UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Police, politicians and the regulation of drug trafficking in Latin America Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/76k019hm Author Flom, Hernan Publication Date 2016 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Police, Politicians and the Regulation of Drug Trafficking in Latin America By Hernan Flom A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Alison E. Post (Co-chair) Professor Leonardo R. Arriola (Co-chair) Professor Ruth Berins Collier Professor Jonathan Simon Summer 2016 Copyright 2016 Abstract How do states regulate drug trafficking? The sale of illicit drugs generates an estimated US$870 billion per year – more than 1 percent of global GDP. At the same time, hundreds of thousands of people die annually from drug-related violence and ensuing state repression. While national-level governments establish the normative framework regarding drug trafficking, subnational governments carry out the lion’s share of drug enforcement, confiscating drugs, arresting (or killing) dealers and traffickers, or brokering peace bargains with, or extracting rents from drug gangs. Despite the recent immersion of political scientists into the study of drug trafficking, we have yet to explain how and why subnational governments choose the strategies they do when dealing with this organized criminal activity. This dissertation analyzes subnational states’ different approaches to drug trafficking, or drug trafficking regulatory arrangements. Most studies of drug trafficking and its associated violence treat the state as a unitary actor and neglect the role of the police, despite the latter’s fundamental importance (and discretion) in enforcing legislation related to drug trafficking and organized crime. By contrast, I propose that different types of interactions between subnational politicians, primarily governors, and their police forces influence state responses to drug trafficking, with differing consequences with respect to state and criminal violence as well as police corruption. Understanding the state’s regulation of drug trafficking requires incorporating the interests and strategies of police forces –which may well conflict with those of their political superiors- into empirical studies. I argue that subnational patterns of political competition shape the state’s regulation of drug trafficking in metropolitan areas by affecting police levels of autonomy. Two aspects of competition are central in shaping police force’s autonomy: the extent to which the same party remains in power over time (political turnover) and the dispersal of political power in a given period (political fragmentation). The different combinations of turnover, fragmentation and police autonomy yield four types of regulatory arrangements: tacit coexistence, protection- extraction rackets, particularistic negotiation and particularistic confrontation, which differ with respect to police violence, corruption and criminal violence. Low political turnover reduces police autonomy and generates coordinated regulatory arrangements -tacit coexistence and protection-extraction rackets. Entrenched governments are able to implement and sustain autonomy-reducing police reforms, or gain the necessary leverage to extract cooperation from the force. Fragmentation, in turn, affects the governments’ stance toward police rent extraction. Under conditions of low turnover, low fragmentation motivates incumbents to politicize the police and appropriate its rents from trafficking, while high fragmentation compels them to professionalize the force and restrict its rent extraction, as political rivals can either monitor the government’s extraction or compete for police rents. With low fragmentation, governments centralize police rents from drug trafficking and control violence through protection-extraction rackets. By contrast, when fragmentation is higher, governments reach tacit coexistence agreements with organized criminal actors, in which police and gangs restrain their mutual confrontation. Both cases exhibit lower state and criminal violence, while differing in their relative levels of corruption. By contrast, frequent changes in administration (high turnover) undermine both governments’ capacity to sustain reforms and their leverage over the police, increasing police 1 autonomy and generating uncoordinated regulatory arrangements, i.e. particularistic negotiation or particularistic confrontation. In this situation, high fragmentation might obstruct reformist initiatives or spark political competition for police rents, while low fragmentation is insufficient to reduce police autonomy. These arrangements are defined by either fragmented corruption deals between police officers and traffickers (particularistic negotiation) or dispersed attacks by police squads against drug gangs (particularistic confrontation). Both regulatory types result in high levels of criminal violence while diverging in their levels of state-driven violence. I test this theory with a subnational comparative research design, focusing on the main metropolitan areas of Argentina –the provinces of Buenos Aires and Santa Fe- and Brazil –the federal units of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Relying on interviews with politicians, police officers, and actors from civil society, as well as on document analysis of newspapers, NGO reports and government briefs, I conduct process tracing to examine the within-case variation of each subnational case since the return of democracy, a period of over 30 years. This dissertation’s findings of how political turnover and fragmentation influence police autonomy and, through it, shape drug trafficking regulatory arrangements have several implications, not just for thinking about the state’s response to organized crime but for the relationship between political competition and public security, and the role of police in democracies with weak institutions. 