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Author: Lemcke, Sara E.
Title: Catholic School Financial Viability in Utah and the United States
The accompanying research report is submitted to the University of Wisconsin-Stout, Graduate School in partial completion of the requirements for the Graduate Degree/ Major: MS Education
Research Adviser: Alan Block, Ph.D
Submission Term/Year: Summer, 2012
Number of Pages: 82
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NAME Sara Lemcke DATE: 7/30/2012
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NAME Dr. Alan Block DATE: 7/30/2012
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Lemcke, Sara E. Catholic School Financial Viability in Utah and the United States
Abstract
This project focuses on how tuition can affect the financial viability of Catholic schools, both nationwide and specifically in Utah. Common financial obstacles in Catholic schools are identified. The traditional Catholic school tuition model - the parish model - is examined and more financially sustainable alternatives are explored. The history of the Catholic Church in the
United States is studied, and the socioeconomic effects of immigration and cultural mainstreaming of Catholics is examined to see its effect on the numbers of Catholic schools in the country. This study focuses on the Catholic schools within the Diocese of Salt Lake City,
Utah. A history of the Catholic Church in Utah is presented, focusing on the area’s Catholic schools. The history of the Catholic schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City is examined to identify common characteristic among schools which have closed in the past: the departure of religious orders from schools, financial strain and changes in the neighboring populations.
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Table of Contents
Abstract………………………………..…...……….…………………………….……………….2
List of Tables……….……………….…………………………………………………………….4
Chapter I: Introduction…………………………………………..………..……………….………5
Statement of the Problem…………………..………………………………………….…..5
Definition of Terms………………………………………………..…………….…..…….6
Chapter II: Literature Review………………………………....…………………………………..8
Catholic Schools in the United States…………….……..…..…………………………….8
Utah’s Catholic History………………………..…………..…………………….………17
Second Vatican Council………………………..……………………………………..….19
Catholic Schools and Social Justice………………..….………..……………….……….21
Catholic Schools and Academics………………...………….………………………..….27
Who Sends Their Children to Catholic Schools?...... 30
Chapter III: Tuition and Tuition Models in Catholic Schools………….…………….………….34
Models for Tuition Income in Catholic Schools……………….…….……………..……46
Parish Subsidies…………………………..………………..…………………………….48
Alternatives to the Parish Model……………………………………………....…………48
Chapter IV: Discussion…………………………..……………………..………………………..58
Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………58
Recommendations…………………………….………………………………………….59
References……………………………….…………..………………..………………………….70
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List of Tables
Table 1: Tuition rates for high schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City for the 2012-2013 school year (self-reported by individual schools).………..…………..……….………..……….58
Table 2: Tuition rates for schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake using a cost-based tiered tuition model with the option of needs-based financial assistance for the 2012-2013 school year (self-reported by individual schools)..…………………………..……………………….59
Table 3: Complete list of Utah Catholic Schools, currently operating, closed and/or restructured, arranged by opening date……………………………………….………………………..62
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Chapter I: Introduction
Statement of the Problem
This study examines common financial obstacles of Catholic schools in the United States, and focuses specifically on the Diocese of Salt Lake City, Utah. Catholic schools in the United
States have faced a consistent decline in enrollment and widespread closure over the past 50 years (Miller, 2006). Therefore, the traditional tuition models used by many Catholic schools nationwide fail to adequately meet the schools’ budgets and are unsustainable in the long term.
As a result, many of the remaining schools have begun to explore alternative tuition models that revise how much individual families must pay in tuition costs (James, 2007).
Since the 1950’s, Catholic schools nationwide have experienced falling enrollment, shrinking parish subsidies, a shift from a religious staff to a lay staff and tuition models that bring income levels which fail to sustain the school in the long term (James, 2007; Przygocki,
2004; Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010; D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gautier, 2007). These factors lead to Catholic schools experiencing financial difficulties that could potentially result in the closure of schools. Between 1975 and 2011, 2,640 Catholic elementary schools and 418
Catholic secondary schools closed nationwide (Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate,
2012). Catholic schools facing financial difficulties may want to consider revising their financial structures in order to maintain long term financial sustainability. One answer is to restructure tuition models for additional financial support, and many Catholic schools across the country are in the process of adopting alternatives to traditional tuition models in order to become financially sustainable in the long term. These models include the cost-based tuition model, the negotiated tuition model, the inter-parish model, the stewardship model, the nativity model, the diocesan 6
model and the philanthropy model (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003; Goldschmidt & Walsh,
2011).
In 1965, Pope Paul VI declared during the Second Vatican Council that “All men of every race, condition and age… have an inalienable right to an education.” (1965). Many modern
Catholic schools answered by diversifying the socioeconomic population of their schools.
