Part Ii. Foreign Countries I
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Introduction Thinking Fascism and Populism in Terms of the Past
Introduction Thinking Fascism and Populism in Terms of the Past Representing a historian’s inquiry into how and why fascism morphed into populism in history, this book describes the dicta- torial genealogies of modern populism. It also stresses the sig- nifi cant diff erences between populism as a form of democracy and fascism as a form of dictatorship. It rethinks the conceptual and historical experiences of fascism and populism by assessing their elective ideological affi nities and substantial political dif- ferences in history and theory. A historical approach means not subordinating lived experiences to models or ideal types but rather stressing how the actors saw themselves in contexts that were both national and transnational. It means stressing varied contingencies and manifold sources. History combines evidence with interpretation. Ideal types ignore chronology and the cen- trality of historical processes. Historical knowledge requires accounting for how the past is experienced and explained through narratives of continuities and change over time. Against an idea of populism as an exclusively European or American phenomenon, I propose a global reading of its historical 1 2 / Introduction itineraries. Disputing generic theoretical defi nitions that reduce populism to a single sentence, I stress the need to return populism to history. Distinctive, and even opposed, forms of left- and right- wing populism crisscross the world, and I agree with historians like Eric Hobsbawm that left and right forms of populism cannot be confl ated simply because they are often antithetical.1 While populists on the left present those who are opposed to their politi- cal views as enemies of the people, populists on the right connect this populist intolerance of alternative political views with a con- ception of the people formed on the basis of ethnicity and country of origin. -
Routledge Handbook on Political Parties in the Middle East and North Africa
iii ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK ON POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA Edited by Francesco Cavatorta, Lise Storm and Valeria Resta First published 2021 ISBN: 978- 0- 367- 21986- 4 (hbk) ISBN: 978- 0- 429- 26921- 9 (ebk) 18 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) DOI: 10.4324/9780429269219 The funder for this chapter is Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) 231 1 8 YOUTH ACTIVISM AND POLITICAL PARTIES Kressen Th yen I n t r o d u c t i o n In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), electoral turnout and party membership has been in decline over the past 50 years. The trend of disengagement from formal politics has been most acute among the younger generations. Four per cent of young people aged 18–29 are members of a political party, and only one in four voted in the most recent elections. 1 These developments have been accompanied by a relative absence of youth mobilisation in the public sphere. Until late 2010, most observers seemed to agree that large-scale youth movements were mainly a thing of the past, and that youth as a social category was alienated, divided, and frustrated, and played only a marginal role in the political arena (Meijer 2000 ; Dhillon et al. 2009 ). Consequently, the majority of youth- related studies examining the period prior to the Arab Uprisings concentrated on youth culture and identity, gender relations, religious orientation, arts and music, and generational confl ict (see, e.g. Herrera and Bayat 2010 ; Khalaf and Khalaf 2011 ). Where research focussed on youth activism, it emphasised its dispersed and fragmented engagement in form of ‘non- movements’ (Bayat 2010 ). -
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II Author(S): Karl Loewenstein Source: the American Political Science Review, Vol
Militant Democracy and Fundamental Rights, II Author(s): Karl Loewenstein Source: The American Political Science Review, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Aug., 1937), pp. 638-658 Published by: American Political Science Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1948103 Accessed: 07-08-2018 08:47 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms American Political Science Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Political Science Review This content downloaded from 35.176.47.6 on Tue, 07 Aug 2018 08:47:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms MILITANT DEMOCRACY AND FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS, II* KARL LOEWENSTEIN Amherst College II Some Illustrations of Militant Democracy. Before a more system- atic -account of anti-fascist legislation in Europe is undertaken, recent developments in several countries may be reviewed as illus- trating what militant democracy can achieve against subversive extremism when the will to survive is coupled with appropriate measures for combatting fascist techniques. 1. Finland: From the start, the Finnish Republic was particu- larly exposed to radicalism both from left and right. The newly established state was wholly devoid of previous experience in self- government, shaken by violent nationalism, bordered by bolshevik Russia, yet within the orbit of German imperialism; no other country seemed more predestined to go fascist. -