2 Dedication A mis padres, en las buenas (y en las malas mucho más) A Bel Mil, la compañera perfecta, el amor de mi vida i Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Theoretical framework 22 Chapter 3 Particularistic confrontation: The persistence and end of the police war against the drug gangs in Rio de Janeiro (1983-2015) 48 Chapter 4 The emergence of the “Argentine Medellin”: Particularistic negotiation in Santa Fe 83 Chapter 5 ‘O acordo de cavalheiros’ [a gentlemen’s agreement]: Tacit coexistence in São Paulo 112 Chapter 6 Managing the ‘Bonaerense’: Protection-extraction rackets in Buenos Aires 145 Chapter 7 Conclusion 179 References 194 Sources 211 Appendix 221 ii List of tables Table 1.1. Price structure of 1 kilo of pure cocaine and 1 kilo of pure heroin, selected countries and cities, mid-1990s and 2000 (dollars) 6 Table 1.2. Dimensions and outcomes of informal regulatory arrangements of drug trafficking (dependent variable) 7 Table 1.3. Central features of drug trafficking regulatory arrangements 9 Table 1.4. Summary of argument 12 Table 1.5. Summary of interviews 16 Table 2.1. Politicians and police incentives in regulating drug trafficking 29 Table 2.2. Summary of argument (expanded version). 36 Table 3.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangement in Rio de Janeiro (1983-2014) 50 Table 3.2. State executive elections in Rio de Janeiro (1982-2014) 53 Table 3.3. Victims of police intervention in Rio de Janeiro (1993-1995) 60 Table 4.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangements in Santa Fe, 1983-2015 84 Table 4.2. Governors of the Province of Santa Fe, 1983-2015 87 Table 5.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangements in São Paulo (1983-2014) 113 Table 5.2. São Paulo governors’ electoral performance (1983-2014) 119 Table 6.1. Political turnover, fragmentation, police autonomy and drug trafficking regulatory arrangements in Buenos Aires, 1983-2015 146 Table 6.2. Governors of Buenos Aires and their electoral performance, 1983-2011. 149 Table 6.3. Evolution of crimes against individuals in the province of Buenos Aires, 2009-2012 176 Table 0.1. Rio de Janeiro security secretaries (1995-2014) 221 Table 0.2. Police pacifications units by date of establishment (2008-2013) – move to appendix 222 Table 0.3. List of provincial security ministers (2007-2015), since the official creation of the Ministry (Santa Fe, Argentina). 223 Table 0.4. List and tenure of state security secretaries in São Paulo (1983-2014) 224 Table 0.5. List and tenure of provincial security ministers per governor in the province of Buenos Aires, 1992-2015 225 iii List of figures Figure 3.1. Share of legislators belonging to Governor’s party, State Assembly of Rio de Janeiro (1982-2014) 54 Figure 3.2. Homicide rates in Rio de Janeiro (1991-2015) 64 Figure 3.3. Homicides resulting from police intervention, Rio de Janeiro (1998-2015) 74 Figure 3.4. Police officers killed on duty in Rio de Janeiro, 2000-2014 78 Figure 3.5. Distribution of homicides by region in Rio de Janeiro (2000-2015) 80 Figure 3.6. Distribution of homicides resulting from police intervention by region in Rio de Janeiro (2000-2015) 80 Figure 4.1. Share of provincial deputies and senators belonging to Governor’s
Recommended publications
  • President Lula Takes Office LADB Staff
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 1-10-2003 President Lula Takes Office LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "President Lula Takes Office." (2003). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/13105 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 52864 ISSN: 1089-1560 President Lula Takes Office by LADB Staff Category/Department: Brazil Published: 2003-01-10 Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva became Brazil's 36th president on Jan. 1. The 57-year-old former union leader took over from President Fernando Henrique Cardoso in Brazil's first transition between two democratically elected presidents in over 40 years. "The time has come to tread a new path," Lula said in his inaugural address, adding that Brazil's progress had been stalled by the "economic, social, and moral impasse" of a system based on self-interest. "Yes, we are going to change things, with courage and care, humility and daring," he said. "I am not the result of an election, but of history. I am bringing to life the dream that generations and generations before me tried but were unable to achieve," said Lula. Lula won the Oct. 27 runoff with 61% of the votes. As he takes office, he has a 76% approval rating, a record in Brazil and among the highest approval ratings of any head of state.
