, whose prolific fifteenth-century poet François Villon, and writings have recently been reconsidered published important volumes on the geogra- (Bremner and Conlin 2015; Randall 2020). phy of sixth-century Frankish Gaul, a work Freeman – best known for his six-volume that was awarded the 1878 Prix Gobert of the magnum opus on The History of the Norman Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, Conquest of England (1867–79) – was an and a pioneering historical atlas of France important public intellectual of the Victorian from the Roman era to the late nineteenth cen- age, and he exerted a substantial influence on tury (Longnon 1878, 1885–89). Maury died the Arnoldian tradition of liberal Anglicanism while Longon was working on Desjardin’s that informed many of the British authors final volume, and his faithful assistant was who wrote historical geographies of the promptly appointed to succeed him as profes- ancient world (Jones 2015; Koelsch 2013, sor at the Collège de France. On his election, 172–82). Longnon decided to change the designation An energetic traveller, despite his debil- of the chair to historical geography, though itating gout, Freeman saw history and his intellectual debt to his predecessor is geography as mutually sustaining and inex- revealed by his careful editing of Maury’s tricably interwoven projects. In an essay on posthumous Croyances et légendes du Moyen ‘Geography and Travel’, part of a longer Âge, published in 1896 (Darby 2002, 101– commentary on historical methodology, he 10). The influence of Desjardins, Longnon argued that ‘Geography, in one of its aspects, and indeed Maury can be traced in the pages is simply a branch of history; in the other it of the Bulletin de Géographie Historique et is a precious help to history. In one aspect, Descriptive, published from 1887 to 1913 it is a form of knowledge which may be by the Comité des Travaux Historiques et mastered in the study of books and maps; in Scientifiques, one of several scholarly com- the other, it is a matter of travel, a matter of mittees created by the French Ministry of seeing things with our own eyes’ (Freeman Education. This journal was almost entirely 1886, 296–327, 296; see also Aird 2015; devoted to ancient geographies, borders and Paul 2015a). Freeman repeatedly returned fortifications, and toponymy, with particular to this relationship in his other writings on reference to Roman Gaul. architectural history, on what he saw as the ‘dark abyss’ of imperial federation, and on British national unity, a theme he discussed in a notable contribution to a collection of NATIONS AND EMPIRES essays on Britannic Confederation, edited by the cartographer and later secretary of While the historical geography of the ancient the Royal Scottish Geographical Society, world provided a convenient conceptual Arthur Silva White (Freeman 1863, 1883,

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1886, 1892, 45; see also Bremner and Saracens, Bulgarians, Magyars, Ottomans Conlin 2011). and other non-European peoples, a classifi- In 1881, the year when Freeman coined his cation that revealed his wider concerns about most famous adage that ‘history is past poli- the likelihood of a future civilisational clash tics, and politics is present history’, he pub- between Christian Europe and the Islamic lished a two-volume study on The Historical world, and his anxieties about the fate of the Geography of Europe, the second volume English ‘race’, not least in the United States, of which was an atlas of 65 fold-out maps a nation he famously described as ‘England prepared by Edward Weller, a well-known with a difference’ (Freeman 1883, 10; see London cartographer (Freeman 1881; see also Conlin 2015; Morrisroe 2011; Randall also Hesketh 2014; Paul 2015b). Freeman’s 2020). objective was ‘to trace out the extent of ter- While Freeman’s historical geography of ritory which the different states and nations Europe was reaching an increasingly global of Europe and the neighbouring lands have English readership, continental Europeans held at different times in the world’s history’ were preparing their own distinctive accounts. and, in so doing, reveal ‘geography as influ- The aforementioned Sorbonne historical enced by history’ and ‘history as influenced geographer Louis-Auguste Himly wrote a by geography’ (Freeman 1881, 1, 11). As this fascinating but now almost entirely forgotten implies, Freeman saw historical geography as two-volume study on the territorial formation an essentially political discipline, primarily of central European states, a pioneering work concerned with changing political divisions. of political-historical geography (Himly Following opening chapters on Greece and 1894). By the close of the nineteenth century, the Greek colonies, and on the rise, ‘dismem- the new generation of professional univer- berment’ and ‘final division’ of the Roman sity geographers also began to prepare their Empire, Freeman outlined the emergence of own historical geographies of Europe, some the European state system, the ‘ecclesiasti- of which challenged Freeman’s approach. cal geography’ of western Europe, and then The previously mentioned German geogra- reviewed the changing spatial configuration pher Joseph Partsch was commissioned by of different countries and regions – German Mackinder to prepare a