A Journal of Southern African Class Struggle Anarchism M No. 9 M September 2008 ZABALAZA FROM EACH ACCORDING TO ABILITY, TO EACH ACCORDING TO NEED!

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SOUTHERN AFRICA M Workers, Bosses and the 2008 Pogroms ...... Page 3 M “Ba Sebetsi Ba Afrika”: Manifesto of the Industrial Workers of Africa, 1917 ...... Page 7 M Ninety Years of Working Class Internationalism in South Africa ...... Page 8 M Unyawo Alunampumulo: Abahlali baseMjondolo Statement on the Xenophobic Attacks in Johannesburg ...... Page 10 M Xenophobia, Nationalism and Greedy Bosses: An Interview with Alan Lipman ...... Page 12 M Interview with Two Libertarian Socialist Activists from Zimbabwe ...... Page 14

AFRICA M Kenya’s Troubles are Far from Over ...... Page 18 M Will EU troops stop the Central African cycle of violence? ...... Page 19 M Brutal Repression in Sidi Ifni (Morroco) ...... Page 20

INTERNATIONAL M Obama and Latin America: a Friendly Imperialism? ...... Page 21

THEORY M Anarchism & Immigration ...... Page 23 M The Poison of Nationalism ...... Page 24 M Nostalgic Tribalism or Revolutionary Transformation?: A Critique of Anarchism & Revolution in Black Africa ...... Page 26

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WORKERS, BOSSES AND THE 2008 POGROMS BY STEFANIE KNOLL, JONATHAN PAYN AND JAMES PENDLEBURY

Only 14 years after the end of apartheid In recent years, attacks on foreigners that are most vulnerable, instead of blam- some say that this is a new apartheid. Only from other African countries have hap- ing the ones really responsible – the gov- 14 years after the genocide in Rwanda pened again and again. Four hundred and ernment and the capitalists. When you some say that this is a genocide South seventy-one Somalis alone have been don’t know who your enemies are, when African style. But this time it is not just killed in the past 11 years (Cape Argus, you don’t see that the government that about the still existing economic gap 17.5.08). But xenophobic attacks took a says it’s on your side is really working for between South Africans of different skin leap forward in May 2008. Many observers the capitalists, when you don’t understand colours, nor about a war between different aptly characterised them as pogroms, how the global business cycle creates a ethnopolitical groups like in Rwanda. It is referring to a form of racist mob violence downturn that makes poor people suffer all about nationality and the fight between against Jews that was common in Europe over the world, it is easy to misdirect your those who have the minimum security of for many hundreds of years. As pogroms anger. being born in South Africa, and the unlucky happened in Europe, so they happened in ones who have no such security – who South Africa. Instigated by a few provoca- have, in many cases, had to flee to South teurs, a mob would form, which would go Myth and Reality Africa from violence or starvation else- from house to house and attack individuals But this anger is based on myths. where. The events of May 2008 show a who were different, mostly because their Foreigners in South Africa are often unem- deep xenophobic sentiment in South Africa skin colour was darker, or because they did ployed. Some are paid lower wages than that is largely due to social and economic not speak a particular language (usually South Africans, a sad result of capitalism circumstances. It is a poisonous cocktail of isiZulu). They would rape, loot, kill and set that can be observed around the world. nationalism mixed with lack of service houses alight. They would even attack We should note that such divisions among delivery. children. In such circumstances, some workers help the capitalists to keep wages Pictures went around the world in May South Africans fell prey to the violence. As down for everyone. If immigrants are not that we are used to seeing from Rwanda or shack-dwellers’ movement Abahlali with South Africans in unions, employers Liberia, but not from South Africa, at least baseMjondolo said: “A war against the can hammer South African workers by not since the 1980s. Some, like one of a Mozambicans will become a war against all employing cheaper immigrants – just as, in burning man, won’t be forgotten quickly. the amaShangaan. A war against the the past, they hammered white workers by Even though the police could extinguish Zimbabweans will become a war against employing cheaper blacks, and male work- the flames, the Mozambican man died a the amaShona that will ers by employing cheaper women. few hours later. Some said he became a become a war against Many foreigners victim of a cruel method from apartheid the amaVenda.” (see who don’t have days: necklacing, the setting alight of a liv- page 10) Also, on documents and ing person with a tyre around their neck, thus cannot although no tyre was used in this case. May 10, the very first night of the vio- get jobs set Necklacing was also used in the genocide up small in Rwanda. lence, a South African was shops. If they For more than 100 years Johannesburg, run well then the “City of Gold”, has drawn people from allegedly killed in Alexandra for people become all over the world who were looking for a jealous. Most immigrants better life. Many would say that South refusing to take part in the attacks. But most of the live in slums and send Africa, the “rainbow nation”, is known for the little money being a hospitable country. Since colonial- targets were immi- grants, largely from they earn back ism, people from all over the world have to their families settled here. Until the end of apartheid it Zimbabwe – just at the time when at home. was mostly Europeans: Germans, Serbs, Sometimes, Zimbabweans Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, British etc. however, immi- needed help and solidarity Since the end of apartheid it has mostly grants live in RDP from South Africans, been people from other African countries, houses built by the gov- whom they helped dur- especially from those that are in a war or ernment. Some rent these houses from ing apartheid and took in crisis. The number of immigrants in South South Africans; others, no doubt, get them when they had to flee into exile from Africa cannot be stated exactly, but it is from the government by bribery. But as oppression. (See interviews on pages 14 estimated to be between 5 and 6.5 million, Abahlali says: “Oppose corruption but don’t - 17 for more on Zimbabwe and its rela- most of whom are from Zimbabwe and lie to yourself and say that people born in Mozambique. tion to the violence in South Africa.) South Africa are not also buying houses But for all the long history of immigration, Many South Africans who live in slums; from the councillors and officials in the surveys have shown that South Africans who don’t have enough to eat because of housing department.” It is also not true that are among the most xenophobic people on food prices that, in line with global trends, immigrants are responsible for high crime earth (The Times, 24.5.08). This hostility is have rocketed 81 percent in three years; rates. Even statistics issued by the gov- especially common among younger peo- who have lost their jobs – if they ever had ernment say that out of all crimes only 3 to ple, those that have grown up being indoc- jobs – because of neo-liberal programmes 4 percent are committed by immigrants. trinated to be “proudly South African”. and privatisation; and who live in shacks This includes arrests for not having papers Many older South Africans also think that without running water and electricity, blame – which strongly suggests that immigrants they should be the first to enjoy the fruits foreigners for stealing their jobs, houses are responsible for an even smaller propor- for which they have fought so long and and women, and for crime. But they just tion of real destructive anti-social crime. hard. want to find a scapegoat and blame those M ZABALAZAPAGE 4 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

The Bosses’ Nationalism... sion and starvation; with all the lives that died in Lindela. There are reports that But even if government statistics do not are lost by those who, in desperation, still South Africans get deported to Zimbabwe support hostility to immigrants, still the gov- make the attempt to cross the border in the because they “look Zimbabwean” and ernment, the media, and politicians of all face of the state’s forces. because they didn’t have papers with them parties are united in promoting this hostili- And this is how it works in practice. The (Citizen, 14.11.06). Without papers, ty. Nearly every day we hear how South African police are hardly known for money and contacts they somehow have to Zimbabweans steal and how Nigerians being nice to immigrants. It happens quite find their way back to South Africa. It is deal drugs – and the newspapers add to often that immigrants get threatened by the certainly common for South Africans with these rumours, always being sure to men- police and illegal immigrants are made to darker skin than the average, or those who tion when a crime is committed by a “for- give them money – or face deportation. speak Shangaan or Venda rather than Zulu eigner”. In particular, the “Daily Sun” – Even in the May attacks police have not or Xhosa, to be harassed by the police. South Africa’s most widely read daily been interested in helping immigrants. The method used during the pogroms for paper, aimed at the black working class – They have been filmed playing soccer in identifying targets – testing potential vic- has been blamed for inciting xenophobia townships struck by xenophobic violence; tims’ knowledge of obscure Zulu terms – and reporting inappropriately about the on another occasion, they didn’t help a has been favoured by the police for many attacks: its headlines have repeatedly man who slowly died in front of their eyes. years. This insistence on papers and judg- referred to foreigners as “aliens”. But the Foreigners complained that police not only ment due to skin colour recalls the dark Sun is not alone, even if other papers are incited violence, but did not intervene to days of apartheid and pass raids. more subtle. A 2005 study by the Institute prevent it. In the refugee camps to which The police are building a new detention for Democracy in South Africa showed that immigrants fled after the pogroms, there centre near Musina for Zimbabweans anti-immigrant coverage was widespread have been problems between refugees found crossing the northern border, from in the South African press. This included and police. In some incidents, police have where they will be deported without being derogatory references to immigrants and shot at foreigners. (Mail & Guardian, offered the opportunity to apply for asylum. calls for tighter border controls. There 22.5.08) In at least one, (It is worth noting that many would have were exceptions, notably in the busi- trouble getting asylum, since even after ness press. But the study noted that yet another faked election in which business and the newspapers that Robert Mugabe held on to power by cover business tend to support immi- force against massive popular opposi- gration because “we need foreigners’ tion, the Mbeki regime continues to skills or investments”. There may be cover up for the tyrant in Harare and some truth to this view, but it is not a deny that he is a dictator. As for the view informed by concern for immi- economic ruin in Zimbabwe, the fact grants themselves. that many people can’t afford a loaf of Xenophobia in South Africa starts at bread is not accepted as justification the top, at the infamously incompetent for claiming refugee status. (See department of home affairs, which is interviews, pages 14 - 17) known for mistreating foreigners and The police have probably killed which is often corrupt. Former minister more immigrants since 1994 than of home affairs Mangosuthu Buthelezi were killed in the pogroms of 2008; blamed immigrants for high unemploy- but these crimes get far less mention ment years ago. Since then deporta- in the media. Politicians might con- tions have increased. Buthelezi, the demn some “excessive” actions of the leader of the Zulu-chauvinist Inkatha they used abusive language, police – as if murder and brutality were Freedom Party, is no longer in government; saying: “Fucking kwerekwere go back to anything other than the cops’ job! But in but he is not alone in his views. The your country, this is our country.” general, they want the violence to go on. Democratic Alliance, the right wing liberal Long before the May pogroms, police Immigrants are not welcome, unless they opposition, which takes pride in calling for attacked immigrants at the Central bring something the South African ruling an “open opportunity society” – meaning a Methodist Church in the centre of class needs. Their interests and hopes society based on the “free market” – con- Johannesburg in January 2008. This and dreams are not considered. The politi- fines its “openness” to South Africans. It church has been home to over 1 000 immi- cians and the press may support “black says the answer to the attacks is tighter grants for years and it is also a centre for economic empowerment” and condemn border controls. This is also the view of the various social projects, such as Aids help. anti-black racism; they may say women South African Institute of Race Relations, The police stormed the church heavily deserve equality; many of them support of many journalists and academics, and of armed, without a warrant, and arrested, gay and lesbian rights; most at least say many ANC politicians. Practically all these without good reasons, about 1 500 immi- they want better conditions for the poor, distinguished ladies and gentlemen con- grants, 200 of whom were women, some of even if they obviously don’t mean it. But demned the May pogroms; but it is clear them pregnant. But the church is still a hardly any will support equal rights for that they do not have a problem with vio- place of refuge. During the pogroms, hun- immigrants. The “liberal” position is that lence against immigrants. They simply dreds more refugees came to the church, they can come here if we need their skills. want this violence to be carried out by the which means that more than 2 000 people Imagine the outcry if someone said that state: the problem arises when disobedient now stay there. about blacks! But the border is absolute; poor people in the townships do for them- Many illegal immigrants are brought to those on the other side of the fence do not selves what they are supposed to leave to the Lindela Repatriation Centre – or rather, enjoy the same rights. their betters. And they are happy, not only concentration camp – in Krugersdorp. This is the poison of nationalism (see with the state carrying out violence, but Immigrants without documents are held pages 24 & 25). It is the ideology that tries with the even more devastating conse- here for many months until they get deport- to tell us who we are and what our rights quences of closed borders: with the ed. Again and again, gross human rights are on the basis of states and borders. It is absence of any escape from war, oppres- violations have been reported; people have an ideology that says a South African work- M ZABALAZAPAGE 5 SOUTHERN AFRICA M er has more in common with a South differ from Mbeki’s, except in his blatant ...and the Workers’ African boss than with a Zimbabwean chauvinism: if he has broken with Mbeki, Internationalism worker. It is an ideology that divides the his break is to the right, no matter what But rational thought and solidarity are not workers in order to rule and exploit us. It Cosatu’s opportunistic sellout leaders dead in South Africa. Working class inter- has overwhelming support in the ruling might say. It is telling that, although Zuma nationalism has a long history in this coun- class: from the ANC, from the Communist publicly condemned it, the mobs carrying try (see Pages 7 - 11). Internationalism Party and the Cosatu leaders who give the out the pogroms in May often sung ‘Mshini lives on in the social movements of the ANC left ideological cover, from opposition Wami” (“bring me my machine gun”), Jacob popular classes, which are built on the parties, from the media. All these forces Zuma’s signature song. This was original- struggle for better services in the town- promote such initiatives as the “Proudly ly a progressive song, a song of the anti- ships. We know that this very struggle was South African” buy-local campaign. This apartheid struggle; but Zuma’s supporters one factor that motivated the pogroms; but campaign undermines international work- have turned it into a song of personality we cannot join the bourgeois commenta- ing class solidarity by promoting the illusion cult, of Zulu chauvinism, male chauvinism, tors who declare “Today’s service delivery that what workers need, rather than joining and, perhaps, reactionary chauvinism in protest is tomorrow’s xenophobic attack.” in solidarity and struggle across borders, is general. Anger that could have been For the social movements were almost to create jobs inside South Africa by sup- directed into working class resistance alone in presenting an internationalist porting the local economy. It fosters against capitalism is being diverted into response to the pogroms: the first state- nationalist pride and patriotism for South division of the class on gender and nation- ment of such a view came from the centre Africa, the most industrialised country on al lines. of the storm in Alex, from the Alexandra the continent, as opposed to solidarity Another song that was sung during the Vukuzenzele Crisis Committee (AVCC), an across artificial colonial borders – borders pogroms is the national anthem, “Nkosi affiliate of the Anti-Privatisation Forum that the ANC, indeed, accepts uncritically. Sikelel’ iAfrika” (God bless Africa). The (APF). The ruling class characterises the Not surprisingly, the campaign enjoys the message of this song, ironically, is not social movements as criminals and barbar- overwhelming support of local capitalists: exclusive to South Africa; it is pan- ians; we know they are no such thing. This after all, it is they, not South African work- Africanist and religious. This does not is not to say they are perfect. Before the ers, who benefit from the campaign. make it a song of the working class strug- pogroms, xenophobic sentiment was pub- But although nationalism may be the gle, which knows no borders of continents licly expressed by members of the AVCC greatest force of division, hatred and vio- any more than of countries. The exploding itself, and we know that such confusion, lence in South Africa, it is not alone. costs of food and energy, which have such poison, is not easily eliminated. But Racism and sexism continue, and showed added fuel to the fire in South Africa, are in the crisis, the internationalist tendency themselves to be particularly not an African crisis but a came to the fore, informed to at least some dangerous in the months leading extent by class analysis. While up to the May pogroms. In these politicians, journalists and intellec- months we saw the cruel racist tuals, the Institute of Race pranks of white students at Free Relations, members of the DA and State University; the sexist vio- the ANC, were calling for tighter lence at Noord Street taxi rank border control, the APF was saying in Johannesburg; and many “no one is illegal”. Social move- other incidents of chauvinistic ments joined with religious organi- violence, notably against sations, NGOs and middle class lib- women, and, in particular, black erals to co-ordinate relief for victims lesbians. According to People of the pogroms. Opposing Women Abuse, 10 What seemed to be lacking was a lesbians have been killed by link between relief efforts and efforts homophobic violence against to create safe havens and organised women since 2006, an esti- self-defence. Not that efforts at mated one every three defence were altogether absent. months. Refugees at the Central Methodist The times are hard, and it Church watched the doors; some pre- would seem that the culture of chauvinism global crisis, a pared to defend themselves from the is growing, or at least showing itself more consequence of the global capitalist sys- roof. In some other places victims started clearly, throughout South African society. tem, which hammers the working class to organise themselves because the police This may be linked to the ANC’s new pres- everywhere. But some irony appears in were overstrained. In a particularly elo- ident, Jacob Zuma, who is on the way to Africans singing “Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika” as quent statement of working class interna- the presidency of South Africa. Zuma is a they attack their fellow Africans. Evidently tionalism, Abahlali declared its intention to notorious homophobe and a sexist, as the message of the song has been forgot- prevent any attacks in Durban (see page revealed in the statements he made during ten. And this is no surprise, for since 1994, 11). In Cape Town the Anti-Eviction his rape trial, which have surely fomented the song has become a symbol of the Campaign announced its mobilisation to the spread of sexist and chauvinist atti- South African state, a device to rally the prevent at least one attack. Similarly, tudes. This aspect of his politics is far people around the flag, to make us follow social movement activists from Gauteng more significant than his supposed com- the bosses and stop thinking for ourselves. expressed their support for defence, some mitment to the working class, which has Nationalism and the state are killers of trying to mobilise people living in never revealed itself in action or even in thought; they demand not understanding Johannesburg’s inner city slums to defend any serious words. Like any politician, but obedience; and from the death of immigrants in their communities. Zuma is out for his own power, and he has thought emerges the misdirected violence Nonetheless, much remains to be done. played on frustration and anger against the of ignorant chauvinism. A notable expression of internationalism neo-liberal Mbeki regime to win working was a march in Johannesburg on 24 May, class support. In fact, his views scarcely organised by the Coalition Against M ZABALAZAPAGE 6 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