    [Show full text]
  • Globalisation, Drugs and Criminalisation
    Final Research Report on Brazil, China, India and Mexico http://www.unesco.org/most/globalisation/drugs_1.htm DRUGS AND CRIMINALISATION Contents Scientific co-ordination: Christian Geffray, Guilhem Fabre and Michel Schiray Research Team: Roberto Araújo, Luis Astorga, Gabriel Britto, Molly Charles, A.A. Das, Guilhem Fabre, Christian Geffray, Sandra Goulart, Laurent Laniel, Lia Osorio Machado, Guaracy Mingardi, K. S. Naïr, Michel Schiray, Regine Schönenberg, Alba Zaluar, and Deng Zhenlai. GLOBALISATION, The UNESCO/MOST Secretariat Executive Secretary of the MOST Programme: Ali Kazancigil Project Coordinator: Carlos Milani Assistant Project Coordinator: Chloé Keraghel Graphic design : Nicolas Bastien - Paul Gilonne/Sparrow //Marseille/France CD-ROM EDITION General Index TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary Part 1: Drug Trafficking and the State Part 2: Drug Trafficking, Criminal Organisations and Money Laundering Part 3: Social and Cultural Dimensions of Drug Trafficking Part 4: Methodological, Institutional and Policy Dimensions of the Research on Drug Trafficking: Lessons and Contributions from France and the United States 1 General Index Executive summary TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary About the authors and the project team, 1. In memory of Christian Geffray, 3. Presentation of the Project, 4. by Ali Kazancigil and Carlos Milani Main Outcomes, 7. Publications, Conferences, Seminars and UNESCO Chairs Main findings, 11. Abstracts of the articles, 11. General Introduction, 19. Research on Drug Trafficking, Economic Crime and Their Economic and Social Consequences: preliminary contributions to formulate recommendations for national and international public control policies by Christian Geffray, Michel Schiray and Guilhem Fabre 2 executive Summary Part 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Part 1: Drug Trafficking and the State Introduction: Drug Trafficking and the State, by Christian Geffray, 1.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 a Origem Do Crime Organizado No Brasil
    2 A origem do crime organizado no Brasil O início das organizações criminosas no Brasil ainda não foi devidamente estudado de maneira sistêmica. Assim, os autores que abordam o tema acabam divergindo em alguns pontos. Para o promotor de justiça do Ministério Público de São Paulo Eduardo Araújo Silva (2003, p. 25-26) a origem das organizações criminosas brasileiras encontra-se no fenômeno do cangaço. O autor ainda cita o jogo do bicho como a primeira infração penal organizada no Brasil. Para ele o movimento conhecido como cangaço, cuja atuação ocorreu no sertão nordestino, no final do século XIX, é o antecedente da criminalidade organizada brasileira. O movimento que acabou conhecido pela figura de seu líder Virgulino Ferreira da Silva, o Lampião era dotado de organização hierárquica, divisão de funções e, com o transcorrer do tempo, passou a atuar em frentes como os saques a vilarejos, fazendas e municípios de pequeno porte; práticas de extorsão de dinheiro através de ameaças de ataques; e, sequestros de pessoas importantes e influentes. Os jagunços, capangas e cangaceiros agiam com apoio de fazendeiros e parte da classe política, bem como com o apoio material de policiais corruptos que acabavam lhes fornecendo armamento e munição. No que diz respeito ao jogo do bicho, o autor (2003) afirma que se trata da primeira infração penal organizada no Brasil. Esta contravenção penal que se iniciou em nosso país no século XX consiste no sorteio de prêmios em dinheiro a apostadores mediante prévio recolhimento de apostas. A sua origem é imputada ao Barão de Drumond que, com esse jogo, teve como finalidade salvar os animais do Jardim Zoológico do Estado do Rio de Janeiro 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE
    Evangelicals and Political Power in Latin America in Latin America Power and Political Evangelicals JOSÉ LUIS PÉREZ GUADALUPE We are a political foundation that is active One of the most noticeable changes in Latin America in 18 forums for civic education and regional offices throughout Germany. during recent decades has been the rise of the Evangeli- Around 100 offices abroad oversee cal churches from a minority to a powerful factor. This projects in more than 120 countries. Our José Luis Pérez Guadalupe is a professor applies not only to their cultural and social role but increa- headquarters are split between Sankt and researcher at the Universidad del Pacífico Augustin near Bonn and Berlin. singly also to their involvement in politics. While this Postgraduate School, an advisor to the Konrad Adenauer and