volume on Central central Europe, eastern Europe, the Baltic Europe for a new book series for the London Lands, France, and Spain. Britain and its publisher William Heinemann on ‘The colonies were considered in the final chapter Regions of the World’, in which Mackinder (Freeman 1881, 563–88). included his own volume on Britain’s sea Racial theories occasionally surfaced in power and a treatise by D. G. Hogarth on the previously discussed historical geog- the Middle East (Mackinder 1902; Hogarth raphies of the ancient world but were front 1902; Partsch 1903). Partsch’s substantial and centre of Freeman’s historical geogra- German manuscript, completed in 1899, phy of Europe (Bell 2015; Koditschek 2015; was translated and abridged by Clementine Morrisroe 2013; Parker 1981). In his intro- Black, a feminist trade unionist and close ductory chapter, alongside discussions on friend of Karl Marx’s daughter Eleanor, the ‘geographical aspect of Europe’ and the and further ‘curtailed’ by E. A. Reeves, the ‘effects of geography on history’, Freeman RGS’s eccentric map curator (Partsch 1903). included an assertive discussion of the ‘geo- The original German version was pub- graphical distribution of races’ (Freeman lished in 1904, and the English text repeat- 1881, 12–17). Europe was ‘an Aryan con- edly re-issued in Britain and United States, tinent’, he insisted, albeit with ‘non-Aryan prompted by debates about its final chapter remnants and later settlements’, and what he on ‘The Geographical Conditions of National was no doubt pleased to call ‘intrusions’ by Defense’, which considered the military and

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geopolitical threats posed by Russia (Partsch on the historical geography of the British 1904). Konrad Kretschmer (1864–1945), Empire, a work that drew inspiration in equal another von Richthofen student, taught his- measure from Freeman and the Cambridge torical geography at the University of Berlin historian J. R. Seeley, whose hugely suc- and at the Prussian Military Academy before, cessful The Expansion of England (1883), during and after the First World War and pro- described by journalist and Liberal politician duced an alternative reading of the historical G. P. Gooch as the ‘bible of British imperi- geography of Central Europe, noteworthy alists’, considered Englishness as a national for its cross-sectional approach, later cham- sensibility shaped by the experiences of pioned by Darby, in which separate chapters empire (George 1904; Gooch 1913, 12; were provided on the region’s cultural and and, especially, Butlin 1995, 2009). In an political geographies in specific years from era when several British politicians, led by 1000 to 1770 (Kretschmer 1904, 1912). Joseph Chamberlain, were challenging the Debates about the relationship between idea of free trade and calling for an alterna- history and geography continued into the tive policy of imperial preference that would early years of the twentieth century. James make the British empire into a functioning Bryce (1838–1922), a Liberal politician economic system, George’s historical geog- and later British Ambassador to the United raphy was an attempt to ‘naturalise’ the red States, was probably expressing a common- bits on the map; to convert what Ronald place in 1902 when he described geogra- Robinson and Jack Gallagher once called a phy as ‘the key to history’ (Bryce 1902, 54; ‘gaudy’ empire, ‘spatch-cocked’ together see also Baker 2003, 16). The relationship across Africa and Asia in scarcely more than was also explored in book-length detail by a century, into a permanent feature of the H. B. George (1838–1910), a lawyer, military global order (Robinson and Gallagher 1962, historian and Alpinist. For George: 639). In this task, George was joined by C. P. Lucas, general editor of a series of History is not intelligible without geography. This is repeatedly revised volumes, published obviously true in the sense that the reader of his- from 1887 to 1925, under the initial title A tory must learn where are the frontiers of states, Historical Geography of the British Colonies where wars are fought, whither colonies were dispatched. It is equally, if less obviously, true that (Butlin 1995; see also Bell 2007, 2016). geographical facts largely influence the course of Debates about the role of history and history. Even the constitutional and social develop- geography in the rise and fall of nations and ments within a settled nation are scarcely inde- empires had particular resonance for late pendent of them, since the geographical position nineteenth-century American intellectuals affects the nature and extent of geographical intercourse with other nations, and therefore of who viewed their country as both a nation- the influence exerted by foreign ideas. All external state and a continental empire (Morin 2011). relations, hostile and peaceful, are based largely Historical geography gradually emerged as on geography, while industrial progress depends a distinctive mode of inquiry in the United primarily, though not exclusively, on matters States in this period, shaped by its distinc- described in every geography textbook – the natu- ral products of a country, and the facilities which tive national and imperial impulses. The its structure affords for trade, both domestic and term was deployed by politicians, academ- foreign. (George 1901, 1) ics, school educators, journalists and busi- ness entrepreneurs to justify the ‘manifest Whereas Freeman believed the relationship destiny’ of American national and even- between history and geography was best tually global expansion and ambition. explored on the ‘old continent’ of Europe, The belief that the westward expansion of George sought to examine these interac- European settlement on the American conti- tions in the imperial arena in a 1904 volume nent was in accordance with divine will had

