Muslim Youth in Scotland: Politics, Identity and Multicultural Citizenship

Botterill, K., Sanghera, G. and Hopkins, P. (2017) Muslim youth in Scotland: Politics, identity and multicultural citizenship. In: Hopkins, P. (ed.) Scotland's Muslims: Society, Politics and Identity. Edinburgh University Press: Edinburgh, UK. ISBN 9781474427234 There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/171666/ Deposited on 19 October 2018 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Muslim Youth in Scotland: politics, identity and multicultural citizenship1 Katherine Botterill (Edinburgh Napier University), Gurchathen Sanghera (University of St Andrews) and Peter Hopkins (Newcastle University) Until recently, quite a lot of academic and policy research about Muslim youth and politics has tended to focus on issues of radicalisation and extremism (Bakkar, 2006; Hemmigsen and Andreasen, 2007; Home Office, 2005; Kuhne and Lindekilde, 2010; Spalek and Mcdonald, 2011) mirroring the political and policy landscape on this issue. While some of these studies attempt to disrupt popular conceptions of the link between Muslim youth and radicalization, others have assisted in fuelling perceptions of Muslim youth as taking a more politicized stance on religious belief than their parents (Policy Exchange, 2007 cited in Field, 2011: 160). Furthermore, some have attempted to categorize Muslim youth into those who are ‘moderate’, ‘apartist’ and ‘alienated’ (Field, 2011) that, whilst painting a more complex picture, remains rather rigid and does little to challenge homogenised representations of Muslim youth. Media representation of Muslim youth as either politically apathetic, radicalized or vulnerable to radicalization further contributes to misconceptions about young Muslim identities and their political agency. Such representations are gendered and embodied with Muslim young men, for example, read as the Asian ‘new folk devils’ (Alexander, 2000; Shain, 2010), as ‘militant and aggressive’ (Archer, 2003: 81) or as academic and effeminate (Hopkins, 2006). Recent scholarship on the political participation of young Muslims in Britain has shown that young Muslims are politically engaged and developing new political subjectivities in diverse ways (O’Toole and Gale, 2013). Significantly, political engagement can also lead to a sense of belonging and inclusion in Britain (Mustafa, 2015). Hopkins (2007) has explored the ways in which young Muslim men in Scotland engage with mainstream politics and their understanding of how the political system operates. Rather than being apathetic, disengaged and inert, the young men involved in this study in the early 2000s were recognised as possessing a range of carefully considered political opinions particularly on matters relating to global politics. Building upon this earlier work, we discuss the political participation of young Muslims in Scotland, particularly in the context of the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. In doing so we challenge problematic assumptions that see young Muslims as apolitical or that having political agency suggests vulnerability to radicalisation. We then report on youth perspectives of politics in the media focusing on the impact of media representations of geopolitics on young Muslims’ everyday lives. Finally, we discuss how youth political subjectivities have been animated by narratives of multicultural nationalism in Scotland. More broadly, we argue for greater recognition of the diversity and hybridity of youth identities in media and policy landscapes. 1 This chapter is a forthcoming in the edited book: Hopkins, P (ed). Muslims in Scotland. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh The Study This study engaged with 382 young people from across Scotland from diverse ethnic and religious minority backgrounds. A three-year project, funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, aimed to (a) examine how Muslim and non-Muslim (i.e. those who ‘look Muslim) young people experience and respond to Islamophobia and (b) explore how international, national and local events (geopolitics) impact on such experiences. For the purposes of this chapter we focus on the data collected from 12 focus groups and 45 individual interviews with young Muslims living in Scotland. The focus groups took place in Glasgow, East Renfrewshire and Fife, while the interviews were conducted in a range of places across Scotland including Edinburgh, Dundee, Glasgow, Aberdeen, East Renfrewshire, Inverness, Dumfries and Fife. Participants were recruited from secondary schools, colleges, universities, youth groups, community groups, voluntary organisations, religious groups and places of worship. We analysed the data using thematic coding through NVivo software. Those who participated in the research were given a gift voucher as a token of our appreciation for giving up their time to participate in the research. One school, however, preferred a donation to the school’s hardship fund rather than individual vouchers for pupils who