The False Equivalence of Academic Freedom and Free Speech: Defending Academic Integrity in the Age of White Supremacy, Colonial Nostalgia, and Anti-Intellectualism
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The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative
DISCUSSION PAPER The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative H. N. Keskin DISCUSSION PAPER The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative H. N. Keskin The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED WRITTEN BY H. N. Keskin PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE July 2021 TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON PORTLAND HOUSE 4 GREAT PORTLAND STREET NO:4 LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this discussion paper represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 The Srebrenica Genocide and the Denial Narrative Introduction he Srebrenica Genocide (also attribute genocidal intent to a particular official referred to as the Srebrenica within the Main Staff may have been motivated Massacre), in which Serbian by a desire not to assign individual culpability soldiers massacred more than to persons not on trial here. This, however, does eight thousand Bosniak civilians not undermine the conclusion that Bosnian Serb Tduring the Bosnian war (1992-1995), has been forces carried out genocide against the Bosnian affirmed as the worst incident of mass murder in Muslims. (United Nations, 2004:12) Europe since World War II. Furthermore, despite the UN’s “safe area” declaration prior to the Further prosecutions were pursued against the genocide in the region, the Bosnian Serb Army of Dutch state in the Dutch Supreme Court for not Republika Srpska (VRS) under the command of preventing the deaths of Bosniak men, women and Ratko Mladić executed more than 8,000 Bosniak children that took refuge in their zone located in 2 (Bosnian Muslims) men and boys and deported Potocari. -
The Velocity of Censorship
The Velocity of Censorship: High-Fidelity Detection of Microblog Post Deletions Tao Zhu, Independent Researcher; David Phipps, Bowdoin College; Adam Pridgen, Rice University; Jedidiah R. Crandall, University of New Mexico; Dan S. Wallach, Rice University This paper is included in the Proceedings of the 22nd USENIX Security Symposium. August 14–16, 2013 • Washington, D.C., USA ISBN 978-1-931971-03-4 Open access to the Proceedings of the 22nd USENIX Security Symposium is sponsored by USENIX The Velocity of Censorship: High-Fidelity Detection of Microblog Post Deletions Tao Zhu David Phipps Adam Pridgen [email protected] Computer Science Computer Science Independent Researcher Bowdoin College Rice University Jedidiah R. Crandall Dan S. Wallach Computer Science Computer Science University of New Mexico Rice University Abstract terconnected through their social graph and tend to post about sensitive topics. This biases us towards the content Weibo and other popular Chinese microblogging sites are posted by these particular users, but enables us to mea- well known for exercising internal censorship, to comply sure with high fidelity the speed of the censorship and with Chinese government requirements. This research discern interesting patterns in censor behaviors. seeks to quantify the mechanisms of this censorship: Sina Weibo (weibo.com, referred to in this paper sim- how fast and how comprehensively posts are deleted. ply as “Weibo”) has the most active user community of Our analysis considered 2.38 million posts gathered over any microblog site in China [39]. Weibo provides ser- roughly two months in 2012, with our attention focused vices which are similar to Twitter, with @usernames, on repeatedly visiting “sensitive” users. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Argumentative Euphemisms, Political Correctness and Relevance
Argumentative Euphemisms, Political Correctness and Relevance Thèse présentée à la Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines Institut des sciences du langage et de la communication Université de Neuchâtel Pour l'obtention du grade de Docteur ès Lettres Par Andriy Sytnyk Directeur de thèse: Professeur Louis de Saussure, Université de Neuchâtel Rapporteurs: Dr. Christopher Hart, Senior Lecturer, Lancaster University Dr. Steve Oswald, Chargé de cours, Université de Fribourg Dr. Manuel Padilla Cruz, Professeur, Universidad de Sevilla Thèse soutenue le 17 septembre 2014 Université de Neuchâtel 2014 2 Key words: euphemisms, political correctness, taboo, connotations, Relevance Theory, neo-Gricean pragmatics Argumentative Euphemisms, Political Correctness and Relevance Abstract The account presented in the thesis combines insights from relevance-theoretic (Sperber and Wilson 1995) and neo-Gricean (Levinson 2000) pragmatics in arguing that a specific euphemistic effect is derived whenever it is mutually manifest to participants of a communicative exchange that a speaker is trying to be indirect by avoiding some dispreferred saliently unexpressed alternative lexical unit(s). This effect is derived when the indirectness is not conventionally associated with the particular linguistic form-trigger relative to some context of use and, therefore, stands out as marked in discourse. The central theoretical claim of the thesis is that the cognitive processing of utterances containing novel euphemistic/politically correct locutions involves meta-representations of saliently unexpressed dispreferred alternatives, as part of relevance-driven recognition of speaker intentions. It is argued that hearers are “invited” to infer the salient dispreferred alternatives in the process of deriving explicatures of utterances containing lexical units triggering euphemistic/politically correct interpretations. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
Certainty and the Censor's Dilemma Robert Corn-Revere
Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly Volume 45 Article 4 Number 2 Winter 2018 1-1-2018 Certainty and the Censor's Dilemma Robert Corn-Revere Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Robert Corn-Revere, Certainty and the Censor's Dilemma, 45 Hastings Const. L.Q. 301 (2018). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_constitutional_law_quaterly/vol45/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Certainty and the Censor's Dilemma by ROBERT CORN-REVERE* Pity the plight of poor Anthony Comstock. The man H. L. Mencken described as "the Copernicus of a quite new art and science," who literally invented the profession of antiobscenity crusader in the waning days of the nineteenth century, ultimately got, as legendary comic Rodney Dangerfield would say, "no respect, no respect at all." As head of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, and special agent for the U.S. Post Office under a law that popularly bore his name, Comstock was, in Mencken's words, the one "who first capitalized moral endeavor like baseball or the soap business, and made himself the first of its kept professors."' For more than four decades, Comstock terrorized writers, publishers, and artists-driving some to suicide-yet he also was the butt of public ridicule. -
Euphemism in Animated Films a Multimodal And
Seeing the unseen: Euphemism in Animated Films A Multimodal and Critical Discourse Study by Dalia Abyd Asseel M.A. (Linguistics) A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in THE DEPARTMENT OF LINGUISTICS AND ENGLISH LANGUAGE LANCASTER UNIVERSITY, UK JULY 2020 Abstract Animated films are contemporary popular cultural products recreating the ‘real’ world and engaging massive worldwide audiences of adults and children. Children as the ostensible viewers of animated films may acquire their cultural and ideological knowledge and beliefs about the world from the representations in animated films. Although during the past decade animated films have increasingly been the focus of attention of researchers across different disciplines, including education, gender, sexuality and literacy, studies tackling the discourse and language of animated films are still in their early stages. More specifically, very few studies have investigated the use of euphemism as a major micro-level linguistic device reflecting macro-level discourse and extending to sociocultural structures. To this end, this thesis examines euphemism constructed through the discourse of animated films by employing the strategies of Critical Discourse Studies (CDS). Moreover, Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) is employed to examine discursive strategies involving visual representations accompanying euphemism and what underpins those strategies, and to shed light on the multimodal relations between the representation of both. Euphemism is frequently associated with the notion of taboo. Consequently, new words or phrases are designated to refer to linguistic taboos as alternatives used by speakers to minimise the threat to the audience’s face as well as to their own. -
Memorial Struggles and Power Strategies of the Rights in Latin America Today
http://doi.org/10.17163/uni.n31.2019.01 Memorial struggles and power strategies of the rights in Latin America today Luchas memoriales y estrategias de poder de las derechas en América Latina hoy Verónica Giordano Teacher and Researcher UBA and CONICET [email protected] Orcid code: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7299-6984 Gina Paola Rodríguez Teacher and Researcher UNLPam and UBA [email protected] Orcid code: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1702-3386 Abstract Recently, right-wing forces of different origins and types have sprung up in Latin America. In this article, four countries are studied: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia and Peru. The first two correspond to cases in which the right-wing groups stand in opposition to the so-called progressive governments. The other two correspond to cases in which they stand in a political system with a strong continuity of predominance of right-wing forces. Since there are few studies with an overall perspective, this article seeks to make a contribution in that direction. The objective is to analyze the non-electoral strategies of construction and/ or exercise of power implemented by the right-wing groups around the memorial struggles. Based on the review of journalistic sources and speeches of the national right-wing referents, this article analyzes how current right-wing groups have proceeded to the institution of languages and the definition of a field of meanings that dispute the meaning of the recent past. From a comparative perspective, it is argued that in all four cases negationism offers an effective repertoire for these groups, which is used in their non- electoral (as well as electoral) strategies for building hegemony at the cultural level. -
Many People Think That an Argument Means an Emotional Or Angry Dispute with Raised Voices and Hot Tempers
How to Form a Good Argument To begin with, it is important to define the word “argument.” Many people think that an argument means an emotional or angry dispute with raised voices and hot tempers. That is one definition of an argument, but, academically, an argument simply means “a reason or set of reasons presented with the aim of persuading others that an action or idea is right or wrong.” Hence, most arguments are merely a series of statements for or against something or a discussion in which people calmly express different opinions. A good argument can be very educational, enriching, and pleasant. Many people have bad experiences with the “disagreement” type of argument, but the academic version is actually enjoyed by many people, who don’t consider it uncomfortable or threatening at all. They consider it intellectually stimulating and a satisfying way to wrap their heads around interesting ideas, and they find it disappointing when other people become hotheaded during a rational discussion. An academic argument is a process of reasoning through which we present evidence and reach conclusions based on it. When it is approached as an intellectual exercise, there is no reason to get upset when another person has different ideas or opinions or produces different, valid evidence. When you understand the rules of logic, or become practiced in debating skills, your discomfort and emotional defensiveness will subside, and you will begin to relax and have more confidence in your ability to argue rationally and logically and to defend your own position. You might even begin to find that it’s fun! One of the best ways to learn to form a good argument is to become familiar with the rules of logic. -
The Case of Croatian Wikipedia: Encyclopaedia of Knowledge Or Encyclopaedia for the Nation?