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been a pervasive rhetorical idea from the Turner’s frontier thesis provided the intel- earliest Puritan colonists. This idea gained lectual basis for an institutional-discipli- momentum throughout the nineteenth cen- nary order that would eventually become tury and was eventually crystallised in the the American version of historical-cultural writings of the historian Frederick Jackson geography. The process was overseen and Turner (1861–1932), most famously in his encouraged by the American Geographical essay on ‘The Significance of the Frontier Society (AGS), established in 1851 in New in American History’, first presented at a York, and an organisation that had close ties, special meeting of the American Historical and an overlapping membership, with both Association at the 1893 World’s Columbian the American Historical Association and the Exposition in Chicago and at various ven- New York Historical Society (Koelsch 2014). ues thereafter, including the American Turner’s views also shaped the version of Geographical Society (Turner 1893). Turner academic geography advocated in American argued that history and geography had universities by the discipline’s leading rep- together created and solidified the idea of resentatives, including the previously men- America as a nation and an empire, forged tioned Ellen Churchill Semple, who sought by a westward moving continental fron- to develop a historically-informed geography tier of European settlement that shaped the that could do more than merely describe the American character and drove its ‘excep- earth’s surface. For Semple, geography’s tional’ history. In Turner’s view: ‘The whole explanatory potential could only be realised history of what it means to be an American through the deployment of a coherent theory can be explained by free land, its continu- described by its opponents rather than its ous recession, and advancement of settle- advocates as ‘environmental determinism’, ment westward’ (Turner 1893, 201). In a which she learned from Ratzel, with whom continental frontier zone of ‘free land’, she studied in Germany. In her widely-read settler communities existed in permanent 1911 volume on Influences of Geographic and close interaction with nature, the wil- Environment on the Basis of Ratzel’s System derness engendering a process of ‘peren- of Anthropo-Geography, Semple argued that nial rebirth’ that had created a composite differences in human activity across space national identity. The frontier had created a were determined not by economic, social or Euro-American character founded on demo- political conditions but by the physical envi- cratic values of equality, independence, rug- ronment of the earth’s surface (Semple 1911; ged individualism and inventiveness. In this also Keighren 2011). mythical imaginary, the colonist could envi- The writings of Turner and Semple, and of sion himself as a subject whose responsibil- their many disciples, were central to American ity was to bring these values to fruition on university and school education and to wider the continent and beyond. This was particu- geopolitical, military and commercial debates larly noteworthy because, as Turner warned, about American expansion beyond the North the continental frontier was ‘closed’ by American continent. The conviction that 1893, according to an official statement in American commercial expansion around the the preceding US census, and the contin- world could be incorporated within the same ued development of the American character, frontier mythology became firmly entrenched and of American democracy itself, therefore in the opening years of the twentieth century, required more distant and ever-expanding accepted by academics and within popular frontiers. Turner’s work influenced a whole culture. The activities of the AGS and other generation of geographers to reflect on their late nineteenth-century American scholarly continent’s ‘settlement history’, and histori- and charitable foundations, including the ans to consider its ‘settlement geography’. National Geographic Society, established in