However, these schools then faced the challenge of accommodating both families who could afford to pay full tuition for their children and those who required financial assistance. Tuition models must be attractive to parents looking to enroll their children in a private school.
Alternatively, Catholic schools looking to expand the economic diversity of their student populations must factor income assistance into their overall budgets. This study seeks to examine how Catholic schools restructure tuition both to meet their own financial needs and to accommodate those who may require tuition assistance.
The majority of faculty and staff members, as well as students’ families, participate in
Catholic schools by choice. Part of this choice involves making the decision to support the school financially through donations, tuition payments and the acceptance of salaries that may be lower than that offered at competing public schools or nondenominational private schools
(Walton, 2010; Cieslak, 2005; Przygocki, 2004).
Definition of Terms
Income. The funds which Catholic schools take in to cover operating costs, including tuition, donations, grants and fundraisers.
Income inclusion. The population of families in a Catholic school receiving some form of tuition assistance. 7
International student. A student who is not a United States citizen and whose primary residence is outside of the United States (Juan Diego Catholic High School, 2012).
Lay person. An individual who has not been ordained in a Catholic Holy Order, or has not taken religious vows (O’Gorman & Faulkner, 2000).
Parish model. The traditional model for Catholic School tuition. Schools charge one flat tuition rate per student, with the option of tuition assistance for those who qualify.
Qualified Catholic. Families who are registered with local parishes, have children who are baptized Catholics, attend Mass on a regular basis and donate to and/or volunteer in their parish (Juan Diego Catholic High School, 2012).
Religious. Individuals who work as priests, nuns, brothers, sisters, deacons and other positions within the Catholic Church as a result of undergoing the Sacrament of Holy Orders or by making religious vows (O’Gorman & Faulkner, 2000).
Social justice. The actions taken by an organization to promote inclusion of marginalized persons or groups.
Tuition assistance. A situation where a family has arranged to pay less than the asking price for Catholic school tuition due to financial need. 8
Chapter II: Literature Review
Catholic Schools in the United States
Prior to 1534, European settlers arriving in North America were Catholics. When King
Henry VIII of England separated the Church of England from the Catholic Church in 1534, the
Catholic influence on the colonies dropped and the open practice of Catholicism was only allowed in Pennsylvania and Maryland (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). Protestantism became the prevalent religion in the emerging colonies (Walch, 1996). Christian missionaries, including
Catholics, spread out over the continent and interacted with indigenous people (Kealey &
Kealey, 2003; Walch, 1996).
The first Catholic school in the United States was opened in 1606 in St. Augustine,
Florida, by Franciscan priests emigrating from Europe (Smarick, 2011, Bryk, Lee & Holland,
1993). It operated until 1642 and primarily educated the local native population. It taught children about Christianity as well as introduced labor skills, such as farming and production, which primarily served to benefit the Spanish business interests in the area (Kealey & Kealey,
2003).
Throughout the 17th century, other schools, operated independently of one another by various religious orders, opened on the East Coast and in the Southwest (Smarick, 2011; Bryk,
Lee & Holland, 1993). Catholic immigrants from Europe had more success converting locals and opening missions in the Southwestern United States over other areas in the continent.
Communities of religious women immigrated to the United States for the sole purpose of working to convert the native population. Religious missionaries reportedly converted over
100,000 Native Americans in the 18th century, but inadvertently killed many of the newly baptized through the introduction of unfamiliar illnesses and diseases (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). 9
Like other religious denominations in colonial United States, the earliest Catholic schools were primarily intended for secondary-aged male students, catering specifically towards recruiting and educating those seeking religious life. Most Christian faiths in Colonial America had relatively low numbers of priests and ministers (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Harvard and
Princeton are examples of Protestant institutions originally operating seminaries, while Boston
College and Georgetown University were opened to educate Catholic men (Bryk, Lee &
Holland, 1993).
Catholic elementary schools in the United States in the 17th and 18th centuries operated independently of one another. These schools were primarily run by orders of religious sisters and were tuition free. In 1720, Saint Jean Baptiste de la Salle of France, an early advocate of Catholic schools in Europe and the founder of a teaching order of ordained men, wrote Conduct of
Schools, which served as the first formal curriculum guidelines for Catholic elementary schools.
It was widely used in the Colonies and promoted a curriculum which infused significant amounts of religious education with typical primary subjects (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993).