Romania Redivivus
alexander clapp ROMANIA REDIVIVUS nce the badlands of neoliberal Europe, Romania has become its bustling frontier. A post-communist mafia state that was cast to the bottom of the European heap by opinion- makers sixteen years ago is now billed as the success story Oof eu expansion.1 Its growth rate at nearly 6 per cent is the highest on the continent, albeit boosted by fiscal largesse.2 In Bucharest more politicians have been put in jail for corruption over the past decade than have been convicted in the rest of Eastern Europe put together. Romania causes Brussels and Berlin almost none of the headaches inflicted by the Visegrád Group—Czechia, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia— which in 1993 declined to accept Romania as a peer and collectively entered the European Union three years before it. Romanians con- sistently rank among the most Europhile people in the Union.3 An anti-eu party has never appeared on a Romanian ballot, much less in the parliament. Scattered political appeals to unsavoury interwar traditions—Legionnairism, Greater Romanianism—attract fewer voters than do far-right movements across most of Western Europe. The two million Magyars of Transylvania, one of Europe’s largest minorities, have become a model for inter-ethnic relations after a time when the park benches of Cluj were gilded in the Romanian tricolore to remind every- one where they were. Indeed, perhaps the aptest symbol of Romania’s place in Europe today is the man who sits in the Presidential Palace of Cotroceni in Bucharest. Klaus Iohannis—a former physics teacher at a high school in Sibiu, once Hermannstadt—is an ethnic German head- ing a state that, a generation ago, was shipping hundreds of thousands of its ‘Saxons’ ‘back’ to Bonn at 4,000–10,000 Deutschmarks a head. -
Monopolizing Power Egypt’S Political Parties Law
January 2007 Number 1 Monopolizing Power Egypt’s Political Parties Law I. Introduction and Recommendations...................................................................... 1 II. The Political Parties Law ......................................................................................3 III. The 2005 Amendments to the Law...................................................................... 6 IV. The Political Parties Law in Practice ................................................................... 8 V. International Law and Egypt’s Parties Law ......................................................... 14 I. Introduction and Recommendations On January 6, 2007, Abu al-`Ila Madi, a 48-year-old activist from Cairo, will plead his case before Egypt’s Supreme Administrative Court. He has appeared in the court dozens of times over the past 10 years. His purpose is to try once again to register the Wasat (Centrist) Party and begin campaigning under its name. Registering a new political party should be a transparent and apolitical bureaucratic procedure, and in many countries it is.1 In Egypt, however, in practice it is the government, and the party of government, that determine which other parties will be recognized and which will not. The result is the routine denial of applications for registration of new political parties through the use of criteria set forth in the political parties law2 that are open to subjective and arbitrary application. Madi’s struggle to gain legal recognition for the Wasat Party illustrates the deleterious effects of the law on prospective political parties, and the manner in which the government and the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) exercise unfettered discretion to deny such parties their lawful participation in the country’s political life. If President Hosni Mubarak is to make good on his promise to “enshrine the liberties of the citizen and reinvigorate political parties,”3 the Egyptian government must reform the parties law and cease obstructing the establishment and effective participation of political parties. -
ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS in DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010
BEYOND THE DEMOCRATIC STATE: ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science 2014 This thesis entitled: Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory written by Brian Carl Bernhardt has been approved for the Department of Political Science Steven Vanderheiden, Chair Michaele Ferguson David Mapel James Martel Alison Jaggar Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. Bernhardt, Brian Carl (Ph.D., Political Science) Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory Thesis directed by Associate Professor Steven Vanderheiden Though democracy has achieved widespread global popularity, its meaning has become increasingly vacuous and citizen confidence in democratic governments continues to erode. I respond to this tension by articulating a vision of democracy inspired by anti-authoritarian theory and social movement practice. By anti-authoritarian, I mean a commitment to individual liberty, a skepticism toward centralized power, and a belief in the capacity of self-organization. This dissertation fosters a conversation between an anti-authoritarian perspective and democratic theory: What would an account of democracy that begins from these three commitments look like? In the first two chapters, I develop an anti-authoritarian account of freedom and power. -