Xenophobia, which comprises social It stands in contrast to the attitude of the “The word Anarchy comes from the Greek, movements, NGOs, immigrants’ organisa- ruling party, which refused to face the roots meaning without force, without violence or tions, church groups, and left political of the violence. Politicians first blamed the government, because government is the groups including the ZACF. Thousands pogroms on a sinister “third force”, then very fountainhead of violence, constraint, attended the march, but it had serious attributed them to mere “criminality”, deny- and coercion … Anarchy therefore does flaws: in particular, little attention was given ing any political or economic roots. The not mean disorder and chaos … On the to the underlying class conflict. Moreover, notorious political opportunist Winnie contrary, it is the very reverse of it; it means participation by the APF’s grassroots affili- Madikizela-Mandela, no stranger to vio- no government, which is freedom and lib- ates was disappointing. Some stayed lence, apologised for the attacks and said erty. Disorder is the child of authority and away because of intimidation; but xeno- that not all South Africans were like that. compulsion. Liberty is the mother of order.” phobic sentiment within the fighting organi- But she also said publicly that these The pogroms in May were chaos result- sations of the class may have been a fac- attacks were done by criminals and not ing from capitalism, the state, and the mis- tor. South Africans (The Star, 15.5.08). With ery that necessarily goes along with them. On the other hand, it was interesting that this she indirectly says that criminals are Politicians maintain that we live in a many of the demonstrators were white not South Africans and leaves it up to us to ordered system of capitalism, when really it South Africans, largely middle class, usual- speculate if she means immigrants or not. is chaos. It shows yet again that chaos ly not seen at marches. Further, some mid- She puts herself, as usual, in the ranks of comes not from anarchy, but from capital- dle class whites – as well as some middle the nationalists, saying that being South ism, which necessarily creates poverty and class and working class blacks – made African is good and not being South African thus frustration. The state is necessary to extensive donations to refugees. No doubt is bad, and setting herself up as the great uphold capitalism and therefore also these actions were motivated by sincere leader who knows who is a true South responsible for chaos. And we have seen solidarity and horror at the pogroms. But African. that in this chaos, the greatest call for order we must wonder how this crisis came to came from the internationalist working attract so much more attention from the class movement, of which anarchism is a white middle class than the daily horrors of Hidden Agendas part. Anarchists have warned about xeno- poverty. It is too easy for the relatively well- We can see that the government was phobia and the threat of nationalism in off to see something terrible and think it is better at coming up with absurd excuses South Africa over the years. Anarchy extraordinary, a remarkable explosion, an for the crisis than at doing anything about would be a society without borders, nations isolated event to be dealt with in isolation. it. In their customary fashion – in contrast and capitalism, thus no fence to divide us, This is an easier line of thought than under- to when the working class is demanding its no ruling elite to incite us and no bourgeois standing the roots of the violence in the rights – the police responded slowly and class to exploit us. mighty and pervasive forces of nationalism, inefficiently when people’s lives were in But we have a long way to go. The statism and capitalism. There are other danger, their presence doing little, at least pogroms have ceased, but violence escapes: no doubt many whites (but prob- at first, to prevent further violence. It’s no against foreigners continues, particularly ably not those who came to the march) wonder, given that the state is the world’s from the state. On 16 July David Masondo, said “Look at these terrible blacks and how major agency of violence, that it would the chairman of the Young Communist they’re killing each other; oh for the good respond so slowly to prevent further vio- League, was arrested and beaten up by old days when we were in charge.” Others lence. But why did President Mbeki the cops, and insulted as a “foreigner”, condemned the pogroms, but were filled choose not to heed the warnings given to because his home language is Shangaan. with fury when the state proposed to estab- government by the National Intelligence If this can happen to a prominent political lish refugee camps in their own neighbour- Agency, as early as January this year, that figure, how much more must be happening hoods. Like the perpetrators of the this kind of trouble was brewing, “especial- to ordinary South Africans and immigrants pogroms, they wanted the foreign barbar- ly in Alexandra”? It seems plausible that ians to stay away; unlike them, they felt every day? And we must note that, while elements in the state either fomented the Masondo’s own organisation condemned that the state could and should do the job, violence or deliberately refrained from the assault, along with the Communist out of sight and out of mind; they felt no intervening as some sort of experiment to Party and Cosatu, none of them noted that need to take violent action themselves. see how far it would go, to see to what this sort of violence is what the police do. Here we see the mentality of relative privi- extent the popular classes could be Hardly surprising, since these supposedly lege, of those who would hate to get their whipped up in mass hysteria against ‘the revolutionary working class organisations own hands dirty, but will turn their eyes other’. After all, this is a tried and tested are in alliance with the capitalist and statist away from violence as long as it is done state strategy for misleading the masses, ruling ANC. Indeed, Charles Nqakula, the quietly and routinely by the state. It is akin keeping them under the thumb of the lead- minister in charge of the police, is a senior to the mentality that regards the pogroms ers and dividing them among themselves. member of the very same Communist as an extraordinary thing that came out of Ruling class politicians and media have nowhere, and it is close to the attitude of added to the confusion by using the word Party. nearly all the organs of the ruling class, that “anarchy” to describe the attacks. This is a Worse still, the pogroms succeeded. the way to prevent the pogroms is better familiar response in times of turmoil. We After the media has lost interest, the vic- control of the borders. even hear that “anarchists” are responsi- tims are still too scared to go home – and Still, the demonstration was a success. It ble. Even less intelligent observers used thousands have no home to go to. Some moved through Hillbrow, a quarter in the the word “anarchism” – which stands for an immigrants think that there have been hun- centre of the city in which many immigrants ideology. Anarchy is again a word used as dreds of deaths, and that the government live. Most of them supported the marchers. a threat, as if these attacks were made by wants to keep the number of deaths low for The demonstration also marched past the anarchists. Anarchy, a social system with- fear of scaring investors, or of undermining Central Methodist Church. It was an out a state, is not chaos but it is order with- that glorious project of the South African important sign of solidarity. Like the relief out authority. It is merely a term to state and capital, the 2010 Soccer World sent to the refugees, it was a hopeful sign describe a society without a government. Cup. The Mozambican government has that there is more to human beings than To quote one anarchist communist who declared a state of emergency and built hatred and violence. lived 100 years ago, Alexander Berkman: refugee camps. At least 30 000 people M ZABALAZAPAGE 7 SOUTHERN AFRICA M have fled to Mozambique alone. The government of Malawi has transported hundreds of its nationals home BA SEBETSI BA AFRIKA with buses. Before the phony election on 29 May, the INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF AFRICA, Zimbabwean leader of the opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai, visited victims in Johannesburg and called on them to JOHANNESBURG, 1917 come back home with him and vote for a better future. MANIFESTO OF THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF AFRICA, (This was before Tsvangirai pulled out of the election, com- ISSUED IN JOHANNESBURG, SEPTEMBER 1917, IN ing to the reasonable conclusion that President Robert SESOTHO AND ISIZULU Mugabe’s lies and terror left him with no hope.) Mugabe publicly declared that returnees will be given land and he LISTEN, WORKERS, LISTEN! organised buses for them – and many left, willing to risk the economic ruin and terror in Zimbabwe to escape the Workers of the Bantu Race: terror in South Africa. Why do you live in slavery? Why are you not free as other men are free? Why are you kicked and spat upon by your masters? Why must The perpetrators have reached their goal: a few thou- you carry a pass before you can move anywhere? And if you are found sand immigrants less. Perhaps this will make more hous- without one, why are you thrown into prison? Why do you toil hard for es and jobs available to South Africans: who can tell?. But little money? And again thrown into prison if you refuse to work? Why with 62 lives lost, what remains is poverty, which will lead do they herd you like cattle into compounds? to more violence in the future. The government has said, WHY? Because you are the toilers of the earth. Because the masters yet again, that they intend to fight poverty – but why should want you to labour for their profit. Because they pay the Government this be taken any more seriously than before? A capitalist and Police to keep you as slaves to toil for them. If it were not for the government remains a capitalist government, concerned money they make from your labour, you would not be oppressed. with the interests of the few. And the success of the But mark: you are the mainstay of the country. You do all the work, pogroms could encourage more of the same, and worse. you are the means of their living. That is why you are robbed of the fruits European anti-semitic violence began with pogroms and of your labour and robbed of your liberty as well. ended with the mass slaughter of six million Jews by a There is only one way of deliverance for you Bantu workers. Unite as powerful nationalist state. In Rwanda a million were workers. Unite: forget the things which divide you. Let there be no slaughtered by the same pogrom methods that we now longer any talk of Basuto, Zulu, or Shangaan. You are all labourers; let see in South Africa. It has happened before; it has hap- Labour be your common bond. pened again; it could happen anywhere. Such violence is Wake up! And open your ears. The sun has arisen, the day is break- often manipulated by political forces in an attempt to ing, for a long time you were asleep while the mill of the rich man was foment poor-on-poor violence as a means of deflecting grinding and breaking the sweat of your work for nothing. You are anger over lack of jobs and service delivery away from strongly requested to come to the meeting of the workers to fight for your government and local leaders. If this happens in South rights. Africa, the worst could be yet to come. It is not inevitable, Come and listen, to the sweet news, and deliver yourself from the but it is possible, and the rise of Jacob Zuma is an ominous bonds and chains of the capitalist. Unity is strength. The fight is great sign. The only sure path to preventing mass slaughter is against the many passes that persecute you and against the low wages solidarity of the working class, solidarity across borders, and misery of you existence. solidarity against the real enemy: cops, bosses and politi- Workers of all lands unite! You have nothing to lose but your chains. cians. You have a world to win.

HRONOLOGY OF THE TTACKS meeting of the Community Policing Forum the night before that C A immigrants were the ones responsible for crime. Only a few BY STEFANIE KNOLL hours after the meeting took place the attacks started. This time the attacks were even worse, a Zimbabwean living in Diepsloot On 15 March 2008 a xenophobic mob attacked shops of immi- tells us. He still can’t believe what he has seen with his own grants in Mamelodi, the township with the most immigrants in eyes. In only two days, six people were killed and hundreds Tshwane (Pretoria). Fifteen shops were looted and burnt down; wounded. This time it was mostly Zimbabweans who were in one of them a nine-year-old girl died in the flames. Residents attacked. The Zimbabwean thinks that many victims would like of the township publicly declared that immigrants burnt their own to return to Zimbabwe, but the situation there is as bad. Many shops (Pretoria News, 16.4.08). have lived here for many years and even have families here. On 18 March two immigrants were killed in Atteridgeville near Nevertheless many now return because they would prefer to die Tshwane, more were hurt, and shops of immigrants burnt down. in their own country. This led to more attacks in the area. Hundreds fled to the local Diepsloot is a huge township but when the attacks started the police station, others to a school, to save themselves. In the fol- police only sent in two vehicles. Our informant thinks that the lowing weeks more attacks happened and four more people were police are not interested in helping immigrants. Too often they killed. Out of the hundreds of refugees at the school, only the are victims of the police themselves. The perpetrators are most- legal ones could stay. Many illegal immigrants and victims of ly school children whose parents are unemployed, he thinks. attacks were deported. That’s why they loot shops and immigrants’ flats. These are only two of many attacks in recent years. The On 17 May the attacks spread to the East Rand. Five people events that have been reported all over the world have happened died in Cleveland, two of them burnt alive. There was a mas- since 10 May, when attacks started in Alexandra. Many immi- sacre in a hostel in Reiger Park in which a 71-year-old South grants and a South African were attacked and killed in Alex, their African was beaten to death. Shops in the centre of shacks burnt down and shops looted. A few days after the events Johannesburg were attacked and immigrants attacked on the in Alexandra, pogroms started in Diepsloot, north of streets. A few days later the attacks spread to the West Rand, Johannesburg. This was not the first xenophobic attack there. then to Mpumalanga. On 20 May they reached Durban, where Only one month before, South Africans had attacked immigrants there were also deaths. Pictures from Cape Town that went and about 100 people had lost their homes within a short time. around the world are shocking, not because they show dead bod- Police only arrived hours later even though they had known ies but “ordinary people”, even older women, who looted shops about the attack before it happened. It was the police that told a and laughed when immigrants drove past them to flee. M ZABALAZAPAGE 8 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

NINETY YEARS OF WORKING CLASS INTERNATIONALISM IN SOUTH AFRICA INTRODUCTION BY JAMES PENDLEBURY (ZACF) For decades, nationalism – African or organisation was the International Socialist defeat the capitalists and the state, workers Afrikaner – has been the dominant ideolo- League (ISL), launched in Johannesburg in must unite as workers, crossing the bound- gy in South Africa. It has drawn the work- 1915, and born from a wave of militant aries of ethnicity and nationality. It makes ing class into unity with the bosses, and strikes and from workers’ opposition to the no mention of the boundaries of the South divided workers from their fellow workers. outbreak of World War 1 the previous year. African state, which were then new and It has promised freedom and delivered In rejecting the war, the syndicalists of less important than they afterwards oppression; it has Johannesburg – became; but the words “Let there be no promised bread and Thomas William such as Bill longer any talk of Basuto, Zulu or delivered starvation. “TW” Thibedi Andrews, SP Shangaan” show that the struggle included Nationalism can play was a lead- Bunting, Andrew workers from outside the Union of South a progressive role ing member Dunbar and David Africa. “Basuto” included workers from when in opposition to of the revo- Ivon Jones – Basutoland (now Lesotho), a British an oppressive lutionary emphasised their colony; “Shangaan” firmly included workers regime, but in power, syndicalist internationalism; from Mozambique, controlled by Portugal. it invariably becomes Industrial and explicitly recog- The IWA in the Cape later merged into the a weapon against Workers of nised that interna- syndicalist-influenced and region-wide the working class. Africa, one of tionalism in South Industrial and Commercial Workers Union The pogroms of May the first black Africa meant reach- (ICU), which defined its goal as One BIg 2008 are the latest members of the ing out to the racially Union “south of the Zambesi [sic.]”, that is, disaster to arise from Communist Party of SA, oppressed African including all southern Africa. nationalism. and leader of its 10 000 strong workers, who, as the Many other syndicalist organisations Many will say that Federation of Non-European Trade majority, as well as were formed in South Africa around this the African national- Unions. He was later expelled on the Indians and time, mobilising black, coloured, Indian and ism of the ANC – or questionable charges, and estab- Coloureds, would white workers. All were agreed that work- the PAC, or black lished the first African Mineworkers' play the central role ers must organise in mass movements consciousness – is Union, and the Communist League of in revolution. They against capitalism and the state; that black the only force for lib- Africa. recognised white workers, as the majority, must play a key eration in South racism as a major role; and that racial discrimination and prej- Africa. The Communist Party claims to be obstacle to militancy for whites and as a udice must explicitly be fought and defeat- socialist, but it allies itself to the ANC, and heavy burden on blacks. ed by the multiracial, multinational working says we must have “national democracy” In 1917 a series of political discussions class movement. As anarchists and syndi- before we can move on to socialism. was held in the evenings in the centre of calists, all rejected the goal of taking state When will we move on? We must wait until Johannesburg, between ISL militants and power, holding that only the workers could the leaders tell us. black workers. From these discussions free the workers. All rejected nationalism But it need not be so. There is another was born the Industrial Workers of Africa as a statist ideology, serving the interests tradition of liberation in South Africa, a tra- (IWA), the country’s first black union, of privileged classes; all insisted that the dition that draws South African workers inspired by the Industrial Workers of the state, capital and racism must be defeated closer to workers in the rest of the world, World, a revolutionary syndicalist organisa- at once, in direct action by the workers in instead of separating us. tion that had spread across the seas from their unions, rejecting any idea of national Revolutionary working class internation- its birthplace in the liberation first and alism appeared in South Africa in the 19th United States. socialism later. The century, but it first became a major force in Through the ISL and struggle against all the 1910s. At this time, the South African IWA, militants such as forms of (divisive) state was newly established, and its Thomas William “TW” social oppression was boundaries did not define people’s identity. Thibedi, Reuben inextricably bound up The working class, in particular, was inter- Cetiwe and Hamilton with the (unifying) national. White workers were immigrating Kraai laid the founda- class struggle. In this from many parts of Europe, North America tions of revolutionary sense, the syndical- and Australia; black workers came from all class struggle among ists sought a revolu- over southern Africa to work in the gold black South Africans. tionary road to nation- mines of Johannesburg. There were ethnic The first statement al liberation, advocat- differences, but among many workers, of the IWA was “Ba ing proletarian anti- these seldom coincided with the state Sebetsi Ba Afrika” (To imperialism against boundaries that had recently been intro- the Workers of Africa), the bourgeois anti- duced by British, German and Portuguese also known as “Listen, Johnny Gomas of the Clothing imperialism of nation- imperialism. Workers, Listen”, Workers’ Industrial Union and the alism. Revolutionary internationalism was intro- which we reproduce International Socialist League The syndicalist duced mainly by European immigrants, here. It points out that movement faded in who brought with them the principles of black workers are oppressed as workers, the 1920s as militants moved closer to sta- revolutionary anarchism and syndicalism for the profit of capitalists; that workers pro- tism and nationalism. This happened in (revolutionary unionism), which was then duce the wealth of society, and should many ways; but we must note that the the main revolutionary movement of the enjoy the benefits; that this requires defeat- Communist Party, inspired by the workers of the world. Their most important ing the capitalists and the state; and that to Bolsheviks in Russia, was launched in M ZABALAZAPAGE 9 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