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1888, were important in this regard as both GERMAN AFTERLIFE organisations were closely associated with American expansionism into the Caribbean As the preceding discussion implies, the and Pacific (Rothenberg 2007). The projects, emergence of the so-called ‘new’ geography expeditions and events encouraged by the in European and American universities ini- AGS in this period invariably reflected its tially sustained these early forms of historical original maxim: ‘Geographical Exploration geography. Although historical geography is Commercial Progress’. As Richard was associated for the most part with history Slotkin (1992) argues, a racialist version of and other humanities disciplines, Freeman America’s historical geography that accorded and other leading proponents of this approach superiority to the Anglo-Saxon race, a view- were often accorded the status of ‘honorary’ point articulated most forcefully in Theodore geographers by representatives of leading Roosevelt’s The Winning of the West (1889), geographical societies (Markham 1892). But dominated popular culture and government as the discipline of geography developed a policy-making in this period, and directly more self-confident position in schools and influenced America’s expansionist policies universities, criticisms of the pre-existing with respect to Native and Hispanic America, form of historical geography began to the Philippines, Panama and Cuba. As Neil emerge. In Britain, the charge was led by Smith argues in his extraordinary biography Mackinder. In his 1904 lecture to the RGS on of Isaiah Bowman (1878–1950), the AGS’s the ‘geographical pivot of history’, Mackinder first full-time director and later an influential drew implicitly on the argument that nations foreign policy expert, the expansion of the are civic rather than racial or biological cat- United States beyond its borders before and egories, an idea famously articulated by the after the First World War was achieved not French philosopher Ernest Renan in 1882, to by military occupation or colonial adminis- criticise Freeman’s Eurocentrism and racial tration but by establishing trading networks, preoccupations: corporate markets and financial investments around the globe, leaving the surprisingly The late Prof. Freeman held that the only history slender resources of the US government to which counts is that of the Mediterranean and focus on maintaining the legal conditions European races. In a sense, of course, this is true, that enabled these markets and investments for it is among these races that have originated the ideas which have rendered the inheritors of Greece to bear fruit (Smith 2003). This involved and Rome dominant throughout the world. In the public mobilisation of a more abstract another and very important sense, however, such American historical geography pitched a limitation has a cramping effect upon thought. beyond the nation’s territory, a ‘global power The ideas which go to form a nation, as opposed beyond geography’. According to Smith, this to a mere crowd of human animals, have usually been accepted under the pressure of common required a ‘depoliticization of history’ that tribulations, and under a common necessity of allowed – and perhaps required – Americans resistance to external force. … What I may describe to define themselves as anti-imperialist as the literary conception of history, by concentrat- while profiting from markets created by ing attention upon ideas and upon the civilization that very economic and geopolitical system. which is their outcome, is apt to lose sight of the more elemental movements whose pressure is For Smith, this represented a ‘breach in the commonly the exciting cause of the efforts in connection between history and geography’ which great ideas are nourished. (Mackinder 1904, so that economic growth and development, 422–3; see also Renan 1996 [1882]) real historical outcomes, were no longer tied to territorial expansion but rather to a new, In contrast to Freeman’s view of historical twentieth-century ‘relational’ geography (see geography as a way of conceptualising grand also Schulten 2001). civilisational narratives, Mackinder (1919)

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proposed a more down-to-earth, practical sci- While most Vidalians, including their epony- ence, concerned with what he later called the mous leader, acknowledged the geopolitical geographical ‘reality’ of locations, resources, implications of their regional inquiries, not lands and livelihoods rather than abstract cul- least for disputed regions such as Alsace– tural or political ‘ideals’. Whereas Freeman’s Lorraine, they presented their investigations historical geography presented geography of human–environmental interactions in a as the subservient partner in the relation- disinterested, scholarly register in keeping ship, forever press-ganged into the service with the subtle, civic patriotism advocated of history, Mackinder insisted that the two by Renan, and in contrast to the overarch- subjects could only work together, to their ing, ‘top-down’ political and administra- mutual benefit, as separate and independ- tive historical geographies championed in ent disciplines. He rehearsed this argument France by Longnon, Desjardins and Himly, the following year in a letter to the Times, and in Britain by Freeman and his fellow prompted by concerns about the teaching of historians (Heffernan 2001). This was a com- history and geography in military academies. pelling argument, subsequently absorbed The two disciplines were ‘sisters’ rather than by like-minded French historians, such as ‘Siamese twins’, insisted Mackinder, and Marc Bloch (1886–1944) and Lucien Febvre needed to retain independent existence in (1878–1956), who established the so-called order to be of use to each other.1 Annales school of history at the University of A similar argument emerged in France, Strasbourg after the First World