his principles Peruvian Episcopal Conference (Conferencia development has been evident to observers for quite a define our guidelines, our duty and our Episcopal Peruana) and Vice-President of the while, it especially caught the world´s attention in 2018 mission. The foundation adopted the Institute of Social-Christian Studies of Peru when an Evangelical pastor, Fabricio Alvarado, won the name of the first German Federal Chan- (Instituto de Estudios Social Cristianos - IESC). cellor in 1964 after it emerged from the He has also been in public office as the Minis- first round of the presidential elections in Costa Rica and Society for Christian Democratic Educa- ter of Interior (2015-2016) and President of the — even more so — when Jair Bolsonaro became Presi- tion, which was founded in 1955. National Penitentiary Institute of Peru (Institu- dent of Brazil relying heavily on his close ties to the coun- to Nacional Penitenciario del Perú) We are committed to peace, freedom and (2011-2014).
    [Show full text]
  • BRAZILIAN POLITICS Agenda and Political Analysis for the Week – Since 1993
    BRAZILIAN POLITICS Agenda and political analysis for the week – Since 1993 Arko Advice Compiled exclusively for Arko Advice clients by Scenarios Murillo de Aragão and Cristiano Noronha & Political Analysis Brasília, DF Sunday, May 7, 2006 - Year XIV – Political Atmosphere for the Week The political week will probably be one of the most agitated due to the No. 972 following events: • Silvio Pereira’s allegations regarding the monthly payoff scandal • The OAB’s (Brazilian Bar Association) decision regarding Lula’s impeachment • PMDB party convention to decide on its own candidacy • Attempt to vote provisional measures in the House and Senate • Attempt to vote the mini tax reform in the House • Interview of the new Central Bank directors by the Senate Economic Affairs Committee • PT party’s decision as to its candidate for the government of São Paulo Issues for the Week Lula’s Impeachment. This Monday, the Brazilian Bar Association (OAB) will discuss the initiation of impeachment proceedings against President Lula. Silvio Pereira’s allegations should affect the OAB’s decision, which might take a little more time to ponder the issue. Central Bank. The interviews of Mário Mesquita and Paulo Vieira da Cunha have been scheduled for Tuesday, May 9 by the Senate Economic Affairs Committee as of 10:00 a.m. Mário Mesquita was nominated as Central Bank Director of Special Studies and Paulo Vieira as Central Bank International Affairs Director. Should the nominations be approved, they will follow on to be examined by a floor session, whose agenda is currently blocked by 5 provisional measures. Until these are analyzed the Central Bank directorship nominations cannot be voted.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside Out: the Challenge of Prison-Based Criminal Organizations
    Local Orders Paper Series BROOKINGS PAPER 3 | September 2016 Inside Out: The Challenge of Prison-Based Criminal Organizations BENJAMIN LESSING ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is part of the Brookings seminar, “Reconstituting Local Orders.” The seminar is directed by Brookings Senior Fellows Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shadi Hamid, and Harold Trinkunas, who are grateful to the Foreign Policy Director’s Special Initiative Fund for its support. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any support- er is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence, and im- pact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment, and the analysis and recommendations of the Institution’s scholars are not determined by any donation. Local Orders Paper Series ABOUT THE RECONSTITUTING LOCAL ORDERS PROJECT Led by Brookings Senior Fellows Vanda Felbab-Brown, Shadi Hamid, and Harold Trinkunas, the Brookings Seminar on Reconstituting Local Orders seeks to better understand how do- mestic political order breaks down and is reconstituted. It draws out policy implications and recommends more effective action for local governments and the international community. It examines these issues by bringing together top-level experts and policymakers. The present disorder in the international system is significantly augmented by the break- down of domestic order across a number of key states. Around the globe, the politics of iden- tity, ideology and religion are producing highly polarized societies and deepening conflicts among non-state actors and between non-state actors and the state. In the Middle East, the Arab Spring disrupted long calcified political systems in ways that are still producing unpre- dictable effects on the regional order.