South Africa by former syndicalist militants nationalism has divided the workers and on immigrants. When the politi- such as Andrews, Thibedi, Bunting and led to the horrifying xenophobic pogroms of cians condemn poor South Africans Jones. Some syndi- May 2008. We note for attacking foreigners, it is calist ideas remained that the new working because they wish to preserve this in the early class social move- power of violence for themselves Communist Party; but ments were almost and their forces alone. in 1928, at the insis- alone in South Africa We can and do fight to stop the tence of Moscow, it in making an interna- worst police repression. And any of turned to a two-stage tionalist response to us, in fear of our lives, will seek the strategy: first “nation- this violence. help of the police when there is no al liberation” in a One of these move- alternative. We cannot blame any- (bourgeois) “black ments is Abahlali one for seeking refuge with the republic” and socialist baseMjondolo, the police, or for calling them in to pre- working class revolu- shack-dwellers’ vent imminent attacks. tion only much later. movement in Durban. But we hope for something better. Eventually, this strate- Here we reproduce If there is no alternative, let us try to gy would bring the Abahlali’s statement create one. Let us build our move- party into alliance Masotsha Ndhlovu, general secre- on the pogroms, ments to the point where immi- with the bourgeois- tary of the syndicalist influenced Unyawo grants – or women facing rape, or nationalist ANC. The ICU yase Rhodesia (1926-1950s), at Alunampumulo. It is gay and lesbian people facing chau- ideals of working Bulawayo in 1930 a statement that calls vinistic violence – do not need to class revolution and for working class unity seek the dubious help of the police. of internationalism lost influence, although and rejects divisions of nationality and eth- Let us build strong, organised work- they never completely died. Nationalists nicity. It criticises the government for ing class communities that can took the lead; and when the apartheid-cap- oppressing the people at home and sup- defend themselves and their com- italist regime fell in 1994, it was the ANC porting tyranny abroad. It notes how big rades against repression and chau- and the Communist Party that held in their capital exploits the poor, and how the New vinism. hands much of state power. Partnership for We should note that the ANC and the Africa’s No organisation is Party did not defeat the racist regime Development is perfect. We believe through armed struggle, their major strate- helping South Abahlali is mistaken gy from 1961. The regime was under- African companies in its view of the mined by the mass working class insurrec- to spread their police. But in its tion of the 1980s, which, unlike the cen- exploitation else- commitment to tralised and exiled ANC, was organised at where on the conti- grassroots organisa- the grassroots, from the bottom up, in nent. It calls for sol- tion, class struggle organisations like the UDF. Its practices idarity, for strong and solidarity across were closer to those of anarchism than to unions, for standing borders, Abahlali those of nationalism or Leninism; but it up to the cops. It shows the way for lacked clear anarchist ideas; and most of proclaims Abahlali’s South African work- its militants were drawn into supporting the readiness to defend ers and poor people ANC as it negotiated a compromise with immigrants against The key figure in the South African to cure themselves the racist regime and white capital. attack. Across the IWW (1910-1913), Andrew Dunbar, of the poison of The end of apartheid was a great victory. decades, it echoes blacksmithing at 80 years nationalism. It is But it did not mark the end of poverty, cap- the call of Ba of age in 1960 returning to a tradi- italist exploitation, or police brutality. It left Sebetsi Ba Afrika. tion that began in the workers subject to the bosses and to The ZACF has some criticisms of South Africa with the syndicalists many the bosses’ state. It promised houses, Abahlali’s statement. When we distributed years ago. In this tradition lies our hope for water and electricity, but it insisted that it in Johannesburg, we included the follow- freedom and solidarity, for an end to everyone must pay, regardless of whether ing comments in our introduction: oppression and violence. We anarchists they had the money. are striving to complete the break with By 2000 a new working class movement We cannot join in their call for “a nationalism and bring victory to the interna- was emerging. Grassroots struggles police force that serves the people”. tionalist tradition. Join us. began again in the townships, to win hous- No police force can be es, water and electricity by demands or by anything other than a For more on the early history of anarchism and syndicalism in direct action. New organisations force of repression, a southern Africa, see our pamphlet Sifuna Zonke, available appeared, many of them outside the ANC force for the state to online at alliance, informed by ideas of revolutionary keep itself on top and www.zabalaza.net/pdfs/sapams/sifuna_zonke.pdf class struggle, including internationalism. the masses at the bot- A very detailed study is a recent PhD thesis by anarchist Many militants sought to ensure that these tom, a force for the researcher Lucien van der Walt, Anarchism and syndicalism in South Africa, available at movements were run from the bottom up, defence of the rich not the top down. Anarchism had reap- against the poor. Again http://witsetd.wits.ac.za:8080/dspace/handle/123456789/4506 peared as an organised force in South and again the police On the class character and programme of the ANC, see our pamphlet Class struggles in South Africa, at Africa in the 1990s; and while the anar- have shown this against chists of the ZACF are a small minority in the movements of the www.zabalaza.net/pdfs/sapams/class_sa_bmc.pdf the new social movements, we are com- poor, arresting, torturing or a more in-depth discussion in Fighting privatisation in mitted to building their revolutionary poten- and murdering us. Not South Africa, at tial. Elsewhere in this edition, we note how to mention their attacks www.zabalaza.net/pdfs/sapams/fightingprivatisation.pdf M ZABALAZAPAGE 10 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

UNYAWO ALUNAMPUMULO ABAHLALI BASEMJONDOLO STATEMENT ON THE XENOPHOBIC ATTACKS IN JOHANNESBURG WEDNESDAY, 21 MAY 2008

There is only one human race. but you look ‘too dark’ to the police or you that people born in South Africa are not Our struggle and every real struggle is to come from Giyani and so you don’t know also cowards. Don’t lie to yourself and pre- put the human being at the centre of socie- the word for elbow in isiZulu. tend that it is the same for someone born ty, starting with the worst off. We need to be clear that in every reloca- here and someone not born here to stand An action can be illegal. A person cannot tion all the people without ID books are left up to the corrupt, violent and racist police. be illegal. A person is a person where ever homeless. This affects some people born Fight for ID books for your neighbours so they may find themselves. in South Africa but it mostly affects people that we can all stand together for the rights If you live in a settlement you are from born in other countries. of the poor. Don’t turn your suffering neigh- that settlement and you are a neighbour We need to be clear that many politi- bours into enemies. and a comrade in that settlement. cians, and the police and the media, talk People say that people born in other We condemn the attacks, the beatings, about ‘illegal immigrants’ as if they are all countries are getting houses by corruption. rape and murder, in Johannesburg on peo- criminals. We know the damage that this Oppose corruption but don’t lie to yourself ple born in other countries. We will fight left does and the pain that this causes. We are and say that people born in South Africa and right to ensure that this does not hap- also spoken about as if we are all criminals are not also buying houses from the coun- pen here in KwaZulu-Natal. when in fact we suffer the most from crime cillors and officials in the housing depart- We have been warning for years that the because we have no gates or guards to ment. Fight against corruption. Don’t turn anger of the poor can go in many direc- protect our homes. your suffering neighbours into enemies. tions. That warning, like our warnings We need to be clear about the role of the People say that people born in other about the rats and the fires and the lack of South African government and South countries are more successful in love toilets, the human dumping grounds called African companies in other countries. We because they don’t have to send money relocation sites, the new concentration need to be clear about NEPAD. We all home to rural areas. Oppose a poverty so camps called transit camps and corrupt, know what Anglo-American is doing in the bad that it even strangles love. Live for a cruel, violent and racist police, has gone Congo and what our government is doing life outside of money by fighting for an unheeded. in Zimbabwe. They must also be held income for everyone. Don’t turn your suf- Let us be clear. Neither poverty nor responsible. fering neighbours into enemies. oppression justify one poor person turning We all know that South Africans were People say that there are too many sell- on another. A poor man who turns on his welcomed in Zimbabwe and in Zambia, ers on the streets and that the ones from wife or a poor family that turn on their even as far away as England, when they outside must go. We need to ask our- neighbours must be opposed, stopped and were fleeing the oppression of apartheid. selves why only a few companies can own brought to justice. But the reason why this In our own movement we have people who so many big shops, why the police harass happens in Alex and not Sandton is were in exile. We must welcome those and steal from street traders and why the because people in Alex are suffering and who are fleeing oppression now. This obli- traders are being driven out of the cities. scared for the future of their lives. They are gation is doubled by the fact that our gov- The poor man cutting hair and the poor living under the kind of stress that can ernment and big companies here are sup- woman selling fruit are not our enemies. damage a person. The perpetrators of porting oppression in other countries. Don’t turn your suffering neighbours into these attacks must be held responsible but People say that people born in other enemies. the people who have crowded the poor countries are selling mandrax. Oppose We all know that if this thing is not onto tiny bits of land, threatened their hold mandrax and its sellers but don’t lie to stopped a war against the Mozambicans on that land with evictions and forced yourself and say that people born in South will become a war against all the removals, treated them all like criminals, African do not also sell mandrax or that our amaShangaan. A war against the exploited them, repressed their struggles, police do not take money from mandrax Zimbabweans will become a war against pushed up the price of food and built too sellers. Fight for a police service that the amaShona that will become a war few houses, that are too small and too far serves the people. Don’t turn your suffer- against the amaVenda. Then people will away and then corruptly sold them must ing neighbours into enemies. be asking why the amaXhosa are in also be held responsible. People say that people born in other Durban, why the Chinese and Pakistanis There are other truths that also need to countries are amagundane (rats, meaning are here. If this thing is not stopped what be faced up to. scabs). Oppose amagundane but don’t lie will happen to a place like Clare Estate We need to be clear that the Department to yourself and say that people born in where the people are amaXhosa, of Home Affairs does not treat refugees or South Africa are not also amagundane. amaMpondo, amaZulu and abeSuthu; migrants as human beings. Our members People also say that people born in other Indian and African; Muslim, Hindu and who were born in other countries tell us ter- countries are willing to work for very little Christian; born in South Africa, rible stories about very long queues that money bringing everyone’s wages down. Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Malawai, lead only to more queues and then to dis- But we know that people are desperate Pakistan, Namibia, the Congo and India. respect, cruelty and corruption. They tell and struggling to survive everywhere. Yesterday we heard that this thing start- us terrible stories about police who Fight for strong unions that cover all sec- ed in Warwick and in the City centre. We demand bribes, tear up their papers, steal tors, even informal work. Don’t turn your heard that traders had their goods stolen their money and send them to Lindela – a suffering neighbours into enemies. and that people were being checked for place that is even worse than a transit People say that people born in other their complexion, a man from Ntuzuma was camp. A place that is not fit for a human countries don’t stand up to struggle and stopped and for being ‘too black’. Tensions being. We know that you can even be sent always run away from the police. Oppose are high in the City centre. Last night peo- to Lindela if you were born in South Africa cowardice but don’t lie to yourself and say ple were running in the streets in Umbilo M ZABALAZAPAGE 11 SOUTHERN AFRICA M looking for ‘amakwerkwere’. People in the comrades from other countries. the people in Jo’burg move beyond making tall flats were shouting down to them say- statements condemning these attacks. We ing ‘There are Congelese here, come up!” We hear that the political analysts are suggest, with humility, that now that we are This thing has started in Durban. We don’t saying that the poor must be educated in this terrible crisis we need a living soli- know what will happen tonight. about xenophobia. Always the solution is darity, a solidarity in action. It is time for We will do everything that we can to to ‘educate the poor’. When we get each community and family to take in the make sure that it goes no further. We have cholera we must be educated about wash- refugees from this violence. They cannot already decided on the following actions: ing our hands when in fact we need clear be left in the police stations where they risk water. When we deportation. It is time for the church lead- 1. We will resusci- get burnt we must ers and the political leaders and the trade tate our relations be educated union leaders to be with and live with the with the street about fire when in comrades born in other countries every day traders’ organisa- fact we need elec- until this danger passes. Here in Durban tions and meet to tricity. This is just our comrades to stand with us when the discuss this thing a way of blaming Land Invasions Unit comes to evict us or with them and the poor for our the police come to beat us. Even the stay in daily con- suffering. We priests are beaten. Now we must all stand tact with them. want land and with our comrades when their neighbours 2. We have made housing in the come to attack them. If this happens in the contact with cities, we want to settlements here in Durban this is what we refugee organisa- go to university, must do and what we will do. tions and will stay we want water in day to day con- and electricity – We make the following demands to the tact with them. we don’t want to government of South Africa: We will invite be educated to be 1. Close down Lindela today. Set the peo- them to all our good at surviving ple free. meetings and poverty on our 2. Announce, today, that there will be events. own. The solution papers for every person sheltering in your 3. We have made is not to educate police stations. contact with sen- the poor about 3. Ban the sale of land in the cities until all ior police officers who we can trust, who xenophobia. The solution is to give the the people are housed. are not corrupt and who wish to serve the poor what they need to survive so that it 4. Stop all evictions and forced removals people. They have given us their cell num- becomes easier to be welcoming and gen- immediately. bers and have promised to work with us to erous. The solution is to stop the xeno- 5. Do not build one more golf course estate stop this immediately if it starts in Durban. phobia at all levels of our society. Arrest until everyone has a house. We will ask all our people to watch for this the poor man who has become a murderer. 6. Support the people of Zimbabwe, not an thing and if it happens we’ll be able to con- But also arrest the corrupt policeman and oppressive government that destroys the tact the police that we can trust immediate- the corrupt officials in Home Affairs. Close homes of the poor and uses rape and tor- ly. They have promised to come straight down Lindela ture to control away. and apologise opposition. 4. We will put this threat on the agenda of for the suffering 7. Arrest all cor- all of our meetings and events. it has caused. rupt people 5. We will discuss this in every branch and Give papers to working in the in every settlement in our movement. all the people police and 6. We will discuss this with our allied move- sheltering in the Home Affairs. ments like the Western Cape Anti-Eviction police stations in 8. Announce, Campaign and the Landless People’s Johannesburg. today, a summit Movement so that we can develop a It is time to ask between all national strategy. serious ques- refugee organi- 7. In the coming days our members are tions about why sations and the travelling to the Northern Cape, the North it is that money police and West, Johannesburg and Cape Town to and rich people Home Affairs to meet shack dwellers struggling against can move freely plan how they forced removal, corruption and lack of serv- around the world can be changed ices. In each of these meetings we will dis- while everywhere the poor must confront radically so that they begin to serve all the cuss this issue. razor wire, corrupt and violent police, people living in South Africa. 8. We are asking all radio stations to make queues and relocation or deportation. In For further information of comment please space for us and others to discuss this South Africa some of us are moved out of contact: issue. the cities to rural human dumping grounds 9. In the past we have not put our members called relocation sites while others are S’bu Zikode: 0835470474 born in other countries to the front because moved all the way out of the country. Zodwa Nsibande: 0828302707 we were scared that the police would send Some of us are taken to transit camps and Mnikelo Ndabankulu: 0797450653 them to Lindela. From now on we will put some of us are taken to Lindela. The des- Mashumi Figlan: 0795843995 our members born in other countries in the tinations might be different but it is the Senzo (surname not given, he has front, but not with their fulll names because same kind of oppression. Let us all edu- we still cannot trust all the police. cate ourselves on these questions so that no papers): 031 2691822 10. If the need arises here we will ask all we can all take action. our members to defend and shelter their We want, with humility, to suggest that www.abahlali.org M ZABALAZAPAGE 12 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

XENOPHOBIA, NATIONALISM AND GREEDY BOSSES - AN INTERVIEW WITH ALAN LIPMAN -

Alan Lipman served as an early member of the underground SACP, which had been re-established in 1953 after its predecessor, the CPSA, was outlawed in 1950. He and his wife Beata worked in an SACP front organisation planning the Congress of the People, which adopted the Freedom Charter in Kliptown in 1955, and Beata beautifully hand-lettered the official version of the Charter. But after intense disagreements over Soviet imperialism with SACP leader Michael Harmel, the couple split with the Party in 1956. Alan engaged in an act of sabotage against the records office of the hated new pass system for black women. The couple fled into exile in 1963, narrowly avoiding being swept up in the Rivonia Treason Trial. In exile, Alan became involved with the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and later shifted towards a libertarian socialist position. The Lipmans returned to South Africa in 1990 and although he initially ran as an ANC ward candidate, he became disillusioned with the neo-liberalism of the ANC and later became associated with the ZACF with whom he conducted a well-received workshop in Orange Farm in May 2006.