War, based in where the discipline of geography was part on methods and techniques pioneered by largely reconfigured in the image of its lead- the Vidalians (Baker 1984; Friedman 1996). ing representative, Paul Vidal de la Blache As noted in the introduction, the establish- (1845–1918), and his many students and col- ment of separate geography programmes in laborators (Sanguin 1993). The Vidalians, as leading universities across the world before this group increasingly called themselves, and after the First World War spelled the end promoted a scholarly, historically-based for this earlier tradition of historical geogra- regional geography, often involving archi- phy. After 1918, historians and geographers val research. Although focused initially on both re-orientated their interests away from France, the Vidalian regional approach was the themes and agendas promoted prior to the later deployed by interwar French geogra- First World War. The new form of historical phers across much of Europe, the French geography that emerged in the interwar years overseas empire, and the wider world. The was now rooted in geography rather than Vidalians focused on complex, non-deter- history, and influenced by both field- and minist material interactions between human archive-based inquiry. Although there were societies and the natural environment consid- attempts to revive a more overtly political ered over a long historical period. From their form of historical geography in France dur- perspective, a separately constituted histori- ing the 1930s, building on the earlier tradi- cal geography, still dominated by historians, tion, these came to nought (Butlin 1990). classicists or archaeologists, was a pointless With historical geography now firmly associ- and ultimately self-defeating project, liable ated with the discipline of geography, inter- to undermine the growing status of human national conversations between historians geography as a respected, independent and and historical geographers intensified, just historically-informed social science (Claval as Mackinder had hoped, under the auspices 1984; Pitte 1995). If human geography as a of the International Geographical Union whole was inherently historical, why persist (IGU), established in Brussels in 1922, with a specialised sub-discipline of history and at the First International Congress of to promote an out-dated version of that idea? Historical Geography organised in the same

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city in August 1930 by the medievalist Henri the often idiosyncratic cultural agendas of the Pirenne (1862–1935), an internationally- Nazi regime. It is important to consider the minded Belgian historian whose approach survival of these earlier German traditions of had strong affinities with the Annales school historical geography into the Nazi period in (Robic, Briend and Rössler 1996; Warland order to balance the otherwise skewed recent and Middell 2012). literature in English on German geography The earlier tradition of historical geography in this period. Most of this important work lingered in some countries, however, espe- has focused on various forms of ‘applied’ cially Germany. Although the IGU sought to geography, associated with the modernist revive international collaboration through the strand in Nazi ideology, and characterised by 1920s, its room for manoeuvre was limited by formal spatial models of settlement patterns, the draconian and self-defeating rules of the urban hierarchies and economic interactions, International Research Council (IRC), estab- often expressed in mathematical and statisti- lished in 1919 under the terms of the Treaty cal terms. Central Place Theory, devised by of Versailles, which banned scientists from Walter Christaller (1893–1969), is the per- Germany and allied countries from interna- fect exemplification of the interwar German tional conferences. Such was the bitterness geographical writing most widely studied in generated by the IRC policy among German recent years (see, as early and recent exam- geographers, who understandably viewed ples from this large literature, Rössler 1989; themselves as the modern custodians of a Barnes 2012). But in tracing the darker roots science created by Humboldt and Ritter, that of late twentieth-century quantitative and even after the IRC restriction was removed in mathematical geography back to Nazi offi- the mid-1920s, following near universal con- cials and research agencies, some of this demnation, German geographers boycotted invaluable recent research has overlooked IGU conferences well into the 1930s, by the different but no less significant history of which time German delegates to international German historical geography in this period, academic conferences were carefully vetted and therefore overlooked the degree to which by the Nazi authorities to ensure their com- German geography also reflected the anti- patibility with the new regime (Fox 2016). modern, völkisch strand of Nazi ideology (on Although leading German geographers such this duality, see Herf 1984). as Alfred Hettner (1859–1941), doyen of the The ‘mobilisation’ of German histori- Heidelberg school of geography, continued cal geography took several forms, the most to influence philosophical debates about the obvious of which has been charted in ency- nature of