    [Show full text]
  • Realinhamentos Partidários No Estado Do Rio De Janeiro (1982-2018) Theófilo Codeço Machado Rodrigues1
    DOI: https://doi.org/10.5007/2175-7984.2020.e67408 Realinhamentos partidários no estado do Rio de Janeiro (1982-2018) Theófilo Codeço Machado Rodrigues1 Resumo O presente artigo investiga o processo de realinhamento partidário em curso no estado do Rio de Janeiro. Foram observados os partidos dos governadores e senadores eleitos no Rio de Janeiro pelo voto direto entre 1982 e 2018. Além dos governadores, foram avaliadas as bancadas partidá- rias eleitas para a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (ALERJ) e para a Câmara dos Deputados durante todo o período. A pesquisa confirmou a hipótese do recente realinhamento partidário no Rio de Janeiro e identificou que, com o declínio eleitoral do brizolismo, e com a prisão das principais lideranças locais do PMDB a partir de 2016, o tradicional centro político do estado – PDT pela centro-esquerda e PMDB pela centro-direita – implodiu e novos partidos oriundos dos extremos do espectro político emergiram como PSL, PRB e PSC, pela direita, e PSOL, pela esquerda. Palavras-chave: Partidos Políticos. Rio de Janeiro. Sistema Partidário. Brizolismo. Chaguismo. 1 Introdução Entre 1982 e 2018, houve no Rio de Janeiro sete governadores eleitos pelo voto direto e três vice-governadores que assumiram o cargo. No de- curso desse período, verifica-se que o PMDB governou o estado durante 19 anos, o PDT por 10, o PSDB por 4, o PSB por 2 e o PT por alguns meses. Em outubro de 2018, um novo partido foi eleito para o governo: o PSC. Nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, Brizola, brizolistas e ex-brizolistas protagonizaram a política no estado.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Protest or Politics? Varieties of Teacher Representation in Latin America Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4rc371rp Author Chambers-Ju, Christopher Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Protest or Politics? Varieties of Teacher Representation in Latin America By Christopher Chambers-Ju A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah Levy, Co-Chair Professor Ruth Berins Collier, Co-Chair Professor David Collier Professor Laura Stoker Professor Kim Voss Summer 2017 Abstract Protest or Politics? Varieties of Teacher Representation in Latin America by Christopher Chambers-Ju Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah Levy, Co-Chair Professor Ruth Berins Collier, Co-Chair Scholars of Latin American politics have made contrasting predictions about the prospects for contemporary group-based interest representation. Some argue that democratization creates an opportunity for societal groups to intensify their participation in politics. The expansion of political rights, alongside free and fair elections, creates space for all major groups to take part in politics, crucially those excluded under authoritarian rule. Other scholars, by contrast, maintain that neoliberal economic reforms fragment and demobilize major groups. Changes in the economic model, they suggest, have severe consequences for labor organizations, which now have a limited political repertoire. My research challenges both of these claims, showing how the consequences of democracy and neoliberalism, rather than being uniform, have been uneven.