Karl Loewenstein, John H. Herz, Militant Democracy and the Defense of the Democratic State
Virginia Commonwealth University VCU Scholars Compass Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 2013 Soldiers for Democracy: Karl Loewenstein, John H. Herz, Militant Democracy and the Defense of the Democratic State Ben Plache Virginia Commonwealth University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd Part of the History Commons © The Author Downloaded from https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2995 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at VCU Scholars Compass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of VCU Scholars Compass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Ben Plache 2013 All Rights Reserved Soldiers for Democracy: Karl Loewenstein, John H. Herz, Militant Democracy and the Defense of the Democratic State A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Virginia Commonwealth University. by Ben Plache Bachelor of Arts, Virginia Commonwealth University, 2011 Director: Dr. Joseph Bendersky Professor, Department of History Virginia Commonwealth University Richmond, Virginia May 2013 Acknowledgements No scholarly work is an individual effort, and without the help of countless others this thesis would never have been completed. In particular I would like to thank Dr. Joseph Bendersky, my thesis advisor, for his time, his academic generosity and his commitment to education and scholarship. Without his guidance, this thesis, and my time in graduate school, would have been considerably different and undoubtedly poorer. I would like to also thank Dr. Timothy Thurber and Dr. Robert Godwin-Jones for generously agreeing to serve on my thesis committee. -
Turkey's Role in Romanian's Diplomatic Struggle (1St Of
Tarih Okulu Dergisi (TOD) Journal of History School (JOHS) Eylül 2013 September 2013 Yıl 6, Sayı XV, ss. 355-384. Year 6, Issue XV, pp. 355-384. DOI No: http://dx.doi.org/10.14225/Joh305 TURKEY’S ROLE IN ROMANIAN’S DIPLOMATIC STRUGGLE (1ST OF FEBRUARY 1943 - 23RD OF AUGUST 1944) Liliana Boscan ALTIN Ömer METİN Abstract The present study aimed to to focus on the intense diplomatic activity developed by Romania in efforts to negotiate an armistice with the Allies especially between September 1943 and August 1944. Romania which was joined into the Axis Countries upon executing an agreement with Germany would have felt the Soviet threat on its borders upon defeat of Germany in Stalingrad front. On the other hand, although Turkey had saved its neutral position from the beginning of the war, it had tried to support Romania, its ally in the Balkan Pact, in a political dimension in case the risk of Soviet expansion across the Balkans. As Turkey did not desire Romania to be partitioned, it played an active role in regard to making a fare cease-fire agreement between Romanian Government and the Allies. Starting the spring of 1943, the Romanian diplomacy, including here Ion Antonescu Marshal, the King and the opposition parties, engaging in consistent separate peace negotiations with the United Kingdom using the mediation of Turkey. The paper is based on unpublished documents found in the Romanian diplomatic and national archives. Key Words : Turkey, Romania, Second World War, Diplomacy. Romanya’nın Diplomasi Mücadelesinde Türkiye’nin Rolü (1 Şubat 1943 – 23 Ağustos 1944) Dr., The Romanian Association for Middle East Studies. -
Vichy Against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État Français from 1940 to the Present
Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet A Thesis In the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada, and Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne December 2016 © Audrey Mallet, 2016 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Audrey Mallet Entitled: Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final examining committee: Chair Dr. G. LeBlanc External Examiner Dr. E. Jennings External to Program Dr. F. Chalk Examiner Dr. D. Peschanski Examiner Dr. C. Claveau Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. N. Ingram Thesis Co-Supervisor Dr. H. Rousso Approved by: Dr. B. Lorenzkowski, Graduate Program Director December 5, 2016 Dr. A. Roy, Dean, Faculty of Arts & Science Abstract Vichy against Vichy: History and Memory of the Second World War in the Former Capital of the État français from 1940 to the Present Audrey Mallet, Ph.D. Concordia University & Paris I Panthéon Sorbonne, 2016 Following the June 22, 1940 armistice and the subsequent occupation of northern France by the Germans, the French government left Paris and eventually established itself in the city of Vichy. -
Hatescape: an In-Depth Analysis of Extremism and Hate Speech On