volunteered to take part in the research. Where we have used direct quotations from respondents in this paper, we use self-selected pseudonyms to protect their anonymity. Therefore, the pseudonyms used do not necessarily correspond to the ethnic background or religious affiliation of the participants. Young Muslims and Political Participation in Scotland There has been much academic discussion about the supposed political apathy of young people across the UK (Kimberlee, 2002; Henn and Foard, 2014). In response scholars have explore new forms of political engagement and participation amongst young people from more traditional (i.e. electoral, party politics) to newer (less formalised) forms of politics (activism, protest, boycotts, blogging, e-activism) (Brookes and Hodkinson, 2008; O’Toole and Gale 2013). Our research was conducted prior to and just after the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. As such, this event stimulated politically charged discussions among the young people interviewed. The referendum marked an opportunity for young people in that for the first time in Scotland 16 and 17 year olds were given the right to vote. For many, the inclusion of youth voices in decision making at the national level was a positive and empowering opportunity, as a Muslim pupil from Glasgow suggests here. “…this shows the development of society, like they are relying on younger minds as well…not just people who are older” (Male, Muslim, 16-18, Glasgow). While not all young Muslims felt fully engaged in the debate, most expressed an intention to vote and a voting preference. Many felt that extending the right to vote was an important step in Scotland’s future, garnering a sense of responsibility for deciding Scotland’s future. “I think that’s a really good idea because obviously it’s our future, it’s the teen’s future that’s going to after like 20 odd years we’re going to be the adults and stuff like that…since it’s our future I guess we should be making a decision about what we want to do with our lives” (Maalik, Pakistani Muslim refugee, male, 16-18, Fife) Maalik’s reference to ‘our future’ echoes some of the rhetoric on both sides of the Scottish Referendum campaign. Throughout the campaign those promoting a ‘Yes’ vote stressed the inclusion the youth voices or in the debate in Scotland’s constitutional future. Much of their narrative for independence, for example, spoke of putting young people at the ‘heart of the debate’ and pledged ‘opportunities’ for young people through various schemes, such as the European Youth Guarantee (BBC News, 2014a). ‘Generation Yes’, a youth movement supporting independence, also claimed to be the ‘largest youth movement Scotland has ever seen’ (The Herald, 2014). There was also a number of events, such as the ‘Big, Big Debate’ at Glasgow’s Hydro Arena, aimed at encouraging young people’s engagement in the debate, particularly first-time voters (BBC, 2014b). Similarly, the ‘No’ campaign stressed the importance of preserving the Union for the sake of the ‘life chances’ of ‘future generations’ (BBC, 2014c). Sayeed, a young Pakistani Muslim man from East Renfrewshire also saw the vote as a duty for young people to claim their stake in society at a key historical moment. “At the end of the day we need to recognise that young people are a vital part in society. They are the future and they are the leaders of today and not just tomorrow. By that meaning yes they will lead us in the future, but they are also able to lead us today and we need to empower them to do that one way to do that is by giving them the vote” (Sayeed, Scottish-Pakistani Muslim, male, 19-21, East Renfrewshire) Despite some of these positive engagements around the referendum vote, young Muslims were not always clear on how to access politics and influence change. Levels of political engagement varied with some expressing disinterest, lack of awareness and mistrust of mainstream political parties. “I don’t think people have a say in general politics. I think this is there, I would like to say I am disappointed but I would actually say that I am not surprised” (Tariq, Muslim, male, 22-25, Aberdeen). “I’ve never voted before because I’ve never really, I never got a letter or anything saying that I need to vote so I don’t know whether I’m supposed to go somewhere to sign up for it” (Nuz, Scottish-Pakistani Muslim, female, 19-21, Dundee). A lack of information on the practical aspects of voter registration was cited as an issue for some young Muslims, particularly first-time voters who expressed lower confidence levels due to a perceived lack of knowledge. “I think it’s been more directed to older people. I think even though young people are allowed to vote I think they’ve just sort of dismissed them in a way. So I think more information should have went to them first and then sort of went to older people. Cause then the younger people were sort of, they were a bit confused” (Qasim, British-Pakistani, male, 16-18, Inverness).

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