    [Show full text]
  • Paulo Roberto Falcão (Depoimento, 2012)
    FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS CENTRO DE PESQUISA E DOCUMENTAÇÃO DE HISTÓRIA CONTEMPORÂNEA DO BRASIL (CPDOC) Proibida a publicação no todo ou em parte; permitida a citação. A citação deve ser textual, com indicação de fonte conforme abaixo. FALCÃO, Paulo Roberto. Paulo Roberto Falcão (depoimento, 2012). Rio de Janeiro, CPDOC/FGV, 2012. 76p. PAULO ROBERTO FALCÃO (depoimento, 2012) Rio de Janeiro 2014 Transcrição Nome do entrevistado: Paulo Roberto Falcão Local da entrevista: Porto Alegre – Rio Grande do Sul Data da entrevista: 29 de outubro de 2012 Nome do projeto: Futebol, Memória e Patrimônio: Projeto de constituição de um acervo de entrevistas em História Oral. Entrevistadores: Bernardo Buarque (CPDOC/FGV) e Felipe dos Santos (Museu do Futebol) Transcrição: Carolina Gonçalves Alves Data da transcrição: 22 de novembro de 2012 Conferência da transcrição : Felipe dos Santos Souza Data da conferência: 28 de outubro de 2012 ** O texto abaixo reproduz na íntegra a entrevista concedida por Paulo Roberto Falcão em 29/10/2012. As partes destacadas em vermelho correspondem aos trechos excluídos da edição disponibilizada no portal CPDOC. A consulta à gravação integral da entrevista pode ser feita na sala de consulta do CPDOC. Bernardo Buarque – Falcão, boa tarde. P.R. – Boa tarde. B.B. – Muito obrigado por aceitar esse convite de compor o acervo, a memória do Museu do Futebol Brasileiro e a gente quer começar, Falcão, contando um pouquinho... Que você nos contasse a sua infância, sua cidade de nascimento, local... P.R. – É... O prazer é meu, evidentemente, não é, de participar junto com outros companheiros. É... Dessa memória do futebol tão rica, não é, do futebol brasileiro e..
    [Show full text]
  • The Puzzle of Social Accumulation of Violence in Brazil
    The puzzle of social accumulation of violence in Brazil: some remarks: (Comentários Sobre) O Enigma da Acumulação Social da Violência no Brasil LSE Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/101221/ Version: Published Version Article: Misse, Michel (2019) The puzzle of social accumulation of violence in Brazil: some remarks: (Comentários Sobre) O Enigma da Acumulação Social da Violência no Brasil. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 1 (2). pp. 177- 182. ISSN 2516-7227 10.31389/jied.32 Reuse This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) licence. This licence allows you to distribute, remix, tweak, and build upon the work, even commercially, as long as you credit the authors for the original work. More information and the full terms of the licence here: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ [email protected] https://eprints.lse.ac.uk/ Misse, M. 2019. The Puzzle of Social Accumulation of Violence in Brazil: Some Remarks. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 1(2), pp. 177–182. DOI: https://doi.org/10.31389/jied.32 RESEARCH The Puzzle of Social Accumulation of Violence in Brazil: Some Remarks Michel Misse Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, BR [email protected] The article comments on a new generation of researchers studying the illegal markets in Brazil. In doing so, I summarize the interpretative model of ‘social accumulation of violence’. Initially applied to Rio de Janeiro, several researchers have now expanded it to other Brazilian states as well as to countries with high violence rates, such as Colombia and Mexico.