As far as I understand, xenophobia tion it has been “A better life for all”, hasn’t to pay. It may be five years away, it may be means dislike, even hatred, suspicion of it? And every election it’s been “A better life three years away, it may be even less. It’s strangers. And it’s been an instrument of for my mates, and for me”. So it seems to going to change all sorts of things in our oppression used by those in power for cen- me that what xenophobia is, or the term lives. The fact that climate is changing, and turies. When people are angry, starving, xenophobia, is a cover-up for misdirected that’s happening quicker and quicker and impossibly housed, can’t get health servic- anger which should have been directed at quicker. The Arctic bloody ice is melting, es, can’t get education for their kids, can’t the ANC, the ANC top leadership – and that and the sea is beginning to rise; I don’t know get education for themselves, they’re angry. goes quite far down in the ANC. Where else how long cities like Durban will exist. Those And where do they turn that anger? Ideally in the world would you get a minister talking are serious issues which our governments – they turn that anger against those who ben- about the Chinese people in South Africa in if we call them governments; our rulers – efit most from their misery but, in actuality, the way that our minister recently spoke should be paying attention to. But they that’s quite difficult; and when that does about Chinese people? Which was racist, don’t even pay attention to xenophobia, the happen that’s a revolutionary situation. But insulting, abusive and what the hell, there’s top rulers. What does Mbeki do? He went mostly people turn their anger against not even been an apology, no attempt to off to some bloody conference in Japan. strangers in their midst or foreigners. understand it. You know why? Because Oh and by the way, just the other day it The Brits have hated the French for cen- she belongs to the upper clique, which has was published in the paper about the meal turies, and vice versa; and the French and been lining its pockets and lining its homes that the delegates to that conference in Italy the Germans and vice versa; the Brits and with smart furniture, and the motor cars and about food shortage; the meals that they the Portuguese and vice versa and you can all the other things; all the copying of the had and the food shortage that is going on. go on and on and on and on; the Scots and white ruling class habits. It’s cartoon copy-book nonsense: pheas- the English; and the Welsh and the English. So xenophobia to me is an attempt, not ants and caviar and all sorts of crap – prob- It’s not a phenomenon that has to do only consciously necessarily, but an attempt by ably tastes good, I don’t know I haven’t tried with colonialism, some consciously, it – fed to these guys by something like 35 although it’s to divide the peo- chefs from all over the world. That was their intense when it’s ple and to direct meal, and the next minute they’re sitting in a colonial or ex- their anger in an down discussing food shortages. There’s colonial situation, entirely false no food shortage. There’s food profits mak- as we know from direction. There ing food shortage, yes. Okay, so those are the history of may be a few peo- the real issues, or the real international India, the history ple from issues that we should be confronting. Or of China, the histo- Zimbabwe, or the we should be confronting South Africa’s ry of South Congo, or Malawi behaviour at the United Nations recently in America and the or from other supporting what’s been going on in Burma. history of Africa. countries, who are These are the sort of things we should be So it seems to better educated talking about. South Africa’s actions in not me that this word than most of the allowing the Zimbabwe issue to be dis- xenophobia which poor in South cussed. Now whether the Zimbabwe issue the press has Africa and who is as bad as it’s painted, and I think it’s prob- SACP veteran turned anarchist Alan Lipman picked up, whilst had a better ably worse, is another discussion all togeth- it’s an accurate description of the hatred, chance to get jobs or small businesses as er. But these are the things that attention dislike and suspicion of strangers, is also a as result of that – but that isn’t a whole should be paid to, but we whip up a call useful concealment of what the real misery group of people. It certainly is not the about xenophobia and what happens? of the South African masses is: a lack of Zimbabweans who fled from the best pal of Our ministers say it’s ‘criminal elements’ opportunities for employment, for housing, our President, you know, fellow gangsters. as though there aren’t criminal elements in for education, for health services and for all So on the question of xenophobia I’m all popular uprisings. Of course criminals the other things that we know about, and deeply suspicious and terribly hostile. will take advantage of that. And another that they know about all too clearly in their While there are serious problems facing the issue; what makes them criminals? How daily lives. So the word xenophobia has world: problems of escalation of fuel prices come they’re criminals? So I’m not been picked up and used as a kind of (and that’s another question of why fuel impressed with the xenophobia charge at smooth covering of something which is mis- prices have escalated); problems of serious all. I’m impressed that the anger that peo- directed anger. It’s anger directed at their climate change caused by human actions ple have shown has been again channelled most obvious strangers in their midst, (not your action, not my action, except we in another direction. instead of anger directed at what I would drive motor cars – I presume you’re here by It’s the displacement of the genuine, pro- call the ruling class, which in SA has been car, and so would I be) which is accelerating found, legitimate anger of the people; who rich whites, like you and me, because we whatever natural processes are going on. have had no promises fulfilled, who are poor are rich in comparison – I’m sorry to say that So those are serious issues; the fact that and worse off, despite what the polls tell us; to you – and certainly an ANC upper clique there’s not going to be enough fuel for your I was just reading about some poll or other which has promised the world. Every elec- car or my car at the prices that we can afford that tells us that the working classes think M ZABALAZAPAGE 13 SOUTHERN AFRICA M they are better off in South Africa – bullshit, Zuma’s a poor choice of a leader. We had could have been a popular revolution they’re worse off. And they’re worse off the choice of either the smooth sophistica- into the two-phase National Democratic under the leadership of a Communist Party tion of Mbeki or the rather crude homopho- Revolution. The first phase already hav- that isn’t communist, and a trade union bic allegiances of Zuma. So it’s a pretty sad ing been reached and the second phase organisation that is barely trade unionist. situation. looking like a distant dream on the hori- zon. What do you think about the role of What do you think about government A minister was quoted on the radio a this class collaboration in the NDR? allegations of third force involvement in while back as saying that, in the I’ve learned to become very suspicious of whipping up the xenophobic violence in Freedom Charter, when it says that nationalism. I’ve learned to become very order to destabilise the country ahead of South Africa belongs to all who live in it suspicious of the people who spout nation- next years presidential elections? Was it what is actually meant is that South alism. Earlier on in my life I was taken in by just an attempt to shift the blame and Africa belongs to all who were born here. that, I’ve been taken in very badly; I’m a avoid accepting responsibility? This obviously could lend itself to xeno- gullible old man. I even went to Israel in If I was a member of a third force, and I phobic interpretation. You and your wife 1948 and took part in the murder and the wish I was an active member of a civil soci- were involved in drafting the Freedom displacement – I only lasted six months ety third force, I would take advantage of Charter; can you tell us what the tone there – of the Palestinian people, and I’m popular unrest as well. I’ve been called an and the sentiment and understanding deeply ashamed about that. I’m also agitator for most of my adult life, my father were at the time of writing it? ashamed about supporting, earlier on, the called me an agitator when I was 10 years The sentiment and understanding at the ANC: African National Congress, about sup- old and I’ve been called an agitator ever time, and the sentiment and understanding porting nationalism in the Congress. I’m since. That could be a third force of course. since then for people who supported the now, not only guilty but hostile and immedi- I would agitate, I would agitate against this ideas, or some of the ideas of the Freedom ately suspicious of people who talk in government. If that’s called third force, Charter, was that South Africa belongs to national or nationalist terms. They don’t okay, I’m a member of a third force. I wel- the people. The people who are in it, who need to. And as I said, I’m proud to be come anger and opposition against oppres- are alive in it. All the people. Not the peo- human. It’s difficult enough to be a human sive conditions. The government will say ple who were born here. I was born in being in an alien society, and this society is ‘third force’, ‘criminal elements’, ‘our political South Africa, my father and mother were alien to me, in a humanistic way. This soci- enemies’, all sorts of things. Of course born in South Africa. So bloody what? ety is not humane, it’s exploitative down to they’ll say that. Our government behaves What does that make me? And different the core. So I strive, in my own personal exactly like my three decades of experience from anybody else? And my wife was born life, to be human; because we’re not in Britain and Europe, how governments do in Germany. So I’m a better South African human, we’re divorced from ourselves, there. When Tony Blair says things the next than she? It’s crap. It’s bullshit. It’s divisive we’re alienated from ourselves, from what minute you’ll hear it coming out of the mouth talk that comes from the top. You’ve just we really are. of Mbeki. They’re the same. There should given me a better example than the ones be more than a third force opposed to our I’ve cited of the sort of non-communist, non- The ANC is actually a nationalist party, government, there should be a popular socialist, non-democratic ideas that are so why do they talk at the same time uprising. being spouted by our cabinet members. about African Renaissance and that Africa must unite? With Jacob Zuma’s ascendency to Could you tell us what you think has The talk about African Renaissance is power within the ANC there seems to been the role of nationalism in perpetu- largely down to people like Mbeki who, I have been a correlating increasing atti- ating the kind of thought that leads to think, had dreams – and I think they were tude of chauvinism through the country, xenophobic attitudes? imperialistic dreams – about Africa rising with an increase in hate crimes and Nationalism is a disease. There were cir- against the Western dominance. That attacks being perpetrated primarily cumstances, during occupation of the Africa was colonised by the Western pow- against poor black lesbians. Do you Nazis, that right-wing nationalists joined in ers is history, it’s absolutely so. But also the think the xenophobic pogroms could the opposition against the Nazis,and that people he thought would support him in this have anything to do with Zuma’s rise and would apply to most imperial situations. renaissance, where he propagated the the culture of chauvinism associated Opposition against the British occupation of ideas of renaissance, were at meetings of with him? and exploitation of India, came also from the African leadership. Now the African I think it is something to do with Zuma’s right-wing Indians. So there have been leadership, as Fanon rightly pointed out to probable ascendency. What does Zuma cases where nationalists have supported us, that leadership is corrupt as hell. It’s offer? He offers the actions. Okay, let’s popular movements, or been party to popu- deeply deeply corrupt. It’s almost endemic agree he wasn’t guilty of rape, and I reserve lar movements, but nationalism is a disease in its corruption. What they mean by ren- my opinion on that. Let’s say he didn’t rape and xenophobia is just the worst symptom aissance in actual terms is making more that young woman; he certainly took advan- of that disease. I don’t need nationalism, money for themselves, more power for tage of a young woman who was the daugh- I’m not a patriot. What have I got to be themselves. Power is the important thing, ter of his best fried, so there’s something patriotic about? Of course I love South power brings money. And thats what the strange about that. He certainly paraded Africa. I love the climate, I love the people, African Renaissance is. You’ve noticed he’s his sexism, he paraded his dislike, his I love the beauties of South Africa, of stopped talking about the African hatred, his fear of gays; and that goes for course. But when I was living in Britain I Renaissance over the last few years, male gays and woman gays. So, Zuma’s loved the people and beauties of Britain as because African Renaissance doesn’t have no choice, we’re faced with a very strange well, but that doesn’t make me a British any appeal to anybody any longer; except a situation. We either support the smooth, nationalist or a South African nationalist. few so-called intellectuals. Don’t be taken sophisticated, hypocritical Mbeki or we sup- Nationalism is the polite term for xenopho- in by the African Renaissance. it’s a weird port the very likely crookery of Zuma, and bia, they’re the same bloody thing. And term anyhow: if he’s talking about African that he had something to do with the arms when business people and top ANC Renaissance why does he take the ‘renais- deal – and who didn’t in government – is not spokespeople talk about nationalism what sance’? Which was a bourgeois expression disputed. What’s in dispute is whether he is they’re really talking about is xenophobia, three centuries ago. Why does he take that guilty of a technical crime or not. That he because it’s the same thing. phrase, why doesn’t he take a phrase that was an associate of Schabir Shaik he does- comes out of Africa? Like ubuntu. Don’t n’t argue against, and the Shaiks don’t I think you touched on the role of nation- believe a word Mbeki says, if Mbeki says “I argue against that. So yes, Zuma is a poor alism in the ANC, as a bourgeois-nation- want to go to the toilet” I don’t believe it. choice of a leader – if we need leaders, and alist cross-class party that hijacked the that’s another question, as you well know. struggle and diverted it away from what M ZABALAZAPAGE 14 SOUTHERN AFRICA M

INTERVIEW WITH TWO LIBERTARIAN SOCIALIST ACTIVISTS FROM ZIMBABWE

This year’s phony elections in Zimbabwe showed yet again the lengths to which dictator Robert Mugabe is prepared to go in his efforts to hold on to power. He has faked votes, intimidated voters, and arrested, tortured and murdered opponents. And while he denounces his imperialist enemies in Britain and the US, he has eagerly sought the support of his imperialist friends in China. In April, just after the first round of presidential and parliamentary elections, it was exposed that a shipment of arms from China was destined to travel through South Africa to Zanu-PF in Harare, arms we feared would be used against the Zimbabwean people The ZACF played a small part in trying to mobilise people in South Africa to prevent the shipment from reaching its destination. Although certainly not as a result of our efforts, the South African Transport and Allied Workers’ Union refused to offload the shipment in Durban harbour, and a court ruling caused the ship’s captain to raise anchor and leave South African waters before the interdict could be served. The weapons are believed to have arrived in Harare after being unloaded and transported through another southern African country. Despite the arms unfortunately reaching their destination, the solidarity shown by South African workers is commendable, and the attention it drew just might have made Mugabe think twice about using them at that time. These are among the issues we raised with two Zimbabwean comrades visiting Johannesburg, in an interview on 21st June 2008, the day before Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai announced his withdrawal from the presidential run-offs on the grounds that it was unfair to expect his supporters to suffer the violence being meted out against them in order to vote. Since this interview took place, the presidential run-offs, ‘contested’ by only one man, have come and gone, leaving no change in regime. Hundreds of opposition supporters have been victimised, arrested and murdered. Thousands more have fled the country. Despite South African President Thabo Mbeki’s dismal attempts as SADC-appointed mediator, the ruling Zanu-PF’s Robert Mugabe and MDC’s Morgan Tsvangirai have since entered into power-sharing talks along with the leader of the MDC’s break-away faction Arthur Mutumbara. These talks, however, seemed to have reached a stalemate over who would get executive power, and who would have control of the police, prisons and armed forces. Arthur Mutumbara accepted the conditions of power-sharing handed down by Mugabe, while Tsvangirai said he needed “more time to think”.

INTERVIEW WITH BIKO, ANARCHO-COMMUNIST FROM THE UHURU NETWORK AND FACILITATOR FOR THE TOYI TOYI ARTZ KOLLEKTIVE; AND COMRADE FATSO AKA SAMM FARAI MONRO, STRUGGLE POET, ARTISTIC FACILITATOR FOR MAGAMBA! THE CULTURAL ACTIVIST NETWORK, ZIMBABWE. CONDUCTED IN JOHANNESBURG ON 21ST JUNE 2008 BY THE ZACF.