The Ursuline Order of religious sisters, founded in Italy in 1535, arrived in North
America in 1727. Local Catholic explorers specifically invited the order to North America in the hope that they would open Catholic schools for girls, much like they had done in Europe (Kealey
& Kealey, 2003). One of the order’s primary missions was educating women and girls. The
Ursuline Academy opened in New Orleans in 1727, and served three groups: a tuition-based school for wealthy girls, a tuition-free school for working class or economically disadvantaged girls and a third school which educated current and former slaves and the local native population
(Kealey & Kealey, 2003). The Ursuline Academy was one of the first examples of reallocating tuition funds to serve people in need: the tuition charged for wealthier pupils was used to offset 10
the cost of educating the poor students (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). As of 2012, Ursuline
Academy still educates an all-female student body but currently charges a flat tuition fee for all students, with the option of scholarships or financial aid for those who qualify (Ursuline
Academy, 2012).
Throughout the 18th century, many other Catholic elementary schools opened on the East
Coast (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Like the Ursuline Academy, many used the tuition charged to wealthier families to fund the education of the needy. However, these schools often had trouble attracting paying families since many felt there was a social stigma in sending their children to schools that partially acted as charitable organizations for “paupers.” (Bryk, Lee &
Holland, 1993). Some educators opened separate Catholic schools – one tuition-based school which would fund a separate school intended for poor students (Kealey & Kealey, 2003).
The first Catholic school in Utah was St. Mary’s Academy in Salt Lake City, opened in
1875 to serve an exclusively female student body (Mooney, 2007). During its 95 year history, St.
Mary’s was restructured from an elementary school to include both high school and liberal arts college courses before closing in 1970 due to financial issues (Mooney, 2007; “St. Mary’s
School to be closed,” 1970). At the time of its closure, St. Mary of the Wasatch Elementary and
College, as it was renamed in 1926, operated with a $60,000 per year deficit which was filled by charitable donations and parish subsidies from neighboring Catholic churches. Finances, not enrollment, were to blame for the closing. When St. Mary’s closed, students and staff were absorbed into other Catholic schools in the area (Mooney, 2007; “St. Mary’s School to be closed,” 1970).
Many of the early Catholic schools in the United States were opened to educate immigrant Catholic children from Italy, Ireland and Germany, among other nations, which were 11
alternatives to the more prevalent Protestant schools in the country (Moreau, 1997). Although the late 1800’s and the early 1900’s saw an increase in popularity of state funded public education, new immigrants to the United States kept the Catholic population, as well as enrollment in
Catholic schools, growing steadily (Moreau, 1997). In the early 1800’s, only about 3 percent of
Americans were Catholic, but European immigrants quickly increased the Catholic population
(Smarick, 2011, Moreau, 1997). By the early 20th century, 17 percent of Americans identified as
Catholic (Reardon, 2005). ‘Catholic’ and ‘immigrant’ quickly became synonymous terms in the
United States. However, Catholicism was associated with poverty and low social standing. Very few wealthy, prominent Americans were practicing Catholics (Walch, 1996; Kealey & Kealey,
2003).
Since compulsory education laws didn’t emerge in the United States until the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many Colonial children in the United States were either educated at home, in private schools or not at all (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). In the 1830’s, communities in the
United States began to make more of an effort to unite and regulate schools (Bryk, Lee &
Holland, 1993). From this movement grew “common schools,” the early precursor to public schools, which first emerged in the United States in the early to mid-19th century (Walch, 1996).
In 1852, Massachusetts became the first state in the United States to mandate compulsory schooling for children (Monkeyshines on America, 2003). By the early 20th century, every state had adopted some form of mandatory education laws. Mississippi was the final state to establish compulsory education laws, and did so in 1918 (Katz, 1976; Lleras-Muney & Shertzer, 2004).
These laws did not necessarily dictate mandatory public school attendance, although many established English-only education in schools (Katz, 1976; Lleras-Muney & Shertzer, 2004).
Despite these laws, many states had difficulty enforcing compulsory education laws and did not 12
necessarily see increased numbers of students enrolled in public schools (Katz, 1976). In some areas, including Chicago and New York City, cities had inadequate resources for educating every child in the community. In some cases, schools were so overcrowded that students were denied enrollment due to a lack of space (Smarick, 2011; Walch, 1996).
Common school advocates had several prevalent goals: immerse immigrant children in the English language, assimilate them into “American culture,” make literacy widespread and help mold children into future workers (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993; Reardon, 2005).
Compulsory education laws and English-only instruction laws were established in many states as a means to educate immigrant children and teach them English (Lleras-Muney & Shertzer,
2004). Patriotism was heavily promoted in curriculum, and religious education was given from a
Protestant perspective (Walch, 1996). While many immigrant Catholic parents embraced assimilation into American culture, they objected to what they saw as anti-Catholic bias in the common school curriculum (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Catholic bishops in the United States spoke out against any public influence on education, and felt that education should not be regulated by the government, which funded the common schools (Walch, 1996).