    [Show full text]
  • PDF Numbers and Names
    CeLoMiManca Checklist I Grandi Campioni dello Sport 1 Donovan Bailey 21 Damon Hill 40 Enrico Chiesa 58 Filippo Inzaghi 75 Francesco Totti 2 Sergey Bubka 22 Michael Schumacher 41 Alessandro 59 Vladimir Jugovic 76 Gianluca Vialli 3 Gelindo Bordin 23 Jacques Villeneuve Costacurta 60 Patrick Kluivert 77 George Weah 4 Maurizio Damilano 24 Alberto Ascari 42 Ernan Jorge Crespo 61 Michael Platini 78 Gianfranco Zola 5 Florence Griffith 25 Juan Manuel Fangio 43 Edson Arantes do 62 Marco Van Basten 79 Massimiliano Biaggi Nascimiento "Pele" Joyner 26 Niky Lauda 63 Artur Antunes 80 Luca Cadalora 44 Johan Kruijff 6 Haile Gebrelassie 27 Nigel Mansel Coimbra Zico 81 Loris Capirossi 45 Alessandro Del Piero 7 Maurice Greene 28 Riccardo Patrese 64 Dino Zoff 82 Mike Doohan 46 Marcel Desailly 8 Michael Johnson 29 Alain Prost 65 Paolo Maldini 83 Valentino Rossi 47 Didier Deschamps 9 Wilson Kipketer 30 Ayrton Senna 66 Roberto Mancini 84 Kevin Schwantz 48 Angelo Di Livio 10 Ben Johnson 31 Gilles Villeneuve 67 Diego Armando 85 Ralf Waldmann 49 Roberto Di Matteo Maradona 11 Carl Lewis 32 Demetrio Albertini 86 Giacomo Agostini 50 Youri Djorkaeff 68 Alessandro Nesta 12 Fiona May 33 Nascimiento dos 87 Mike Hailwood 51 Franco Baresi 69 Gianluca Pagliuca 13 Noureddine Morceli Santos Aldair 88 Wayne Reiney 52 Bruno Conti 70 Angelo Peruzzi 14 Mike Powell 34 Brasile 89 Kenny Roberts 53 Paulo Roberto 71 Romario de Souza 15 Pietro Mennea 35 Germania 90 John Surtees Falcao Faria 16 Jesse Owens 36 Italia 91 Barry Sheene 54 Ruud Gullit 72 Luis Nazario Lima 17 Sotomayor 37 Roberto Baggio 92 Freddie Spencer 55 Ciro Ferrara Ronaldo 18 Jean Alesi 38 Abel Eduardo Balbo 93 Julio Cesar Chavez 56 Maurizio Ganz 73 Dejan Savicevic 19 Giancarlo Fisichella 39 Omar gabriel 94 Virgil Hill 57 Paul Gascoigne 74 Giuseppe Signori 20 Heinz-H.
    [Show full text]
  • Building Parties on the Ground: Explaining Grassroots Party Activism in Buenos Aires
    01/08/2019 – please do not cite without permission from author - [email protected] Building parties on the ground: Explaining grassroots party activism in Buenos Aires Dr Sam Halvorsen (Queen Mary University of London) Abstract What can explain the ongoing persistence of grassroots party activism? Despite multiple studies demonstrating the decline in “party on the ground” organisation, recent literature indicates grassroots activism remains alive in both theory and practice. This paper examines a new Argentine political party, Nuevo Encuentro, which, in a short period of time, built a large grassroots organisation of local branches and activists, and argues that the role of territory is a key explanatory factor. Based on a qualitative analysis of Nuevo Encuentro in Buenos Aires it demonstrates that a territorial organisation strategy helped the party: accumulate already mobilised activists; sustain and further motivate activists through a local branch structure; and recruit new members via linkages with urban communities. In so doing the paper extends literature on party-building and high-intensity activism and also contributes to the dismantling of methodological state-centrism in party scholarship by highlighting the significance of local organisational strategies. Keywords Party organisation; activism; territory; local branches; Argentina Introduction What can explain the ongoing persistence of grassroots party activism in the 21st century? For nearly three decades political party scholars have cited evidence for the decline in what Katz and Mair (1993) term the “party on the ground”, consisting of grassroots activists and supporters who have traditionally operated through local organisational structures (Dalton and Wattenberg, 2000; Scarrow et al, 2017; Whiteley, 2010).
    [Show full text]