ZACF: Can you tell us something about area of Murewa by the Central Intelligence the abduction, torture and murder of grass- conditions on the ground in Zimbabwe, Organisation (CIO) in the remote rural dis- roots activists from across the board. the extent of repression etc? trict. His brother could only recognise him Mainly MDC activists are being targeted Biko: The arrests of senior MDC leaders but also those from Women of Zimbabwe comes in the wake of Zanu-PF’s realisation Arise (Woza), from the National that this time around the MDC leadership is Constitutional Assembly. Four bodies of prepared to call upon the masses of MDC activists were found a few days ago. Zimbabwe to rise up and defend their vote They were from Chitungwiza, which is the using people’s power. The specific incident biggest township in Harare, and they had that gave rise to this awakening in terms of been abducted, tortured, beaten and mur- Zanu-PF’s realisation was Tendai Biti’s dered. And there are also political prison- announcement of the parallel voter tabula- ers. Woza’s leadership has been arrested tion result on 30th March. The arrests are and is being held until after the elections. merely a signal that Zanu-PF is going to What Zanu has now started is that dictato- incapacitate the higher MDC leadership rial trend of taking political prisoners, which and later decimate the middle-layer MDC it didn’t necessarily do in the past. Those leadership – community organisers – so are some of the things that are happening. that there is no organised resistance in the wake of Zanu-PF’s rigging of elections. But ZACF: And the economy: hyperinflation, also, which is much widespread, there availability of food and other basic have been very serious instances of Zanu- necessities, unemployment are com- PF militia in the rural areas mutilating the mon knowledge. Perhaps you have bodies of murdered MDC activists. A case some comments on the origin of the in point is a very close friend of mine, economic crisis. Comrade Tonderai Ndira, who was a com- by a wrist band that he wore. That is the Biko: The Zanu-PF regime came into munity organiser in Mavuku but also – in extent to which Zanu-PF is prepared to power masquerading as a socialist party. It the wake of what is happening – was agi- deal with ordinary people. There are so had as part of its ideological tradition the tating for the armed self-defence of the many numerous names of people that have Stalinist conception of revolution. By 1991 oppressed communities, particularly in the been murdered by Zanu-PF. even workers rose up against the Zanu-PF rural areas. He was murdered in the rural Fatso: What’s going on on the ground is dictatorship but by then it had consolidated M ZABALAZAPAGE 15 SOUTHERN AFRICA M its power. By 1990 Zanu-PF had ceased to ZACF: Can you tell us a little about the its not at all exclusively the MDC. even act as a pseudo-leftist party and it current state of resistance and outrightly embraced the right wing policies prospects for the future; whether resist- ZACF: Please tell us a bit about the of the Bretton Woods institutions, the IMF ance is organised primarily or only by regime’s methods of repression. How and the World Bank, by adopting the eco- MDC or whether there’s other resist- far does it depend on firearms; how nomic Structural Adjustment Programmes. ance; the trade unions movement, important is the Chinese connection in The revolution that is currently under way civics etc.? terms of arms trade? Can you confirm in Zimbabwe is a revolution that has been Biko: The Zimbabwean pro-democracy whether or not the infamous arms ship- sparked by the people’s reaction to the movement has been infected by a disease ment got through to Zimbabwe? adverse effects brought about by the eco- that we call the ‘commodification of resist- Biko: The shipment was actually con- nomic Structural Adjustment Programmes ance syndrome’. There are a lot of NGOs firmed to have been received by a minister of the 1990s. By 1999 we see the forma- getting a lot of money from imperialist in the regimes cabinet, so the shipment is tion of the MDC, and the rest is history. nations but they are not organising con- in Zimbabwe now. It is also another thing though that the fascist regime is prepared to use all means of violence, firearms are central to that to suppress any resistance. So firearms are key. Zanu-PF years ago trained youth militia under the National Youth Service Training Programme. Those militia are currently on standby and will be unleashed after the elections for the cleansing of activists. What they are using are the youth structures of their party which are, by and large, very active in all the var- ious wards of the country. The police and the army were the first to perpetrate ZACF: What is the role of the MDC? cretely where the masses of the working repression and violence and this we saw in Have they handled things well or badly? people are. The Zimbabwe Congress of the pre-29th March period. Also of signifi- Again, historical comments on how Trade Unions remains a militant organisa- cance is the large number of activists who they’ve blundered in the past might be tion but it has been weakened by the high have been murdered, middle layer leaders helpful. rate of unemployment. Our belief as the within the MDC, who were actually mur- Biko: The MDC emerged in 1999 from the Uhuru Network is that the key focal point is dered by members of the army during initiatives of the Zimbabwe Congress of organising in communities where the Operation Command which is in charge of Trade Unions as a workers’ party, but by majority of working people are, and here running the country. The army, the police the year 2001 it had been hijacked by mid- we see the very significant role of the com- and the CIO. dle class intellectuals and capitalists, and bined Harare residents associations, but therefore became a cocktail of ideologies. we feel that the hierarchical structure of ZACF: What about the repressive forces There have been a big number of mistakes most of these organisations organising in receiving training in Korea? Is there that have been committed by the MDC. the communities is an impediment to the something people in countries like The MDC has not aligned itself towards the workers and poor people organising them- Korea could do against this? working people in terms of its economic selves in a manner that actually embodies Biko: It is very key because I’m in fact policies. The MDC continues to look out- the new forms of organisation that we envi- aware of a number of (training centres), wards towards foreign direct investment sion for a new Zimbabwe. particularly in Harare’s Milton suburb that from imperialist nations and multi-national Fatso: I think there’s various types of are being used as training centres by not corporations as the way forward for rebuild- resistance, MDC’s is one form. Amongst only Korean but also Chinese military per- ing the decimated Zimbabwean economy. the civics I think the most powerful move- sonnel to train Zanu-PF cadres in methods But in terms of strategy and tactics I ment is Women of Zimbabwe Arise, a very of torture. This I can confirm because I’ve believe that this time the MDC has learnt powerful social movement made up of witnessed it with my own eyes. from its mistakes of not agitating for peo- women, which focuses on social justice ple’s power, but what remains a very seri- issues, takes to the streets where neces- ZACF: How long is it actually going to ous weakness at this particular point is the sary, believes in direct action and is a take to get rid of Mugabe, and what hap- inability to prepare the masses for an upris- national movement that has got sections all pens then? A government of national ing. Yes, it’s good to have the leadership over the country. And then there are other unity or the MDC? What kind of policies calling for people to get into the streets, but forms of resistance. There are the civics, will such a government adopt? Is there it’s not good enough because you need to and there’s those like ourselves that use a danger of a return to neo-liberalism; have the people prepared through training, arts and culture in the struggle. We’ve got and what can be done to resist this? through regular actions with regards to our network Magamba! The Cultural Biko: Frankly, I am not a firm believer in bread and butter struggles that people are Activist Network, and we put on different parliamentary politics as a tool for the liber- going through, because only through action resistance shows as ways of keeping peo- ation of the working and poor people, so can people attain confidence in using ples inspiration high, giving people that I’m pretty much indifferent to what is going action as means to liberate themselves, food for resistance. I think there are differ- to happen after Mugabe because what is which is the only way for Zimbabwe. ent forms of resistance that happen and no, clear to me is that the working and poor M ZABALAZAPAGE 16 SOUTHERN AFRICA M people in Zimbabwe are not ready to take knowledge and tradition of the basic strug- power. The US is an imperialist nation control of their lives because they have gles for water, the basic struggles for food whose motives around “resolving” interna- been brainwashed by the ideology of the that formed a lot of the core struggles dur- tional problems is purely economic. They ruling class. The MDC, if assumes in ing our struggle for democracy today and would want to open up the economy of power – which I would say will happen in would hopefully be able to continue the Zimbabwe to the multinational corporations the next year or so if people’s power and struggle for social and economic justice. I that come from that particular state. So the resistance is organised properly – will don’t think it ends with MDC being in they do not have the interests of the pursue neo-liberal polices. The only posi- power, I think freedom is never fully Zimbabwean people at heart. In terms of tive thing that I can see about an MDC gov- attained and a lot of the movements will the international community helping with ernment is slightly broadened democratic morph into new movements and new the resolution of the crisis, it can only be space, within which I think revolutionary movement will be born and the struggle for people-to-people solidarity; poor and work- organisations, activists and movements peoples basic socio-economic rights will ing people, revolutionaries and organisa- can operate much continue. tions – similar minded – in various coun- more flexibly to fight tries all over the world rendering solidarity neo-liberalism. ZACF: What about to the Zimbabwe people with the interests Fatso: One never the role of other of the empowerment of poor and working knows how long it regional and inter- people in Zimbabwe. will take to get rid of national powers, Mugabe, but I do such as South ZACF: What can you say about Thabo think it’s the final Africa, UK, US, and Mbeki, and do you think that Jacob days of Zanu-PF. I China? Economic Zuma will be any better when he comes don’t think they can interests, inter- to power? go on much longer. I imperialist rival- Biko: The relationship with the think a form of gov- ries, links to gov- Zimbabwean state if Zanu-PF is in power ernment of national ernment and oppo- will clearly be acrimonious because Jacob unity is what would sition? Zuma appears to be the new favourite pup- come about, even Biko: Central to pet of the West in light of his ability to hood- MDC have talked of efforts by the inter- wink the trade unions – Cosatu as a move- this; that there is national community ment – into supporting him. It has become such polarisation in to resolve the clear I think to most of the imperialists that Zimbabwe that the Zimbabwean crisis Jacob Zuma has the popular support of the MDC alone may not has been South people, but he is clearly another puppet in be able to take all the Africa, particularly terms of his relations with companies, the people with it. So there is likelihood that if Thabo Mbeki’s role as the mediator of the capitalists, and arms dealers, and he won’t the MDC was to form a government of SADC-initiated dialog. Thabo Mbeki I think have anything to offer the people of them bringing in certain elements of Zanu- is by and large motivated by the South Zimbabwe, the ordinary masses; but he will PF, more reformed so-called progressive African state’s sub-imperialist interest in be, after Mbeki, the imperialists’ next elements. There are progressive aspects the economy of Zimbabwe. I think also key favourite puppet in terms of how their to what MDC wants to put in place; they to understanding his relationship to Zanu- strategies are implemented within the talk a lot about a people-based economy PF is the relationship between the ANC, as Southern African region. and people-centred constitution, but it a party, to Zanu-PF. We must also under- needs to be seen in practice because one stand that Comrade Mbeki, if I might call ZACF: In terms of international solidari- problem with Zimbabwe is that there’s a big him a comrade, was educated – or his ty, what can we do? Who is helping in likelihood that, in a new, independent and education was financed – by Zanu-PF, he SA and elsewhere? For example stop- free Zimbabwe, that in order to get foreign was staying in Harare at the hospitality of ping the weapons shipment... investment a lot of the country and its Robert Mugabe, and when he goes to meet Biko: The transportation workers union I resources will be sold off to foreign Robert Mugabe he meets him as his supe- think signaled the direction that workers investors and foreign corporations.... So I rior in terms of the nationalists as a move- need to take, unlike what we have seen – think that’s one think to look out for, and ment. The role of the West and another is getting into debt. We have a the UK is motivated by the failure huge illegitimate foreign debt that we of the Zanu-PF regime to resolve should not pay. Some of it was incurred by the land issue in Zimbabwe and Rhodesia and the rest was incurred by also the question of ownership of Zanu-PF and none of that should be paid means of production, which is back; its illegitimate. The policies that central to the struggle. The UK, should be put in place should be policies as a state, harbors a hope that that focus more on social and economic they might be able to reverse the justice, and I think that if those kind of poli- loss of the estates and perhaps cies don’t start to be put in place then peo- companies or economic interests ple, because the democratic space would in Zimbabwe as a result of technically be larger under the MDC one Mugabe’s pseudo-leftist parties if would hope, people will still have that an MDC government comes to M ZABALAZAPAGE 17 SOUTHERN AFRICA M even though Cosatu has been militant at able to overcome the system. The impact it is actually possible that people whose times – but we have seen a lot of talk- of people fleeing the xenophobic attacks interests do not lie with the working people shops around what’s going on in and coming back to Zimbabwe has on one might be able to have their buddies to influ- Zimbabwe. But I think concrete action hand the effect of bolstering the vote of the ence this. But I would much rather focus on the role that the polices pursued by the along the lines of MDC, because ANC government have had on the xeno- what Satawu did in clearly those people phobic attacks. stopping the ship- are people who are ment of arms is the disaffected by the ZACF: What role do you think national- next direction. Zanu-PF regime. ism might have played in these attacks? Fatso: I think a lot of But it has also tragi- Biko: Capital is globalised, the capitalist in Zimbabwean people cally had the effect of Joburg is able to send huge amounts of were very empow- worsening their money to Harare in seconds whereas the ered by the regional plight because the people’s movement is restricted by these borders, and that people are forced to solidarity that came violence that did recognise these ideological constructs lim- about from the civics obtain in that short ited to the ruling classes’ propaganda with especially in South period in South these geographical zones. I think that has Africa around the Africa is incompara- been key to shaping the thoughts that we arms issue, Cosatu- ble to the violence have seen manifest in this very tragic way affiliated trade being perpetrated by during the xenophobic attacks. And I think unions refusing to the Zanu-PF regime that our role as progressives and revolu- offload, refusing to back home, and tionaries is then to try to share the ideas transport the ship- these people are pri- that we uphold of a world that has no bor- ders, and I think that is the way forward in ment. The South mary targets addressing xenophobia across the world. African Litigations because most of Centre taking the them did flee after ZACF: Any messages to the internation- boat to court. I think some resistance al anarchist movement? Any appeals or that was very powerful civic solidarity; the activities and it is like throwing these suggestions for how the international South African government had nothing to activists back into the lion’s den, and this is anarchist movement can support the do with it. That was showing how social the tragedy of our situation. struggle in Zimbabwe and help the movements and civics can be a powerful advancement of anarchist ideas there? ZACF: There are rumours that MDC force for good within society. So I think Biko: Firstly, ahoy comrades and we agents could actually have acted as appreciate the efforts that the movement actions like that where social movements provocateurs and brought about these has been receiving so far. We as the take the forefront, don’t wait for govern- attacks in order to cause Zimbabweans Uhuru Network have significantly benefited mental action, I think that’s important. to flee back home and therefore bolster from our relationship with the ZACF in their support during the elections. Do terms of the literature that we have man- ZACF: Any comments on the recent so- you think this is a possibility, or do you aged to get and also the experiences that called xenophobic pogroms in South think it’s the South we share with com- Africa? Anything about Zimbabweans African govern- rades. Currently the who fled the pogroms back across the ment trying to realisation that we divert responsibili- Limpopo? How significant is this from need to remind each ty? other that the anar- a Zimbabwean point of view and what Biko: While I cannot chist movement is a does it say about the South African gov- really comment with very small move- ernment and people? confidence about ment within the Biko: Firstly I’d like to register my under- what really hap- broader leftist move- standing of the fundamental causes of the pened in South Africa ment but also within xenophobic attacks, which I think are pri- as I was in the pro-democracy marily rooted in the rate of unemployment Zimbabwe, I am movement, and that in South Africa, which is a direct result of inclined to believe our true anarchist that third force con- the capitalist economic structure that the comrades are at spiracies are really risk, especially when South African state is pursuing, and also something to drive us we have levels or the artificial food shortages which are cre- away from the repression such as ated by the global capitalist complex in responsibility that the are obtaining in order to initiate a hike in prices. I think ANC government Zimbabwe. We those particular causes resonate with the has towards the poor need to constantly situation obtaining in Zimbabwe and do and working people communicate, inter- point to us having a common enemy, which in South Africa which act, share experi- is capitalism. It is particularly disappoint- is the fundamental ences and also cause. Like I said ing, though, that the xenophobic attacks information about before, the MDC is actually a cocktail of actions happening because when shit hits also point towards and indicate to us the ideologies and is a party that cuts across the fan it is only an anarchist that will be lack of understanding of each other’s class; most of the influential people in the able to give appropriate solidarity to a fel- struggles that we as working people face, MDC are not really pro-working people so low anarchist comrade. which we have to overcome in order to be M ZABALAZAPAGE 18 AFRICA M

ONLY THE KENYAN PEOPLE CAN HEAL THE RIFT IN THEIR SOCIETY TORN BY SQUABBLING ELITES

The widespread violence which marred Kenya earlier this year was seen by many commentators – especially in the wake of the 1 January Eldoret church massacre of refugees from the killings – as having dire parallels with the Rwandan Genocide of 14 years before. It was Kenya’s worst bout of violence since the Mau Mau Revolt of 1950-1962, and indeed, did acquire some “ethnic cleans- ing” overtones as Kikuyu and Luo murdered each other. This was echoed somewhat in the South African xenophobic killings where in some areas, mobs of Zulus took advantage of the general chaos to “hunt” Shangaans (Zabalaza has to decry the inflammatory comments of some commentators who claimed “anarchists” were responsible for the violence – this puts our comrades lives at risk in the townships). The bloodletting in Kenya and South Africa stunned the world, especially as both took place in what were widely viewed as stable, “Westernised” democracies. “We don’t do this in Kenya,” a shocked security official told Daily News journalist Tracy Connor; “It is what happens in Yugoslavia and Sudan.” But for some time, Zabalaza would argue, both countries’ ruling parties have cynically disguised their anti-poor policies behind a smokescreen of chauvinistic emotions which they have encouraged to run unchecked among their constitutents. Both have played to the mob’s narrow ethnic prejudices, sowing dragon’s teeth that they have now reaped where it hurts them most – a tailspin of investor confidence. This analysis was kindly written for Zabalaza by Kenyan journalist Juliana Omale-Atemi. She’s not an anarchist- communist, but we felt it was vital to have an experienced in-country view of the riots and killings which marred Kenya earlier this year. And Zabalaza can only agree with her conclusion that the solution to Kenya’s problems rests not with either international interven- tions, nor in elitist compacts, but in ordinary Kenyans deciding to refuse party and ethnic factionalism in order to embrace their neigh- bours – and build a new society dedicated to righting the wrongs of decades of corrupt mismanagement and callous social engineer- ing. Michael Schmidt (ZACF)

KENYA,S TROUBLES ARE FAR FROM OVER BY JULIANA OMALE-ATEMI IN NAIROBI, WRITTEN FOR ZABALAZA

Kenya’s troubles are far from over. the towns and settlements in the Rift Valley, to reclaim their farms and homes on the Nairobi’s current veneer of calmness can Western and Nyanza provinces and parts one hand and the hostility of former neigh- be misleading. It is difficult to imagine that of Nairobi and its environs. It is no secret bours demanding the unconditional release just seven months ago, this was the epi- that there are serious divisions within the of their youth before anything else can be centre of the turmoil that eventually Coalition regarding how to deal with hun- discussed. Even then, the long-awaited engulfed large swathes of the country fol- dreds and possibly thousands of people Commission of Inquiry into Post Election lowing President Mwai Kibaki’s disputed arrested by police in connection with the Violence began its hearings in July and election victory. The breakdown in the rule violence that convulsed the country in the public expectations were high that the of law and order was further fuelled by the six weeks after the disputed election Commission will shed light on what really public lack of confidence in the country’s results were announced. happened. institutions. But harder still, for Kenya, is The calls for blanket amnesty have come The Commission is mandated to investi- the breakdown of social relationships and mainly from the Prime Minister’s Orange gate the facts and circumstances related to trust among Kenyan communities further Democratic Party, a notion that is rejected the post-election violence and investigate exacerbating Kenya’s raw class and ethnic by the key players in President Kibaki’s the action or omissions of state security tensions. Party of National Unity who want them to agents. It will also make recommenda- It is five months since Kenya’s Grand face the full force of the law. However, the tions to prevent a repetition of electoral vio- Coalition Government was sworn in – former argue that the arrests were targeted lence in the future and suggest measures negotiated by an international team of disproportionately against Odinga’s sup- to bring those responsible for the violence mediators led by the former UN Secretary- porters while pro-Kibaki groups got off with to justice and eradicate impunity. Women General Kofi Annan. The two principles in little more than a rap on the knuckles. are particularly keen to see how the all- this negotiated arrangement for power- Closely intertwined with the calls for or male commission, led by Kenyan Justice sharing are President Kibaki and Raila against amnesty for perpetrators of the Philip Waki will treat the distressing issue Odinga the Prime Minister. Even then, the violence is issue of resettlement and of sexual and gender based violations that new government in Kenya faces enormous compensation for an estimated 350 000 were visited upon thousands of women challenges necessitated by promised displaced people and returnees following and children in the worst hit areas. nationwide reforms and a new constitution the government’s aggressive move to Through their various representa- – notwithstanding the fragility of the shut down 176 camps for tives who have already made con- arrangements within the Coalition that internally dis- tact with the could very well undermine its survival as placed persons commis- the principals’ lieutenants and foot-soldiers around the sion, they jostle for vantage positions within and out- country. are side the Coalition. Returnees emphatic There is also the sticky issue of whether find themselves that they or not to grant blanket amnesty for mainly between a rock have no youthful gangs and militia groups from both and a hard room in sides of the political divide that took part in place, with the their hearts the post-election violence which claimed government for granting over 1 200 lives. The worst-hit areas were prodding them amnesty to M ZABALAZAPAGE 19 AFRICA M the perpetrators of violence. toral reforms, including constitutional, leg- Ultimately, only Kenyans can determine Meanwhile, the Independent Review islative, operational and institutional how to heal the deep social and economic Commission, headed by aspects as well as accountability mecha- rifts that exploded into the violence wit- retired South African nisms for ECK commissioners and staff to nessed in early 2008. This calls for ruth- Justice Johann improve future electoral process- less honesty and the courage to deal with Kriegler has es. Justice Kriegler chaired South decades of historical injustices and sys- been travers- Africa’s electoral commission in tematic impoverishment and displacement ing the coun- 1993 ahead of the elections that of entire groups of Kenyans by years of try to seek ushered Nelson Mandela as bad governance and skewed economic the views of the country’s first and social policy with the historical injus- Kenyans on black president in tices led to the displacement of thousands the recent 1994. He resigned in of people and in some cases, entire com- political turmoil. 1999. It is hoped that munities from their ancestral land. Millions The Kriegler team he will bring his experi- were impoverished after years of misrule is expected to asses the ence to bear in the case and economic mismanagement. It is the Electoral Commission of of Kenya’s transition to prayer of many that the current leaders will Kenya’s (ECK) efficiency of and internal peace and the put aside their personal interests, party capacity to discharge its mandate strengthening of affiliations and ethnicities to enable Kenya to investigate the post-election democracy. Both the heal and grow. Kenya can only emerge violence. The reputation of the Waki and Kriegler victorious if it avoids the temptation to grant ECK was largely discredited follow- teams are the products those suspected of arson, rape and murder ing the announcement of the con- of the international com- blanket amnesty. Leaders should instead troversial election results in early munity’s intervention through Mr fight for fair and speedy trial. Kenya has January leading to the eruption of vio- Kofi Anaan, who brokered the power the capacity to rise up from the ashes vic- lence around the country. The com- sharing arrangement between Kibaki and torious. mission is expected to recommend elec- Odinga.

WILL EU TROOPS STOP THE CENTRAL AFRICAN CYCLE OF VIOLENCE? RONAN MCAOIDH, WORKERS' SOLIDARITY MOVEMENT (IRELAND)

The deployment of an EU military force they have been even more active, bombing being supported from IMF sanctions after to Chad and Central African Republic and occupying rebel areas as well as pro- defaulting on an expenditure agreement. (CAR) was widely spun as a humanitarian viding unconditional political support. It is This may well be related to the joint US- intervention, to protect refugees and necessary therefore, to see France’s role in Malaysian exploitation of oil fields in the humanitarian workers from attacks by the current EU deployment as merely part south of Chad. Darfur-based militias, but can we really of a long process of supporting But if all this is the case, why have the expect them to play a positive role in these ‘their men’ in Chad French pushed the EU to get involved countries’ politics? and CAR, whatever rather than acting alone? After all, The first point that we need to make is the human cost of the French have been quite happy that the main influence behind the deploy- these regimes. to use their military to fight wars in ment of the EUFOR force was France, the What France these countries in the past, so former colonial power in Chad and CAR, gets back from what’s different now? The which still maintains an active military this is profit: answer lies in France. alliance with both countries’ governments. while France The new French pres- Any look at a history of the French state’s props up these ident, Sarkozy, has involvement in Africa should soon dispel states French frequently pledged to any belief in their commitment to human corporations get end the longstanding rights. Since the ending of colonial rule first preference for many neo-colonial relationship (itself a constant parade of injustice) the contracts; in 2006 French compa- between France and repres- French state has supported brutal regimes nies supplied nearly 20 percent of sive regimes in Africa. in Chad, CAR and Rwanda and elsewhere Chad’s imports and 15 percent of At the same time, he in Africa, engineering coup d’etats and mil- CAR’s. Furthermore, CAR has is interested in devel- itary intervention in its bid to ensure that major reserves of uranium which oping the EU as a polit- ‘their men’ in Africa remain in power. serve as a back-up source for ical force, strongly push- At present, French troops and aircraft France’s nuclear powered economy. ing the Lisbon Treaty as continue to offer support to the govern- In Chad France have a strategically well as a common treaty on immi- ments of Chad and CAR, outside of the EU important base in Central Africa, with gration. Thus, the present interven- deployment. Recently, they have offered three airbases, a thousand troops, and tion allows the French elite to simultane- intelligence and logistical support to the a squadron of fighter jets ready to be ously develop the military practice of the Chadian army, even airlifting militia from deployed wherever they are needed. EU, while maintaining their privileged rela- the Justice and Equality Movement from The Chadian state has also received tionship with these regimes. Not only this, their positions in Darfur back to Chad to backing from the US government, receiving but sending troops under an EU flag rather defend a city under attack from Chadian military training as part of the US ‘Trans- than a French one provides the interven- rebels. For Bozize’s brutal regime in CAR Saharan Counter-Terrorism Initiative’, and tion with a coat of respectability. M ZABALAZAPAGE 20 AFRICA M

It is hard to tell whether we will see a sig- the leash. It could well happen that the see a chance to put themselves into power, nificant increase in EU military intervention combined French and EU forces will allow and use the resource riches for them- in Africa; certain sections of the European rebels to overthrow the government if they selves. Western corporations and their elite are keen for the EU to develop its use lose faith in the current regimes. political elites maintain this dreadful state of military force in order to secure energy Overall we can conclude that this EU of affairs, despite their ‘humanitarian’ rhet- resources. However, the slow and contra- mission does not mean that peace will oric, they are only interested in serving dictory development of the European proj- come to Chad or to Central African themselves and will use whatever means ect means that the EU are far outpaced by Republic. The cause of the conflicts is not necessary to preserve their pillage of these China in the new ‘scramble for Africa’. It is an absence of force, if this were the case countries’ resources. Those who are gen- also worth remembering that the positions these conflicts would have ended many uinely interested in peace and social of the dictators in Chad and CAR are by no years ago. The cause of these conflicts is change face a real struggle, against the means secure; in the past France has had deeper; it is rooted in the ongoing poverty state, against the power seeking militias, no problem with replacing one tyrant with and neglect of the people, as well as the and against Western neo-colonialism, another when their man begins to pull at opportunism of would be strong men, who whatever face it wears.