The Case of Croatian Wikipedia: Encyclopaedia of Knowledge or Encyclopaedia for the Nation? 1 Authorial statement: This report represents the evaluation of the Croatian disinformation case by an external expert on the subject matter, who after conducting a thorough analysis of the Croatian community setting, provides three recommendations to address the ongoing challenges. The views and opinions expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Wikimedia Foundation. The Wikimedia Foundation is publishing the report for transparency. Executive Summary Croatian Wikipedia (Hr.WP) has been struggling with content and conduct-related challenges, causing repeated concerns in the global volunteer community for more than a decade. With support of the Wikimedia Foundation Board of Trustees, the Foundation retained an external expert to evaluate the challenges faced by the project. The evaluation, conducted between February and May 2021, sought to assess whether there have been organized attempts to introduce disinformation into Croatian Wikipedia and whether the project has been captured by ideologically driven users who are structurally misaligned with Wikipedia’s five pillars guiding the traditional editorial project setup of the Wikipedia projects. Croatian Wikipedia represents the Croatian standard variant of the Serbo-Croatian language. Unlike other pluricentric Wikipedia language projects, such as English, French, German, and Spanish, Serbo-Croatian Wikipedia’s community was split up into Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, and the original Serbo-Croatian wikis starting in 2003. The report concludes that this structure enabled local language communities to sort by points of view on each project, often falling along political party lines in the respective regions. -
Zbrodnie Międzynarodowe
Responsibility for negation of international crimes edited by Patrycja Grzebyk Responsibility for negation of international crimes YEARS INSTITUTE OF JUSTICE IN WARSAW Responsibility for negation of international crimes edited by Patrycja Grzebyk WYDAWNICTWO INSTYTUTU WYMIARU SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI | Warszawa 2020 Współfinansowano ze środków Funduszu Sprawiedliwości, którego dysponentem jest Minister Sprawiedliwości RECENZENCI dr hab. Leszek Wieczorek, prof. Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach dr hab. Mariusz Nawrocki, prof. Uniwersytet Szczeciński TRANSLATED BY Mateusz Matuszczak EDITING Marta Mazur TYPESETTING AND COVER DESIGN Tomasz Smołka Photo by Philippe Ramakers (Unsplash) Copyright © by Instytut Wymiaru Sprawiedliwości, Warszawa 2020 ISBN 978-83-66344-43-3 WYDAWNICTWO INSTYTUTU WYMIARU SPRAWIEDLIWOŚCI ul. Krakowskie Przedmieście 25, 00-071 Warszawa SEKRETARIAT tel.: (22) 630-94-53, fax: (22) 630-99-24, e-mail: [email protected] BOUND AND PRINTED BY elpil, ul. Artyleryjska 11, 08-110 Siedlce Table of Contents Introduction 13 Agnieszka Bieńczyk-Missala The Causes and Consequences of Negationism 19 Causes 20 Consequences 24 Charis Papacharalambous Incrimination of Negationism: Doctrinal and Law-Philosophical Implications 31 1. Introduction 31 2. Criminal Law Theory 32 3. Law-philosophical implications 35 3.1. On criminal law meta-theory 35 3.2. Theorizing on ethics and justice 37 Piergiuseppe Parisi The Obligation to Criminalise Historical Denialism in a Multilevel Human Rights System 41 Introduction 41 1. Does general international law provide for an obligation to criminalise denialism? 42 1.1. Freedom of speech and possible limitations under international human rights law 42 1.2. The case law of the UN Human Rights Committee 45 6 · Table of Contents 2. Regional Level 46 2.1. -
COURSES 2021/22 Fall Term Courses
NOVA COURSES 2021/22 Fall term courses • Western European Empires – from colonial past to postcolonial world Jorge Pedreira, Pedro Aires Oliveira, José Neves, Pedro Cardim, Alexandra Pelúcia • The History of Politics and the Politics of History José Neves • Filming the Past – the case of Portuguese Documentary Film Catarina Alves Costa • History in the Media: contesting, commemorating, resignificating Carla Baptista, Paulo J. Fernandes and Pedro A. Oliveira • Oral History: theories and methods Paula Godinho e Maria Alice Samara • Digital and Spatial Humanities for Historians Daniel Ribeiro Alves • The Essentials of Archival Research Maria de Lurdes Rosa and Maria João da Câmara 2021/22 Spring term courses • Museums as spaces of memory, identity and activism Alexandra Curvelo COURSE DESCRIPTIONS Western European Empires – from colonial past to postcolonial world Jorge Pedreira, Pedro Aires Oliveira, José Neves, Pedro Cardim, Alexandra Pelúcia Fall Term, AY 2021-2022 Mandatory Credit value: 8 ECTS Module: Histories of inclusion and exclusion; Entanglements between national, regional, and global frameworks of history Consultation: during office hours or by appointment at [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] or [email protected] BRIEF INTRODUCTION: This course is devoted to the history of the Western European colonial empires, with a particular focus in the case of Portugal and its empire, combining global and national perspectives. It covers the period between the early sixteenth century and the late twentieth century. The course will provide students with key insights on the historical development of the Western European colonial empires and will highlight the social construction of their memories.