geography and its relation to other clopedic detail by Michael Fahlbusch in his disciplines through the interwar years, the monumental study of the Volksdeutschen dynamism that had previously characterised Forschungsgemeinschaften (VFG), the six German geography was undoubtedly dimin- regional research associations established in ished (Entrikin and Brunn 1989; Harvey and German universities, some long pre-dating Wardenga 2006). the Nazis, to generate historical and geo- In these unusual circumstances, overtly graphical evidence, often expressed in maps political forms of historical geography bear- of language use, place names, settlement ing the obvious imprint of late nineteenth- patterns, field systems, folk customs and century racial and spatial theories were architectural styles, initially to challenge the practised and promoted in Weimar and Nazi diminished borders of Germany, and later to Germany, initially to expose the perceived justify German territorial expansion to the east injustices of the territorial changes imposed (Ostforschung) and the west (Westforschung) by the Allied powers at the Paris Peace (Fahlbusch 1999; see also Burleigh 1988; Conferences, and subsequently in response to Fahlbusch, Haar and Pinwinkle 2017).

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Around 1000 academics, including dozens routes in terms that reflected growing official of historical geographers, contributed to the interest in Aryan myths and ancient occult five VFGs concerned with North-Eastern practices (Goodrick-Clark 1985; Kurlander Europe, Eastern Europe, South-Eastern 2017). In addition to relatively conventional Europe, Central Europe, Western Europe, work on an important atlas of China, pub- and the sixth that focused on countries out- lished in 1935, and with Sven Hedin, the side Europe where Germans had settled in pro-Nazi Swedish explorer of central Asia, large numbers. One of these associations, for whom he prepared historical maps pur- the Südostdeutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft porting to demonstrate interactions of west- (South East German Research Association) ern and Chinese geographical knowledge, in Vienna, directed by the pro-Nazi medieval- Herrmann became increasingly preoccupied ist Otto Brunner (1898–1982), has recently with establishing the location of fabled lost been studied by Petra Svatek (Svatek 2010, cities around the shores of the Mediterranean, 2018a, 2018b). This association sponsored including Tartessos and Atlantis (Herrmann an impressive volume of research by his- 1913, 1914, 1919–20, 1922a, 1922b, 1931, torical geographers, including the works of 1934, 1935a, 1935b, 1936; see also Heffernan Hugo Hassinger (1877–1952) and Wilfried and Delano-Smith 2014). Based on his own Krallert (1912–60) on ethnographic maps excavations and those of Paul Borchardt that sought to justify the resettlement of (1886–1953), a Jewish student of the noto- Slavic populations and the eastern expan- riously anti-Semitic geographer Siegfried sion of German territory (Fahlbusch 2008; Passarge, Herrmann was convinced that Haar and Fahlbusch 2005; see also Hassinger Atlantis was awaiting discovery in saline 1931; Kötzschke 1936).2 depressions on the border of Algeria and Beyond these formal organisations, Tunisia (Heffernan 1990; see also Michel German historical geographers pursued a 2018; Passarge 1929). In his fevered imagi- range of personal research projects designed nation, Atlantis and other lost cities were to appeal to the political authorities, moti- creations of an Aryan race that had colonised vated sometimes by ideological conviction, important locations around the Mediterranean sometimes by personal ambition to secure from their Nordic heartlands in the north and funds from potentially generous official east, and spawned the ancient civilisations patrons. Franz Petri (1903–93), from the on which European culture was constructed University of Cologne, drew on a long-estab- (Herrmann 1939; see also Edelstein 2006). lished tradition of German scholarship on the As Herrmann knew well, outlandish Aryan cultural landscape, mixing archaeological, theories were enthusiastically received by historical and geographical investigations of senior Nazis, especially Heinrich Himmler, field systems, place names, burial sites and whose SS Ahnenerbe research unit was esta- even skeletal remains, to justify the claim bished in 1935 to investigate the prehistoric that large segments of northern and eastern racial origins of the German people (Hale France and the Netherlands were essentially 2003; Kater 1974; Pringle 2006). Herrmann German (Derks 2005; Ditt 2001). shamelessly promoted his Atlantis theories Some German historical geographers in the pages of the Nazi party newspaper, enthusiastically embraced highly uncon- Völkischer Beobachter, edited by the sinis- ventional research in the hope of currying ter champion of other Aryan myths, Alfred favour with the Nazi regime. The previously Rosenberg. According to the French historian mentioned Albert Herrmann, who succeeded Pierre Vidal-Naquet, an expert on the Atlantis to Sieglin’s chair in historical geography at mythology, Herrmann ‘became more or less Berlin in 1923, was an enthusiastic Nazi and the “Führer” of the Nazi press’ (Vidal-Naquet continued his prewar work on ancient trading 2007, 121).