BRUTAL REPRESSION IN SIDI IFNI (MOROCCO) BY NORTHEASTERN FEDERATION OF ANARCHIST COMMUNISTS (USA/CANADA)

For a while now, the Ait Baamran, an Amazigh tribe from the struggle at all times. The violent response of the police forces fir- area, have been protesting their marginalisation, the delayed oper- ing tear gas, resulted in serious injuries to one young man. He ation of the the new port and all the promises of development, was hit on the head by a tear gas bomb, and was taken to Agadir widespread unemployment and favoritism in public sector hiring hospital where he remains in intensive care. for the city government. In September of 2007, the boycott of the Finally the march coincided with the burial of Mohamed Chafai, Parliamentary elections was practically unanimous, in response to who died of a heart attack when the police invaded his home, the call made by the coalition of associations. arresting his son. His burial inspired another mass march, On May 30th, 2008, a large denouncing his death as a murder, the repression and demanding march headed toward the port, punishment for those responsible. deciding to set up an encamp- In spite of all the abuses of power, of the repression against the ment to block the entrance and media (Aljazeera director, Al Massae...), of the police stopping the refrigerated fish fence around Sidi Ifni, of the establishment of military tent trucks from leaving. Since that hospitals where there is no possibility of ascertaining any day, the protests continue. And information about the state of the injured, of the restric- frequent acts of repression: per- tion of information in the civil hospitals, the truth con- secutions, beatings, inspection tinues opening the way and each time it looks and destruction of the shelters..... more cetain that the brutal repression of June there are also deaths. 7th caused several deaths. In addition to the four bodies that appeared on the beach and are yet to be identified, King Hassan’s old tactic of Background the “disappeared” is returning. The deaths are On Sunday, May 15th, the caravan in solidarity with the denied and the bodies don’t appear so that people of Sidi Ifni left from Guelmine and Tiznit en route there is no proof. There are disappeared com- to Sidi Ifni with people from all over Morocco, from the rades whose whereabouts nobody knows: North, South, East and West, and with the support of the they’ve fled, are in hospitals or maybe even Amazigh (Berber) movement, from all human rights organ- dead. isations and Left parties, more than 500 participants. The caravan and the march on Sunday has At the entrance to the city, its residents, who have main- lead to, not only the breaking of the fence around the city, tained their struggle despite military occupation and isolation but also a great dose of motivation and of morale for the pop- of the besieged city, (women’s demonstration on May 8th, sav- ulation that came back en masse to take the streets. Now more agely repressed, general strike on May 12th, deserted streets, than ever they need solidarity and support. walked only by military boots) came out to welcome the caravan, The Northeastern Federation of Anarchist Communists (Nefac) breaking the police fence that kept them isolated. would like to express its maximum solidarity and support to the The march went around the entire city, more than 10 000 people struggle and the resistance of the Ait Baanram people of Sidi Ifni joined. (Sidi Ifni has around 20 000 inhabitants). The march went against unemployment, the lack of social rights and the marginali- by the neighbourhoods that suffered the police attack, the sacking sation of the area. and violation of homes, the signs of these attacks could still be seen. Demands: The breaking of the city police barrier has been a great victory M The immediate withdrawal of the Public Order forces from the of the solidarity caravan. Some comrades, refugees from the city. mountains due to police persecution, joined in the march, taking M The immediate and unconditional release of the detained. advantage of the caravan’s entrance and gave their testimony of M An independent investigation of the facts and prosecution of the what occurred on June 7th. Chants were heard demanding to culprits of these abuses. cease the police persecutions, their withdrawal from the city and to M The acceptance of the legitimate grievances of the residents of begin dialog with the authorities. Sidi Ifni. The arrival of the march near the Moulay Ali Abdellah School M No more marginalisation of the Ait Baamran. and the provocative presence of the police nearby motivated the combative response of the youth, who have been at the front of the Taken from: www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=9198) M ZABALAZAPAGE 21 INTERNATIONAL M

OBAMA AND LATIN AMERICA: A FRIENDLY IMPERIALISM? , , BY JOSE ANTONIO GUTIERREZ D.

With the official nomination of Barack ment meant any change in the policy of the than of a qualitative nature. It seems that Obama as the Democrat candidate for the US towards the Middle East or Latin we can have a Yankee praetorian guard next US presidential elections, there are America? If anything, we could say without perpetually in the Middle East... many who are rejoicing in the hope that this much hesitation than it’s been for the On the Palestinian question, Obama has will bring an end to the imperialist and worse. Did Colin Powell make a difference been more than clear: in March, he criti- aggressive foreign policy of the US.1 A in Bush’s government or stop the invasion cised the “view that sees the conflicts in the wise traditional saying states that it really of Afghanistan, Iraq or Plan Colombia? Middle East as rooted primarily in the does not matter what colour a cat is as long “Ah, but he is a Democrat” we are now actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead as it can catch mice. Turning their backs told. And do they forget that it was of emanating from the perverse and hateful on popular wisdom, many on the Latin Kennedy, the Democrat, who pushed for ideologies of radical Islam”.3 Can anyone American left are full of expectations about the invasion of the Bay of Pigs (Cuba) and point out to me what the difference is Obama, who is almost certain to follow that it was he who, applying the theory of between this view of the Middle East and Bush as the White House leader. the Carrot and the Stick, car- that of the Pentagon’s hawks? Just like ried the developmental- Bush, he fails to “see” the link that the ist bluff of the Alliance Palestinian conflict has with “minor details” What’s the difference between for Progress, while on such as the Palestinian occupation, Israeli a Black Democrat and a the other hand he State terrorism (a State founded on forced implemented the displacement and violent land expropria- White Republican? “National Security tion of Palestinians, it has to be said), the “Oh, but he’s a Doctrine” towards Latin institutional racism in Israel, similar in many black candidate” America? Do they for- aspects to the South African apartheid and we are told. As get that it was Clinton worse in some respects, or the strangling if the presence who bombed Iraq of Gaza. If he sees these factors, he quite of one - 1! - black (1998) and convincingly plays the fool... man in a racist Somalia (1994)? But what about his positions towards institutional Not to mention all Latin America? He has made clear what machinery was of murderous his programme towards Latin America will going to make any blunders in the be, starting with a criticism of Bush’s poli- difference to immi- Balkans... Do tics towards the region. “We’ve been grants and the resi- they forget the diverted from Latin America. We contribute dents of US ghettos. criminal embar- our entire foreign aid to Latin America is Obama has, by the go that Clinton $2.7 billion, approximately what we spend way, already imposed on Iraq, in Iraq in a week. It is no surprise, then, been forced to which, according that you’ve seen people like Hugo Chavez distance him- to UNICEF, cost and countries like China move into the self from his pas- the lives of at void, because we’ve been neglectful of tor Jeremiah least 500 000 that”.4 Wright, who children? Do denounced institu- they forget it tional racism in the was Clinton who A New Alliance for Progress? US and had to embrace started with the Do we need it? Do we want it? fully the discredited rhet- rhetoric of the Iraqi What is Obama offering to us Latin oric of the “land of oppor- Weapons of Mass Americans? Something maybe worse than tunities”. Being a black Destruction? man, with fresh roots in Bush has already given us: more interven- the African continent tion, more domination, more interference in our own affairs, more death. The lesser- and thus an alien body in Obama and the the traditional US spheres of power, evil politics turn into a cruel paradox with Obama has on his shoulders a pressure (Old) New World Order the imperial grandeur that Obama adopts none of his political rivals have in order to Obama certainly is a critic of the Iraqi when talking of his “backyard”. Now that demonstrate that he is trustworthy for the invasion, but he is not for an end to the the US is being displaced from Latin Yankee plutocrats. So there he goes, occupation, only for the reduction of mili- American markets by China and the EU,5 adhering with greater fervour than anyone tary personnel, which will remain neces- who are making a triumphal entrance with else to the values and project of the sary to guarantee the loyalty of the Iraqi their own Free Trade Agreements, as well American Way. With the fanaticism of the regime, to train the Iraqi army and to “fight as by the new emerging regional power of religious convert, he proves his credo to his the threat of Al-Qaeda”.2 His main criti- Brazil (not to mention the shivers that the associates, in a way that those born into cisms of the Iraqi war are of form, not of regional unity projects led by Venezuela the faith do not need to. substance; they are not about the human cause in Washington, as they also repre- There also those who believe that the cost on the Iraqi people, and certainly he is sent a further threat to its hegemony), colour of the skin, due to some curious not to question the ravenous logic of the oil Obama states openly that he is about to intellectual and emotional effect of melanin, interests behind the occupation, but only turn our land into a battlefield for the US to would make the potential US head of State criticises its excessive costs on the US recover its lost ground. Competition for our more sensitive to the sufferings of the Third budget. It seems that, when it comes to markets is out there, and no matter which World and of its neo-colonies. But has Iraq, differences between Democrats and global power is to win, we know who will be Condolezza Rice’s presence in the govern- Republicans are more of a quantitative the certain loser: our people. M ZABALAZAPAGE 22 INTERNATIONAL M

And not to leave the slightest shadow of lains of the story are adapted to local cir- made it possible for something unthinkable doubt about his imperial pretensions over cumstances: the FARC-EP replaces Al- to happen... a black candidate! The perfect our America, on May 23rd at a meeting with Qaeda, War on Drugs replaces War on chief for this crisis, a cosmetic change for the Cuban American Foundation, the Terror, Chávez replaces Saddam Hussein the substance of the domination system to FNCA (in Miami, where else?), he set out and Venezuela replaces Iran. The inde- remain untouched: imperialism has never his complete programme towards Latin pendent regional projects of Venezuela, been an issue of melanin. America: 6 Bolivia and Ecuador, which are drifting The imperial politics of the US are not up away from the Washington Consensus, to each US president to decide: it is a well 1. Direct diplomacy with Cuba, but main- constitute the new “Axis of Evil”. ingrained element in the Yankee State taining the embargo; Obama describes Venezuela as an apparatus, in the social forces which shape 2. He stated his intentions to isolate authoritarian regime, with a wallet-led the life of that nation, and the single force Venezuela and its allies in the region, with diplomacy and full of Anti-American jargon that can alter this order of things is the the argument that they are FARC-EP sup- that reproduces the “false promises” of grassroots, bottom-up, struggle of the peo- porters; those “failed ideologies of the past”.7 But ple. For let us remember something that 3. The FARC-EP gets exactly the same what is it that Obama has to offer instead? we Latin Americans frequently forget: in the role as Al-Qaeda in the Middle East: the Unconditional support for authoritarian US there are also people. There is also a perfect excuse to justify any intervention in regimes such as that of Uribe,8 dollar-led working class. Change depends on them. the region. In fact, he goes as far as to diplomacy – plus more economic interven- A US president, at most, can decide what declare that he will not tolerate members of tion, microcredit offers, and some other version of imperialism he wants to apply, that organisation looking for sanctuary filthy handouts to increase our dependency be it a Neanderthal version of imperialism, beyond Colombian borders nor any local – and hollow promises from failed ideolo- or a “forced consensus” version. regimes giving them any support, in a clear gies such as the Washington Consensus. Let us hold no false illusions. follow-up to the media harassment of All of his platitudes are, indeed, stained Imperialism cannot be reformed, neither Ecuador and Venezuela; with the old-fashioned National Security will it be defeated in the ballot box. It will 4. Absolute support for Plan Colombia and Doctrine. And in an attempt to recycle be defeated in the streets, in the work- for the fascist regime of Uribe in Colombia failed intervention programmes, he even lit- places, in the schools and universities, – he, however, remains opposed to the erally calls for a New Alliance for the through the struggle we lead in the coun- Free Trade Agreement with that country, so Americas,9 suspiciously similar to the dis- tryside and in the urban centres, the strug- as not to contradict his own supporters in credited fiasco called Alliance for Progress gle we take to every corner of this world. the US who remain staunchly opposed to that Kennedy promoted in the ‘60s. Difficult as this struggle may seem, is the any more trade liberalisation with that only realistic option left. country. Let’s see if he remains opposed Let me repeat: in the US, there are also after the elections; Obama go home! people. But just as the Salazar dictatorship 5. To increase the budget for the Merida It is only natural for Obama to increase in Portugal needed that push from the Plan, which under the excuse of the “War the virulence of the imperialist politics African anti-colonial struggles (Angola, on Drugs” (local variant of the War on towards Latin America; after all, he knows Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau) to fall, and Terror), is nothing but the latest mechanism that he will be in command of a sinking needed that stimulus for the blossoming of of social control over Latin America. He ship, of an empire stuck in a swamp of the Carnation Revolution to happen, US went further to declare that he was going to political, economic and military troubles. imperialism and its global dictatorship will expand its current area of operations in The depth of the US crisis is not, this time, fall with that little push of our anti-colonial Mexico and Central America southwards ... a result of the hallucinating desires of a struggles in the Middle East and Latin maybe he will expand it to the Andean axis bunch of utopian leftists – tycoons such as America. But that struggle belongs to the which runs from Venezuela down to Soros or economists such as Stiglitz are people themselves, to the working class, Bolivia? turning into the main prophets of the new and it will have no other unconditional allies crisis. And every single empire in crisis has but their own solidarity: if Ayiti (Haiti), if So, there’s not much of a novelty in this. to resort to higher levels of violence, in a Colombia, if all of America, if Palestine, if Unless it is the deepening of an aggressive similar fashion to a drowning man who tries the Middle East, are to wait for the answers intervention policy, which is a US tradition to remain afloat by blindly slapping the to their deep problems to arrive from the in our region, and the continuity of a dated water’s surface. In the same way, Obama White House, they will have to remain wait- paternalism, though in more of a blatant is already threatening Venezuela and Iran. ing for millenia to come, forever and ever... form. Every worn-out project needs to refresh His view of Latin America is not very dif- its image, to display some renewal on its José Antonio Gutiérrez D. ferent to that of Bush in relation to the facade in order to conceal its exhaustion. 05 June 2008 Middle East, save for the fact that the vil- This wearing out of the “American Way”

Notes: 1. A sample of optimism that is a single step away from delirium can be found at http://espanol.news.yahoo.com/s/ap/080604/latinoamerica/aml_pol_eeuu_elec_latinoamerica 2. www.barackobama.com/issues/iraq/www.ontheissues.org/Celeb/Barack_Obama_War_+_Peace.htm 3. http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article9427.shtml 4. www.ontheissues.org/Celeb/Barack_Obama_War_+_Peace.htm 5. www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=8809 6. http://espanol.news.yahoo.com/s/23052008/54/latinoamerica-obama-permitir-viajes-familiares-cuba-mantendr-embargo-econ-mico.html, http://espanol.news.yahoo.com/s/23052008/54/internacional-obama-considera-necesaria-nueva-alianza-latinoam-rica.html, http://espanol.news.yahoo.com/s/ap/080523/eeuu/amn_pol_obama_latinoamerica 7. http://espanol.news.yahoo.com/s/23052008/54/internacional-obama-considera-necesaria-nueva-alianza-latinoamerica.html 8. www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=8977 and also www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=9006 9. http://espanol.news.yahoo.com/s/ap/080523/eeuu/amn_pol_obama_latinoamerica M ZABALAZAPAGE 23 THEORY M

ANARCHISM & IMMIGRATION

YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO LIVE WHERE YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO ASSOCIATE WITH YOU CHOOSE. WHOM YOU CHOOSE.

YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO WORK WHERE YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO SPEAK ANY YOU CHOOSE. LANGUAGE YOU CHOOSE.

YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO TRAVEL WHERE YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO PRIVACY. YOU CHOOSE.

Anarchists Believe In Free Association Anarchists Believe In International This means that everyone has the right to live where they Labour Solidarity choose, work where they choose, and have social relationships We believe in Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism, and the use of with whom they choose. Direct Action including the Stay-In General Strike where workers occupy their work places to deprive the capitalists and their police state governments the resources to attack us. We believe that the Anarchists Are Anti-Racist people who do the work should own the work place and share the We do not believe in differentiating between people because of benefit of what they produce and that wage slavery, where capi- their ethnic ancestry. We believe that all privilege, discrimination, talists steal the value of what we produce and call it “profit,” must and segregation based on ethnicity, national origin, or cultural be abolished. We believe that capitalists and bosses who produce group must be eradicated. nothing and exploit our labour should be done away with and replaced with co-operative work places that are run democratical- ly. We believe that working people of all nations should co-oper- Anarchists Are Anti-Nationalist ate to insure that everyone has an equal standard of living and that This means that we do not recognise the right of any govern- transnational capitalist corporations can no longer force us to ment to legislate citizenship. We do not recognise the territorial accept wage slavery, dangerous and inhumane working condi- sovereignty of any nation or the legitimacy of any national borders. tions, and the poisoning of our communities by pollution to avoid the threat of poverty, unemployment, or death by starvation or dis- ease. We believe that we working people can take control of our Anarchists Are Anti-Authoritarian lives without any need for leaders or a We believe that no one should dominate another, no national government to tell us what to do government should seek to dominate another, and no ethnic because we know what needs to group, caste, social class should dominate another. We believe be done and are best able that society should be organised democratically and that all gov- to make it happen. ernments must be abolished. We believe that social peace should be maintained by the community and not racist cops.