Hatescape: An In-Depth Analysis of Extremism and Hate Speech on TikTok Ciarán O’Connor About this paper About the Author This report aims to provide an in-depth analysis on Ciarán O’Connor is an analyst and investigator on ISD’s the state of extremism and hate on TikTok. It is the Digital Analysis Unit. He focuses on the intersection of culmination of three months of research on a sample extremism and technology and with specific expertise of 1,030 videos posted on TikTok, equivalent to just on the far-right and disinformation environment online over eight hours of content, that were used to promote and use of open-source research methodologies. hatred and glorify extremism and terrorism on the Since the start of 2021, Ciarán has led ISD’s COVID-19 platform. Vaccine Misinformation Monitor, a series of short-form reports examining the nature and scale of vaccine- ISD set out to examine the state of hate and extremism related misinformation in Ireland, Canada, MENA and on TikTok in two ways. The first objective involved the Netherlands. Before joining ISD, Ciarán worked analysing how individuals or groups promote hateful with Storyful news agency. He has an MSc in Political ideologies and target people on the platform based Communication Science from the University of on numerous protected attributes such as ethnicity, Amsterdam and is currently learning Dutch. religion, gender or others. Second, using the same framework, ISD investigated how features on TikTok Acknowledgements like profiles, hashtags, share functions, video effects This research was made possible thanks to the support, and music are used to spread hate. -
The German Military Mission to Romania, 1940-1941 by Richard L. Dinardo
The German Military Mission to Romania, 1940–1941 By RICHARD L. Di NARDO hen one thinks of security assistance and the train- ing of foreign troops, W Adolf Hitler’s Germany is not a country that typically comes to mind. Yet there were two instances in World War II when Germany did indeed deploy troops to other countries that were in noncombat cir- cumstances. The countries in question were Finland and Romania, and the German mili- tary mission to Romania is the subject of this article. The activities of the German mission to Romania are discussed and analyzed, and some conclusions and hopefully a few take- aways are offered that could be relevant for military professionals today. Creation of the Mission The matter of how the German military mission to Romania came into being can be covered relatively quickly. In late June 1940, the Soviet Union demanded from Romania the cession of both Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina. The only advice Germany could give to the Romanian government was to agree to surrender the territory.1 Fearful of further Soviet encroachments, the Roma- nian government made a series of pleas to Germany including a personal appeal from Wikimedia Commons King Carol II to Hitler for German military assistance in the summer of 1940. Hitler, Finnish Volunteer Battalion of German Waffen-SS return home from front in 1943 however, was not yet willing to undertake such a step. Thus, all Romanian requests were rebuffed with Hitler telling Carol that Romania brought its own problems upon itself by its prior pro-Allied policy. -
FINAL REPORT International Commission on the Holocaust In
FINAL REPORT of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania Presented to Romanian President Ion Iliescu November 11, 2004 Bucharest, Romania NOTE: The English text of this Report is currently in preparation for publication. © International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania. All rights reserved. DISTORTION, NEGATIONISM, AND MINIMALIZATION OF THE HOLOCAUST IN POSTWAR ROMANIA Introduction This chapter reviews and analyzes the different forms of Holocaust distortion, denial, and minimalization in post-World War II Romania. It must be emphasized from the start that the analysis is based on the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum’s definition of the Holocaust, which Commission members accepted as authoritative soon after the Commission was established. This definition1 does not leave room for doubt about the state-organized participation of Romania in the genocide against the Jews, since during the Second World War, Romania was among those allies and a collaborators of Nazi Germany that had a systematic plan for the persecution and annihilation of the Jewish population living on territories under their unmitigated control. In Romania’s specific case, an additional “target-population” subjected to or destined for genocide was the Romany minority. This chapter will employ an adequate conceptualization, using both updated recent studies on the Holocaust in general and new interpretations concerning this genocide in particular. Insofar as the employed conceptualization is concerned, two terminological clarifications are in order. First, “distortion” refers to attempts to use historical research on the dimensions and significance of the Holocaust either to diminish its significance or to serve political and propagandistic purposes. Although its use is not strictly confined to the Communist era, the term “distortion” is generally employed in reference to that period, during which historical research was completely subjected to controls by the Communist Party’s political censorship.