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In 1938, Herrmann established a new CONCLUSION series of research monographs on the history of geography and Völkerkunde, expensively This chapter has outlined a largely forgotten, produced by a leading Leipzig publisher, and perhaps deliberately overlooked episode to continue the work initiated by his pre- in the history of historical geography. The decessor Sieglin. The series was overseen objective is not to reassert the value of these by an editorial board that included Hedin earlier forms of inquiry for historical geogra- and a roll-call of senior historians, geogra- phy in the present, or to rescue this early and phers and anthropologists, several of whom admittedly diverse generation from the con- were enthusiastic Nazis and/or racial theo- descension of posterity. Rather, we have rists. The list included Eugen Fischer, the sought to demonstrate how the diversity and director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute dynamism of historical geography in the pre- of Anthropology, Human Heredity and sent has emerged from an equally complex, Eugenics in Berlin and a key influence on the and sometimes troubling, past. In making 1935 Nuremberg race laws; Hans Günther, this modest claim, we also acknowledge that author of Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes the practice of historical geography, wher- (1922), one of Hitler’s favourite books ever it has been conducted, has involved acts that was translated as The Racial Elements of manipulation, silencing and even efface- of European History (1927); and Walter ment – whether of aspects from its own intel- Krickeberg, director of the Berlin Museum lectual history or from the landscapes, of Ethnology. Geographers involved environments and societies that historical included Eugen Oberhummer (1859–1944), geographers have described and analysed. As a leading Austrian historical geographer the current generation of historical geogra- who edited the 1923 edition of Ratzel’s phers seeks to internationalise and diversify Politische Geographie to strengthen the the reach and range of their interests, meth- geopolitical implications of the discussion ods and practices, and to counter the still of Lebensraum; Walter Behrmann (1882– prevalent masculinist, patriarchal and exclu- 1955), a well-known cartographer; and sionary assumptions that shape so much Heinrich Schmitthenner (1887–1957), the geographical inquiry, it is all the more impor- editor of Geographische Zeitschrift (Dietzel, tant to acknowledge the richness, complexity Schmieder, and Schmitthenner 1941–43; and occasional ironies of historical geogra- see also Bertele and Wacker 2004; Brendel phy’s intellectual history. 2108; Rogge 2014; Ryback 2008, 110; We are acutely aware that the characters Sandner 1983).3 Herrmann wrote the first discussed in this chapter are almost entirely volume for this series on Tibet and the ‘land white men who lived and worked in richer of silk’ in antiquity, for which Hedin pro- parts of the world. Questions of epistemolog- vided a foreword (Herrmann 1938). Other ical orientations, narrowly defined subjects volumes were written by assorted histori- of study, and available evidence and research ans, Orientalists and classicists, including methodologies remain at the forefront of Paul Schnabel on Ptolemy (Schnabel 1938), producing more critical and polyvocal his- Christine von Rohr on Vasco de Gama (Rohr torical geographies, as other authors in this 1939), Hermann Trimborn on the sixteenth- volume attest. While we have endeavoured century Huarochirí manuscript on the myths to highlight the deeply problematic assump- of Peruvian Indians he discovered in Madrid tions and values that informed the historical and which was later destroyed during the geographies created by the men discussed in war (Trimborn 1939), and Dominik Josef this chapter, we must also acknowledge the Wölfel on a sixteenth-century account of the historical reality of their dominance and the Canary Isles (Wölfel 1940). impacts of their work. Our ongoing hope is,