Anarchists Are Anti-Capitalist We believe that poverty and unemployment are intentionally cre- ated by capitalists as threats to use against and control working people. They are not caused by immigration which is simply the migration of people from areas of the world where land and labour are exploited by the capitalists to areas of the world where capitalists own powerful governments whose laws and military forces protect them and their wealth and do their bidding. We believe that everyone who wants to work should have a well- paid job and that jobs like raising children, not compensated by capitalists, should be financially supported. Under capitalism 80 percent of all wealth produced by a worker is stolen by capital- ists, bosses, or government before they are paid for their work. We believe that it is pos- sible for everyone who wants to work to have a job where they can earn more but work only half as much as under capitalism. We believe that people should not be restricted in moving across national borders to work to feed their families because it is possible for there to be plenty of work for everyone. Text originally downloaded from www.radio4all.org/redblack - with minor changes by the editor M ZABALAZAPAGE 24 THEORY M

THE POISON OF NATIONALISM BY STEFANIE KNOLL

Some of the people attacked were born than she does with an unemployed worker Nationalism, the idea that everyone with- in South Africa or have a South African living in a shack in Harare. in artificially drawn borders is the same, is passport. Aren’t they South Africans? Nationalism came about only in recent absurd. Even more absurd is to speak What makes a South African? How many centuries. It has led to hundreds of wars about nation-states, a goal most states in generations must one have lived here to be ever since, to fascism and Nazism. It has the world work towards. There is not one accepted? What skin colour does one killed millions of people, raped millions of state in the world that is made up of only have to have? When thinking about this it women (a nationalist strategy to wipe out one nation, or only one culture. In every quickly becomes clear that state there are minorities, who is a South African and whether they are traditional who is not is not a scientific minorities, nomadic people or decision. It is about what immigrants. As such, national- people think and want and ism will always violate certain this changes over time. people’s rights; it will always We as anarchists - and exclude people who are differ- therefore internationalists - ent. say that no one is illegal. We Nationalism divides people do not accept borders of any on a false basis. National bor- kind. For us, everyone is only ders solidify the sovereignty of human, not South African, nor the ruling classes over working Zimbabwean nor any other and poor people - nothing nationality. Every person on more. The state and capitalists earth has the right to live use the borders against us. wherever he or she chooses. They themselves can move Borders are only a recent cre- their money and goods across ation to keep working class borders, but they prevent nor- people around the world mal people from having the divided and to bring some same freedom as they do. opportunists to power because they have a foreigners used all over the world) and tor- They tell us that immigrants come and take whole country behind an imaginary idea. tured not only those from other nationalities away our jobs when at the same time mil- Not only are borders a recent creation; so but also people fighting against national- lions of jobs are exported by our capitalist is nationalism. We only make one distinc- ism. It has discriminated against immi- compatriots, to countries where they can tion: between oppressors and oppressed. grants and nomadic people; it has justified pay workers lower wages and where work- Nationalism is a belief that we somehow racism, ethnicity and genocide. ers are not allowed to unionise. Many belong together just because we were acci- Nationalism is therefore directly related to things decrease local employment levels dentally born in a certain place. It is a racism. It is directly related to fascism and but ultimately the system is to blame. It’s belief that seeks to connect millions of peo- genocide. the plain old greed ple, even though they don’t know each Nationalism is a of those who own other and might have nothing in common. bourgeois inven- land, companies Everyone within certain borders is sup- tion of the ruling and the means of posed to be similar and everyone outside class to win the production which the borders is supposed to be different. loyalty of the causes a bigger This necessarily leads to the forced assim- working class. problem. Instead ilation of minorities within one state which The working class of looking at the includes the wiping out of cultural diversity has a history of root of the prob- and of people who are not seen to be “true internationalism; lem, people are Germans”, “true French”, “true Americans” frequently rulers, conditioned to find or “true South Africans”. It necessarily or those who wish someone to place leads to the exclusion of the majority of the to be rulers, have the blame on. So- world and represses those who seek shel- had to trick the called foreigners ter from oppression or starvation at home. workers into fol- are one of the A nation has to be created artificially, it is lowing the nation- scapegoats. not natural, and the people have to per- alist banner. It is important to ceive themselves as a national community. Without national- point out here that Nationhood is a state of mind based on ism, we might internationalists common myths and memory, regardless of now have a sys- are against liberal whether it is true or not. tem without artifi- conceptions of a It is nationalism that makes up the myths cial borders, a world without bor- of Zimbabweans taking our jobs or stealing system that is not ders to establish South African women. It is nationalism that based on the free trade. We are would have us believe that a poor woman exploitation of the against free trade living in a shack in Alexandra has more in vast majority of because it only common with a wealthy businessman living the people by a small national elite. We means the freedom of the wealthy to fur- in a mansion in Sandton, simply by virtue of might have that very system we struggle ther exploit us, unhindered by state regula- the fact that they are both South African, for: a world without borders and capitalism. tions. Our aim is a world without trade and M ZABALAZAPAGE 25 THEORY M exchange and money and private property, achieve and is thus not immediately with poverty, exploitation and starvation, where goods are produced and distributed rewarding. However, in the long run, this is with fear and confusion, and murder is like- for the needs of all and not for profit. Trade the only way to get rid of our frustration. ly to follow. is always about profit and therefore about Turning on our weaker brothers and sisters exploitation. only helps the bosses. Nationalism originated in Europe and Leaders was imported to Africa via colonialism. Another drop of poison is added to the African nationalisms are based on Proudly South African mix by the cult of leaders. There seems to European colonialism, since they inherited The same that can be said in most coun- be a deep mistrust among the majority of colonial boundaries and continued to use tries in the world is also true for South people living in South Africa in themselves. colonial languages for administration. Africa. Born out of colonial interests and People always look for leaders and leader- Most of the time it was better educated and with no respect for local conditions, borders ship; they only dismiss leaders if they don’t thus also wealthier people in the cities who were artificially constructed and defended. act quickly or strongly enough - not started nationalist movements. South Africans were first united in their because they don’t need them, but Nationalism can thus be regarded as an common subjugation, which was based on because they are looking for stronger lead- urban elite phenomenon. race. To succeed, opposition to this racist ers. As has been seen throughout history, While nationalism can help a people to rule had to be united. The ANC – which, from the earliest recorded history up until rid themselves of alien domination such as from the beginning, was a bourgeois or now, leaders have most (if not all) of the colonialism, it is also clear that it can result petty-bourgeois party – sought the loyalty time betrayed the people, especially poor in the elimination of certain minorities with- of the workers through nationalism, seduc- and working class people. They lie to us in a territory to create a homogenous ing them away from more progressive and use us, persuade us with nationalist nation. The genocide in Rwanda is only sentiments to fight and die one example of many. In South for a country that does Africa, Afrikaner nationalism not support us, for which played a similar role: it was only we have to give even an anti-colonial nationalism if we don’t have enough. that tried to root out black We cannot rely on any lead- South Africans. And ers. If we follow them blindly now, the domi- we will be lost, we will follow nant black them onto the battlefields and nationalist ideolo- die for their personal issues gy is doing the same and gains. We will gain noth- thing in relation to ing for ourselves; our family foreigners. Much of does not gain dignity because this disaster is the of their fallen sons, brothers legacy of colonialism and fathers. They are not and colonial ideas. heroes as our leaders want us Nationalism has to believe. They are victims who become an easy way have been tricked into blindly fol- for the ruling class to lowing leaders into war, after hav- make the oppressed movements. Since the end of ing not stood up against them. turn against other apartheid this nationalist unity has had to Killing people because they are oppressed people. be reproduced. different, because the leaders con- Chauvinistic violence Crucial to this is the slogan “Proudly demn them, or because the nation- in South Africa is on the South African”, a slogan with which we alist ideology of the bosses says rise. This can be easily have been indoctrinated for seven years. they don’t belong here, is in no way explained with a psychological example Proudly South African is a slogan the heroic and in no way a solution to that is probably quite universal throughout national elite needs in order to be backed our problems. Our fight is not the world. Frustrated at work and from by the majority, the working class, which against Zimbabweans and being shouted at by his boss, the husband actually has much more in common with Mozambicans and Somalians; it is goes home and shouts at his wife because poor Zimbabweans than it does with South against the capitalists, against the bosses, of a simple mistake she made – perhaps African millionaires. It’s also a campaign against the politicians, against the leaders. overcooking the meal. The wife, frustrated supported by all major South African com- When we, the working class, rely on our- by her husband being righteous, shouts at panies to get people to buy South African, selves, collectively, and not on leaders; the child because she didn’t wash her supposedly to create jobs and economic when we organise from the bottom up hands before eating. The girl, frustrated by growth. But Proudly South African also rather than the top down; when we act on always getting told what to do by her par- implies that there is something to be proud understanding rather than prejudice, and ents, can only get rid of her frustration by of our borders that have been artificially on solidarity rather than chauvinistic hatred hitting the dog or her doll. drawn, that there is something to be proud – then we will be able to rid ourselves of Coming back to South Africa, we see that of our common history. And most impor- capitalism and the state, of poverty and frustrated people turn against those that tantly, that we have to be proud to be South starvation, of nationalism, imperialism and are more vulnerable, like women in gener- Africans as compared with anything else, colonialism; then we will be able to build a al, lesbians in particular and immigrants. that we are something better. world where all are free and equal com- They are more vulnerable and one thus Given this fact a horrible question arises: rades. sees one’s power more immediately. The did South Africans act ‘proudly South struggle against the ones that are really African’ when they attacked foreigners? responsible for our frustration, our bosses We hope not but such slogans certainly and the government, is seen as harder to lead to xenophobia. Mix these slogans M ZABALAZAPAGE 26 THEORY M

NOSTALGIC TRIBALISM OR REVOLUTIONARY TRANSFORMATION? A CRITIQUE OF ANARCHISM & REVOLUTION IN BLACK AFRICA MICHAEL SCHMIDT (ZACF)

Whenever internecine warfare breaks more libertarian socialist outcomes. centric, patrimonial rule, in part, the 2008 out in Africa, claims of “tribalism” are not far His one flawed hope was to overzeal- Kenyan Uprising was tellingly aimed). behind. From the false distinctions ously apply libertarian socialist intentions Whether the Kikuyu indeed once in the dis- imposed between the Nguni nations of the and even programmes to the actors in tant past had a system that could be equat- Zulu, Swazi and Xhosa under apartheid to these insurgent dramas. This is least ed to a libertarian social order as anar- the deadly ethnic stratification imposed on excusable in terms of the Mau Mau chists understand it – democratic decision- Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda by the Belgians, Uprising because it was sufficiently far in making power decentralised through hori- the suggestion is that African conflict is pre- the past for Halbrook to have gotten a bet- zontal federations of councils of recallable cipitated by primordial savagery – while ter grasp of its nature – although to be fair, delegates – is debatable (and the same similar bloodletting in Europe (during the the full extent of the brutality of the British goes for whether the Ballantes of Guinea wars in Bosnia-Herzegovina and in colonial regime and of the Mau Mau resist- or the Ibos of Nigeria can make a same Chechnya for example) is by comparison, ance itself has only recently been ade- claim). modernly nationalist, ethnic cleansing quately documented.1 Nevertheless, for Despite the apparently remarkable and notwithstanding. And yet tribes, their var- Halbrook to hail the Mau Mau as “the worthy communitarian nature of Kikuyu ied social organisation – and inter-tribal expression of centuries of anarchism” was society as spelled out by Barnett and factionalism – are a fact of socio-political both ahistorical and a misinterpretation of Njama, the other experts cited by Halbrook, life in Africa. the true mobilising intent of the historicising they and he do not appear to critique the Some anarchists, both Africans and of the likes of Mau Mau leader Jomo inescapable, non-free-associative basis of westerners, noting the slender presence of Kenyatta (an error he replicates regarding this tribal system, nor of its ageist hierar- libertarian socialism on the continent have PAIGC leader Amílcar Cabral). The mere chy, so common to African traditional cul- sought to establish an organic basis for its fact that the Mau Mau slogan “Land and tures, or its enthnocentrism, and do not (re)establishment as an indigenous, non- Freedom” echoed that of the Mexican, appear (in Halbrook at least) to discuss alien socialism by celebrating libertarian Ukrainian, Spanish and other anarchists, or ownership of land, livestock, goods and forms of traditional African social organisa- that a PAIGC leader extolled the virtues of services, landlordism and other aspects of tion where these were found to exist. the peasantry electing their own remov- what was still a feudal economy however Some have done so informed by the true able, non-hereditary leaders is insufficient one may appreciate some progressive nature of the African political economy, proof of their libertarian socialism. aspects of its social organisation. while others have embarked on exercises There is in addition – and this is remark- Lastly, as with much sentimental outsider in wishful thinking. Among the latter able for a writer supposedly hailing from support for nationalist politicians like Aung appears to be Stephen P. Halbrook’s the anti-statist tradition – no understanding San Suu Kyi of Burma today, or Nelson Anarchism & Revolution in Black Africa. of the imperialist interest and role played Mandela of South Africa in the past, there Halbrook wrote this article, which forms by the suppliers of arms and other support is a marked shyness to engage in any sub- part of our African Resistance History to the rebels: the USSR, Cuba and China stantial critique of either the leadership cult Series, in 1971 at a time when he was supplied the PAIGC, while Biafra was clan- that is so assiduously cultivated by their completing his PhD in philosophy at the destinely supplied by France, Portugal, supporters, or of the exact form of econo- Florida State University (attained in 1972). white Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa my and class society envisaged by the “lib- It appears that Halbrook went on to (against an unusual Cold War triumvirate of erators” after their despised enemy is sup- become a leading legal figure in defence of British, American and Russian backing for planted. These errors-by-omission are the American constitutional right of its citi- Nigeria). She who pays the piper calls the commonly committed by the statist Left, but zens to bear arms, basing his arguments tune, so the Stalinist funders of the PAIGC also recall the rose-tinted view of national on Switzerland’s “armed neutrality” stance determined in it an authoritarian tendency liberation struggles by, for example, a fac- during the Second World War. He has writ- to the same extent as the ethnic separatist tion of the Love & Rage Revolutionary ten extensively on the issue, but it is not funders of Biafra determined in parts its Anarchist Federation’s pro-national libera- easy to determine at a glance whether his narrow ethno-nationalist outlook. It begs tion stance on the Zapatistas in the 1990s defence comes from a Right- or Left-wing the question of in what way these realpoli- (which contributed to the RAF’s dissolu- perspective as both camps in the US have tik positions could be considered genuinely tion) and by much of the International of embraced the right to bear arms for defen- liberating by Halbrook. Anarchist Federations regarding Cuba in sive reasons and Halbrook speaks in the Halbrook’s other, closely linked, flawed the 1960s (against the legitimate protests “neutral” tone of the lawyer. Nevertheless, hope was to assume that an ill-defined of the Cuban Libertarian Movement in if Halbrook subsequently defected from lib- “anarchism” was fundamental ertarian socialism to the Right, we would to many traditional African say we’d had the best of him while he was cultures – stating wrongly, with us. given that anarchism only And that best, perhaps reflected in this arose as a modern, interna- pamphlet, is flawed by two interlinked tionalist, mass-based practice hopes that the indigenous insurgencies of in the First International in the Mau Mau of 1950-1962, the liberation 1868, that “Black Africa has a struggle of the African Party for the centuries old anarchist tradi- Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde tion,” and uncritically echoing (PAIGC) of 1963-1974 in Guinea, and the Kenyatta’s statements about Biafran Secession from Nigeria of 1967- the historic libertarian prac- 1970 had – not unreasonably given the tices of his own tribe, the A Mau-Mau resistance group (note the home- euphoria of the era – raised in his mind for Kikuyu (against whose ethno- made rifle held by the man on the far right) M ZABALAZAPAGE 27 THEORY M

Exile). late Wilstar Choongo of the Zambian ration from the organisation of the Lebous The cellular structure adopted by the Anarchist and Workers’ Solidarity village federations and from the social for- Mau Mau rebels, the “bottom-up” decision- Movement (AWSM) related to me in some mation of the Ballante people of Southern making process of the PAIGC, and the vol- detail the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Senegal and Guinea Bissau. These social untaristic “people’s army” form of Biafran his own southern tribe, suggesting this formations, which were by no means prim- resistance were in my view less related to could advance the anarchist cause.3 He itive, were organised in such a way that the libertarian tradition than to the obvious said his tribe was in essence a flattened, societies concerned had neither dominant demands of clandestinity – and the loyalty chiefless hierarchy. classes nor exploiter chiefs. There pre- given by their irregular fighters to individual A similar claim was made in the founding vailed a type of direct democracy which charismatic leaders is not in itself indicative statement of the Anarchist Party for was not imposed from above. This form of of libertarianism; for fascist militancy organisation could be perfectly well adopt- makes similar claims. Similarly, it is a ed even with the current state of our pro- stretch of the imagination to claim for ductive forces, if only the exploiting classes Biafran leader Chukwuemeka Ojukwu the could be unseated and if the possibility of right to assume the mantle of the great the appearance of totalitarian leaders could Ukrainian anarchist revolutionary Nestor be removed. This is a model where pas- Makhno on the basis that Ojukwu consult- sivity and blind obedience to exploiting ed with an assembly of “all the professions” anti-democratic bosses would not figure”. – including no doubt, the businesses and What is interesting about this account, the parasitic classes (Makhno’s RIAU was however, is that while it takes it’s inspiration by contrast controlled policy-wise by mass from village federalism and earlier tribal Congresses of Peasants, Workers and social formations (echoing Halbrook’s Insurgents and it is out of this directly-dem- approval of Ballante tradition), it applies ocratic experience that the “platformist” A fortified Home Guard Post, with them to the modern economy and argues political line is derived). Mau Mau ‘suspects’ detained behind for a form of decentralised, directly demo- Yet on these slender bases, the evidence the barbed wire awaiting cratic worker organisation that is not at all of the nationalists Kenyatta, Cabral, interrogation out of step with the modernist impulse that Ojukwu and a few other admirers, Halbrook drives anarchism – and they specifically believed traditional culture could provide a Individual Liberties in the Republic (Palir), stated their implacable opposition to “chau- communalist model for political action in established at an anarchist congress on vinist nationalism”. the era of decolonialisation, centralising the old slave-deportation island of Gorée, Sam Mbah and I.E. Igariwey, of precise- national liberation struggles and import- off Dakar, Senegal, in 1981, shortly after ly such an organisation, the anarcho-syndi- substitution-industrialisation modernisa- the regime of Abdou Diouf declared for calist Awareness League in Nigeria, in their tion. political pluralism. It is worth quoting: 4 ground-breaking African Anarchism (1998)5 Halbrook is far from alone among anar- “The anarchists of Senegal decided to pass argued for anarchic tendencies in the chists in this rather romantic view of the from the stage where they were evolving “stateless” (in the modern sense) societies relationship between African national liber- like a fish in the tank of the Senegalese uni- of the Ibo, Niger Delta people and the ation struggles and tribal societies – and verse, to the stage of organisation. The Tallensi, stating: “To a greater or lesser I’m not even considering the so-called major preoccupation of the anarchists of extent, all of [...] traditional African societies primitivists here, whose anti-modernist ten- manifested ‘anarchic elements’ which, dency is at complete odds with the pro- upon close examination, lend credence to gressive, industrial origins of the anarchist the historical truism that governments have movement. But this retro tendency occurs not always existed. They are but a recent in strange places: former Black Panther phenomenon and are, therefore, not turned anarchist Ashanti Alston, whose def- inevitable in human society. While some inition of anarchist thinkers is over-gener- ‘anarchic’ features of traditional African ously broad, including the libertarian mutu- societies existed largely in past stages of alist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (a proto- development, some of them persist and anarchist at best), and mystics who fall remain pronounced to this day.” totally outside even the broader libertarian Despite these societies being decen- socialist tradition, such as Gandhi and tralised, having communal production sys- Tolstoy. Which is perhaps why he can hail A mass trial of Africans - they were tems, participatory decision-making and a a study by Joseph Walunywa into Wole usually tried and often later execut- relatively flat social hierarchy, they cannot Soyinka’s mysticism as evidence of an ed in batches of up to fifty in any real sense be called anarchist. “anarchism” defined as “the desire on the Rather it is best to describe them as com- part of the individual concerned to decon- Senegal is not to take power but to struggle munalist with some marked libertarian struct the social, economic and political persistently against all the manifestations practices. It appears likely that Mbah and institutions which reflect the values of of power and against the private appropria- Igariwey were forced to fall back on com- ‘modern civilisation’ as conceptualised tion of the means of production. We are munalist examples to legitimise the through the prevailing ideologies in order to struggling for the establishment of a decen- Awareness League trade union 6 simply pave the way for the recuperation of ‘pri- tralised and federalist self-determining because, though they were aware of early mordial culture’ ”.2 socialism, which has nothing to do with 1990s anarchist organisations in South But anarchism was never anti-modernist imported ‘socialisms’. We are struggling Africa, they were unaware of the significant and primordialist – and however intriguing for the advent of a society in which the syndicalist trade unions in southern Africa Halbrook and Alston’s perspectives may means of production will be communally and north Africa in the 1910s/1920s.7 be, we need to turn to the views of African exploited by Senegalese workers organ- The resistance of, for instance, the Zulus anarchists themselves to shed some more ised in associations of direct democracy. during the Bambaata Rebellion of 1906 light on the matter. In Zambia in 1998, the “Our projection of society takes its inspi- against the imposition of hut-taxes by the M ZABALAZAPAGE 28 THEORY M

British was indeed among the last of a long together in exile in Chad – nor the old post- neither police nor prison, nor all those other series of anti-colonial actions aimed at pre- war anarchist strongholds of Tunis and forms of repression. Its federalism ensured serving traditional culture, and at prevent- Oran, nor the anarchist cells in the that the society was neither militaristic nor ing the enclosure and outright theft of tribal Canaries, Egypt or Morocco. autocratic. I raised this issue of the feder- lands and the impression into bonded None of this makes it into Halbrook’s ation to say that federalism as a conception servitude of the black majority – but they analysis (but then there was precious little of social organisation is not strange to were also last-gasp reflex actions of a study of such movements at the time he Moroccan society – despite its nature… If peasantry that was rapidly being eclipsed wrote, and he could not have been aware we take two concepts – anarchist federal- by modernisation (in South Africa at least, that within a decade of his paper, new ism and liberal democracy – and try to where they have been reduced to a minor- anarchist and syndicalist organisations explain them to an Amazigh [a Berber], it is ity unlike the rest of Africa). And much as would rise in Africa: Senegal (Palir, 1981), easy for him to understand anarchist feder- one might dislike it, anarchism with few Nigeria (Awareness League, anarcho-syn- alism but difficult with liberal democracy exceptions arose in industrial (not craft or dicalist from 1991), Sierra Leone (Industrial because in his history he practiced some peasant) environments – such as the Workers of the World, 1996), South Africa sort of federalism, and his culture is close Witwatersrand during the emergence of (Anarchist Revolutionary Movement, 1993, to the federalist logic.” organised black labour in the late 1910s Workers’ Solidarity Federation, 1995, the But Fillali also highlights the parochial and early 1920s, not among the ZACF, 2003, and others), Zambia and ethnic limitations of this nostalgic Sekhukhuneland or Pondoland peasantry, (Anarchist Workers’ Solidarity Movement, approach within “a patriarchal society, in regardless how communitarian or insur- 1998), Swaziland (ZACF, 2003), and which mythology and religion dominate the gent their traditions.8 Kenya (Wiyathi Collective, 2004). cultural field. This is what characterises While anarchists can and should indeed Materials from and about these move- agricultural and semi-nomadic societies. build on any traditional libertarian conven- ments are available to a greater or lesser This is federalism local or regional and not tions within the society in which they live – extent on the Internet so I will not detain the international. It is not an achievement of a ably demonstrated by the successful anar- reader with an analysis of them. Suffice to societal project; it can not be. In its devel- chist penetration of the indigenous popula- say that Halbrook’s flawed work raises opment it cannot exceed the ceiling of the tion in Bolivia, or of agricultural labourers in more questions – including the red herring tribe, its limits. It’s a tribal federalism in an Bulgaria, from the 1920s to 1940s – tribal of “libertarian” nationalism – than he agricultural and semi-nomadic society.” societies also tend to have strongly sexist answers, but as these debates are still In Alston’s article, she concludes that in attitudes, ethnic chauvinist practices and somewhat skewed by wishful thinking, pursuit of “a broad and vibrant African- demagogic power-structures enforced by especially among the African anarchist based anarchism,” the writings of Mbah fearful superstition and brute force. These Diaspora, it is worth reading with a critical and Igariwey and Walunywa offer “insights reactionary tendencies are at least as eye.10 that anarchists and revolutionaries in gen- strong as the communalist tradition and we A more recent anarchist analysis of the eral are missing. Together they offer a find similar contestations between vertical libertarian potential of African tribal federal- combination of culture and class analyses and horizontal power in traditional tribal ism is presented by the Moroccan activist that take in the whole of peoples’ lives: their structures in Asia, the Americas and Brahim Fillali, who examines the traditional ritual everyday lives and their class-based, Europe. Also, the communalism of many Berber federalism of the Ait Atta tribe post-colonial lives.” While it is certainly African tribal societies is not at all ruled by whose territory extends from the Sahara to true that the anarchist movement has, like the anarchist concept of free association: the Atlas Mountains 11. In his exploration of much of the Left, ignored the vitality and one is forced by one’s ethnic origin, tribal the tribe’s federalism, Fillali details how durability of cultural traditions, we as loyalties, locality and family ties into the each neighbourhood mandates immediate- African anarchists cannot simply embrace communalist mode, with no choice in the ly-recallable delegates of a tribal faction to fetish, totem, and chiefly fly-whisk as matter other than self-imposed exile (which a district committee, which committees are somehow advantageous to our struggle. then renders one vulnerable as an unac- federated and in turn elect a broader com- Yes, the libertarian communalist instinct is ceptable outside in another tightly-knit mittee which is then the public face of the communalist, or even hierarchical, exclu- tribe with its neighbours. The central gov- sivist enclave). Let us also not forget that ernment was forced to create a religious slavery among African tribes was (and proxy body, the Zawia, to try to act as a remains somewhat) widespread, the insti- bridge of authority between the state and tution only being formally outlawed in the “lawless” tribes – both to enable the Mauritania in 2007.9 ascendancy of the Arab-Islamic elite, and None of this, however, detracts from the to facilitate the imperialism of France and clear existence of a real and unalloyed his- Spain for which this elite played a com- torical anarchist and syndicalist movement prador role. in Africa, so present in organisations such Fillali explains the subsistence-farming, as People’s Free University and the nomadic lifestyle of the tribes, in which International League of Cigarette Workers property could be jointly owned and there and Millers of Cairo (Egypt) and the was no wage slavery – but he is not wear- Revolutionary League (Mozambique) in the ing rose-tinted spectacles when he views early 1900s, the Industrial Workers of tribal federalism and its economy. “To draw Africa and Indian Workers’ Industrial Union a comparison between Berber federalism (South Africa) in the late 1910s/early1920s, and anarchist federalism,” Fillali wrote, “I and the Algerian section of the General can say that the first one comes out of a Confederation of Labour – Revolutionary tribal society and is based on the ethnic Syndicalist in the 1930s. And let’s not for- factor and localism, and a subsistence get the fact that the former Durruti economy alongside nomadism.” Columnists who seized the honour to be He recognises the libertarian elements of the first to liberate Paris in 1944 came Ait Atta society: “The tribe has ‘enjoyed’ Brahim Fillali M ZABALAZAPAGE 29 THEORY M to be found in African societies – precisely because this is a universal instinct – not exclu- Anarchism & Revolution in sively African – and it is to be celebrated as such. But if we speak of anarchism, then we Black Africa has been speak of a revolutionary, organisational project published in pamphlet form as for the fundamental socio-political transcen- part of the Zabalaza Books dence of traditional society, capital and the African Resistance History state. Series. Fillali, in his turn, concludes that what is needed is a project that transcends even the The ARHS aims at rescuing key libertarian elements in African tribal society, in libertarian socialist texts on essence, an anarchist project for an entirely dif- African issues from obscurity ferent society. African anarchism is indeed able to draw on elements of libertarian commu- For ordering a copy, see nalism in many tribal societies, but must of contact details on the inside necessity reject tribalism’s reactionary and front cover of this journal. hierarchic elements. The result should be an anarchism that, informed by the tradition of African cultural egalitarianism and diversity African against which so many comprador and imperi- alist elites have waged war, nevertheless is at one with the universalism of the global anar- Resistance chist movement in its strategy and ideology, History Series especially regarding ethnicity, nationalism, cul- ture and race.

Pictures on Page 27 from www.troopsoutmovement.com

Notes: 1. More than 1 million suspected rebel sympathisers were put in concentration camps, a bestial strategy the British had perfected during the South African War of 1899-1902. Starvation and disease killed thousands, while 1 090 were hanged by the colonial regime. Despite the common use of summary execution and torture by white British and black Kings African Rifles proxy forces, no official was ever prosecuted for any atrocity. The Mau Mau on their side killed only 32 whites – but some 1 800 fellow Kenyans. See Histories of the Hanged: Britain’s Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire by David Anderson (Weidenfeld & Nicholson) 2005 / Britain’s Gulag: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya by Caroline Elkins (Jonathan Cape), 2005. 2. Towards a Vibrant & Broad African-Based Anarchism, Ashanti Alston, 2003, online at: www.newformulation.org/3alston.htm. This article combines reviews of African Anarchism (see note 5 below) and the PhD dissertation from which this quote is taken, Post-Colonial African Theory and Practice: Wole Soyinka’s Anarchism, Joseph Walunywa, Syracuse University, 1997. Alston may wish, as she hints in her article, to divorce anarchism from its “European-based anarcho-syndicalist, anti-metaphysical perspective,” but the anarchist tradition is, with few exceptions (the Catholic Worker move- ment comes to mind), indeed militantly anti-metaphysical, being based solidly on rationality and mass organisation. Simply because anarchism orig- inated in Europe does not equate to it being Eurocentric – indeed, only one of its four major revolutions and a handful of its strongholds were to be found in Europe. 3. The AWSM was founded in 1998 by Choongo, an anarchist librarian at the University of Zambia (UNZA), and young members of the youth of the UNZA – Cuba Friendship Association and of the Socialist Caucus. The anarcho-syndicalist Workers’ Solidarity Federation of South Africa was instru- mental in establishing the AWSM, but it appears to have collapsed the following year with Choongo’s death by meningitis. His obituary is at: http://libcom.org/history/choongo-wilstar-1964-1999 4. According to a 1981 report in the Vancouver, Canada, libertarian socialist journal The Open Road, which published excerpts of the Palir manifesto (replicated from a publication called Agora, No.7), noting that the “libertarian movement has never managed to exist easily in the countries of black Africa,” the Senegalese anarchists had met in June 1981 and had published their manifesto in the “more or less satirical journal Le Politicien”. 5. African Anarchism: The History of a Movement by Sam Mbah & I.E. Igariwey (See Sharp Press), 1997. The authors have allowed an identical ver- sion, African Anarchism: Prospects for the Future to be published online by the ZACF, and it is available at: www.zabalaza.net/theory/african_ anarchism/contents.htm. Alternatively, it is now available in full online at: http://illvox.org/category/african-anarchism/ 6. A mini-biography of Mbah by the Institute for Anarchist Studies in 1999 said he was born in 1963 in Enugu, Nigeria, and “embraced anarchism short- ly after the collapse of the Soviet Union while studying at the University of Lagos. Like many radicals, he entered a period of deep political reflection after the breakdown of the Eastern Block, one that prompted him to re-examine his previous Marxist commitments and ultimately led him to the anti- statist, anti-capitalist politics that is anarchism. North American publications such as The Torch and Love and Rage were especially important to this process. Mbah currently makes his living as the Lagos correspondent for Enugu’s Daily Star newspaper. He is also very active in the Awareness League, an anarchist organisation committed to the libertarian transformation of Nigeria. The Awareness League is active in political education, var- ious social campaigns, and environmental protection. It presently has 600 members and eleven branches throughout the country [down from a high of about 1 000 members in 15 states during the dictatorship, but including its own radio station]... Mbah cited two Nigerians when asked to recom- mend other African authors he finds particularly sympathetic to anarchism: Ikenna Nzimiro and the late Mokwugo Okoye.” 7. The IWW, Revolutionary Syndicalism and Working Class Struggle in SA, 1910 – 1920, by Lucien van der Walt (Bikisha Media Collective), online at the Zabalaza Books site. 8. For an account of the Sekhukhuneland Revolt, read A Lion Amongst the Cattle: Reconstruction and Resistance in the Northern Transvaal, by Peter Delius (Ravan Press) 1970 / (Heinenmann), 1997. 9. See the BBC report at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6938032.stm 10. A far better critique than Halbrook’s has now also been made available in the African Resistance History Series: Africa, Nationalism and the State, by Sam Dolgoff (1980?). Dolgoff demonstrates the demagogic attitudes of African “liberators” like the Nazi-trained neo-fascist Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt (seen as a “democratic socialist” by Alston) and the megalomaniac Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. 11. On Pre-Colonial Morocco, Brahim Fillali, first published 11 October 2005, Morocco, translated into English by Pat Murtagh, Canada, 2008. Edited by Michael Schmidt, ZACF, 2008 and published as On Pre-Colonial Morroco: Does Berber Federalism serve as an indigenous African model of Anarchist Federalism? online at: www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=9536 If your object is to secure liberty, you must learn to do without authority and compulsion. If you intend to live in peace and harmony with your sisters and brothers, you and they should cultivate sister/brotherhood and respect for each other. If you want to work together with them for your mutual benefit, you must practice co-operation. The social revolution means much more than the re-organisation of conditions only: it means the establishment of new human values and social relationships, a changed attitude of person to person, as of one free and independent to their equal; it means a different spirit in individual and collective life, and that spirit cannot be born overnight. It is a spirit to be cultivated, to be nurtured and reared, as the most delicate flower is, for indeed it is the flower of a new and beautiful existence.

Alexander Berkman The ABC of Communist Anarchism

More copies can be downloaded from www.zabalaza.net Images originally from The Utopian magazine WHERE WE STAND

We, the working class, produce the world’s wealth. We ought to enjoy the benefits. We want to abolish the system of capitalism that places wealth and power in the hands of a few, and replace it with work- ers self-management and socialism. We do not mean the lie called ‘socialism’ practised in Russia, China, and other police states - the system in those countries was/is no more than another form of capitalism - state capitalism. We stand for a new society where there will be no bosses or bureaucrats. A society that will be run in a truly democratic way by working people, through federations of community and workplace committees. We want to abolish authoritarian relationships and replace them with control from the bottom up - not the top down. All the industries, all the means of production and distribution will be commonly owned, and placed under the manage- ment of those working in them. Production will be co-ordinated, organised and planned by the federation of elected and recallable workplace and community committees, not for profit but to meet our needs. The guiding principle will be “from each according to ability, to each according to need”. We are opposed to all coercive authority; we believe that the only limit on the freedom of the individual is that their free- dom does not interfere with the freedom of others. We do not ask to be made rulers nor do we intend to seize power “on behalf of the working class”. Instead, we hold that socialism can only be created by the mass of ordinary people. Anything less is bound to lead to no more than replacing one set of bosses with another. We are opposed to the state because it is not neutral, it cannot be made to serve our interests. The structures of the state are only necessary when a minority seeks to rule over the majority. We can create our own structures, which will be open and democratic, to ensure the efficient running of everyday life. We are proud to be part of the tradition of libertarian socialism, of anarchism. The anarchist movement has taken root in the working class of many countries because it serves our interests - not the interests of the power seekers and pro- fessional politicians. In short we fight for the immediate needs and interests of our class under the existing set up, while seeking to encour- age the necessary understanding and activity to overthrow capitalism and its state, and lead to the birth of a free and equal (anarchist) society.

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The website of the Confédération Nationale du Travail’s (CNT’s) French paper Afrique sans chaînes (Africa Without Chains) where you can download copies of the magazine in .pdf format.

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