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of course, to challenge these assumptions Baker, Alan R. H. (1984). Reflections on the and values in the present and to recover the relations of historical geography and the silenced voices in historical geography, past Annales School of history. In Alan R. H. and present. Baker and Derek Gregory (eds.), Explorations in Historical Geography. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press, pp. 1–27. Baker, Alan R. H. (2003). Geography and His- Notes tory: Bridging the Divide. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press. 1 Halford J. Mackinder, Geography and history. The Times 9 February 1905, p. 6. Barnes, Trevor J. (2012). Notes from the under- 2 Some of these regional institutes continued ground: why the history of geography mat- after 1945, with suitably adjusted titles, and ters – the case of Central Place Theory. are now distinguished centres of historical and Economic Geography 88: 1–26. geographical research. The Heidelberg Institut Bell, Duncan (2007). The Idea of Greater Brit- für Fränkische-Pfälzische Landes- und Volks- ain: Empire and the Future of World Order forschung, established in the late 1930s by the Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. geographer Wolfgang Panzer and the historian Bell, Duncan (2015). Alter orbis: E. A. Freeman Fritz Ernst, based on a model suggested by the on empire and racial destiny. In G. A. leading medieval historian, and prominent Nazi Bremner and Jonathan Conlin (eds.), supporter, Günther Franz, was renamed the Institut für Frankische-Pfälzische Geschichte und Making History: Edward Augustus Free- Landeskunde and became a focus of important man and Victorian Cultural Politics. Oxford: collaborative European research with regional Oxford University Press/British Academy, historians from France and elsewhere (Remy pp. 217–35. 2002, 68–9; also Miethke 1992; Wardenga Bell, Duncan (2016). Reordering the World: 2006). Essays on Liberalism and Empire. Princeton, 3 Other editorial board members were opponents NJ: Princeton University Press. of the Nazis, including Franz Termer (1894– Bertele, Marcel and Wacker, Christian (eds.) 1968), director of the Hamburg Museum für (2004). Die Reisetagebücher Eugen Ober- Völkerkunde and expert on Mayan civilization, hummer: die Reisen in die Alte Welt. Munich: who was later involved in denazification of Ger- man universities; Paul Kahle (1875–1964), an Oberhummers Gesellschaft e.V. expert on the Hebrew Bible, who fled to Oxford Bremner, G. A. and Conlin, Jonathan (2011). shortly after accepting Herrmann’s invitation; and History as form: architecture and liberal Ernst Zyhlarz, an Austrian Africanist based at the Anglican thought in the writings of E. A. University of Hamburg, who had secretly con- Freeman. Modern Intellectual History 8: verted to Judaism in 1910. 299–326. Bremner, G. A. and Conlin, Jonathan (eds.) (2015). Making History: Edward Augustus Freeman and Victorian Cultural Politics. REFERENCES Oxford: Oxford University Press/British Academy. Abrahamsson, Christian (2013). On the geneal- Brendel, Heiko (2018). ‘Hasty observations’? ogy of Lebensraum. Geographica Helvetica Geographical field research and intercultural 68: 37–44. encounters in the Austro-Hungarian occu- Aird, William M. (2015). ‘Seeing things with pied Western Balkans, 1916–1918. First our own eyes’: E. A. Freeman’s historical World War Studies 9: 184–208. travels. In G. A. Bremner and Jonathan Bryce, James R. (1902). The importance of Conlin (eds.), Making History: Edward geography in education. Geographical Augustus Freeman and Victorian Cultural Teacher 1: 49–61. Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press/British Burleigh, Michael (1988). Germany Turns East- Academy, pp. 85–100. wards: A Study of Ostforschung in the Third Arnold, Thomas (1843). Introductory Lectures Reich. Cambridge: Cambridge University on Modern History. London: B. Fellowes. Press.

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