Despite the issues between Catholics and common schools, many communities in the
United States publically funded Catholic schools to an extent (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). St.
Peter’s Parish in Poughkeepsie, New York, was one example of a Catholic school receiving public support. St. Peter’s no longer had adequate funds to run its school, and intended to close it. However, the local school board recognized that closing the Catholic school would create a great deal of extra strain on the resources of the local public schools, since their enrollment numbers would rise with the influx of children from St. Peter’s (Walch, 1996; Kealey & Kealey,
2003). The local school board paid a lease on the building, hired and paid the teachers, chose the 13
curriculum and provided the materials to the Catholic schools, but worked with St. Peter’s pastor to ensure his cooperation. The teachers hired were often the religious who had previously held the same positions within the school. In return, the Catholic schools were forbidden to teach religion during the regular schools hours, and held religious education after the official school day ended. The “Poughkeepsie Plan,” as well as similar public/private partnerships in Savanna and Lowell, Massachusetts, only existed from the mid 1800’s to the early 1900’s. Many within the community objected to public money funding schools that still carried significant religious influence, despite religious education technically being off the schedule (Kealey & Kealey, 2003;
Walch, 1996).
The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, a gathering of American bishops held in 1884, came together to create a common religious curriculum for American Catholic schools, called the
Baltimore Catechism. The Council also decided that every parish in the United States should open an adjoining Catholic school and that every Catholic child in the country should attend
Catholic school (Reardon, 2005; Walch, 1996). Some penalties were discussed for parents who chose not to send their children to Catholic schools, including withholding sacraments, but ultimately, the Council decided it would be detrimental to seek punishments for Catholics not attending Catholic schools (Walch, 1996).
As compulsory school attendance laws became more widespread, more Catholic parishes began to open schools. About 200 Catholic schools operated in the United States by the 1840’s
(Boffetti, 2001). The number of parish schools in the United States grew steadily over the last half of the 19th century, primarily due to the influx of Catholic immigrants from Europe
(Smarick, 2011). By the 1870’s, about 1,400 Catholic schools operated in the U.S (Walch, 1996). 14
Many Catholic students attended public schools and received their religious education at newly formed Sunday schools within their parishes (Walch, 1996). However, Catholics in common schools continued to object to Protestant-leaning curriculum in which all students were required to learn in public schools. A private entity called the Public School Society determined public funding and educational criteria for common schools in New York City and were leading opponents of providing private, religious schools with public funds. However, Catholic schools in New York City did receive some public money until the mid-1800’s (Reardon, 2005). The
Public School Society favored Protestant-influenced education in common schools, which often included reciting passages from the King James Bible, which had significant differences from the
Douay Bible used by Catholics (Reardon, 2005; Kealey & Kealey, 2003; Walch, 1996).
Catholics in New York City organized protests, such as a successful campaign to only elect board members who were sympathetic to Catholic educational interests, to counter the Public
School Society (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). In 1842, the New York Legislature passed a bill pulling financial control of public schools from the Public School Society and transferring it to the state, who ended not only the use of Protestant curriculum but religious education in public schools in general, essentially creating nondenominational public education in the United States
(Walch, 1996, Kealey & Kealey, 2003).
In the mid-19th century, Mormon settlers in Utah began opening schools based around the faith of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, or LDS. Despite the religious focus, non-Mormon students were admitted and no tuition was charged (Toomer-Cook, 2003). By the
1860’s, other denominations, including Presbyterians and Episcopalians, opened their own private schools in the area (Toomer-Cook, 2003). The first public school systems supported by 15
taxes opened in 1890, essentially creating Utah’s first education alternatives to schools operated by churches (Huffaker, 2007).
In the 19th and early 20th centuries, widespread anti-immigrant sentiment in the United
States led to laws in state and local governments restricting private schools and abolishing foreign language instruction, which heavily affected Catholic schools with large numbers of immigrant students enrolled (Smarick, 2011, Moreau, 1997). The Know-Nothing Party was a political movement in the early to mid-19th century which opposed immigration due to the outside, foreign influence that immigrants had on popular “American” culture. The Know-
Nothings, along with the Klu Klux Klan and other groups, were prominent in legislative efforts to limit the operations of Catholic schools (Reardon, 2005). Many Catholic schools had student bodies with homogenous national backgrounds, and often did not use English to deliver instruction (Walch, 1996). Catholic educators encouraged the use of non-English in Catholic schools. Saint Maria Frances Xavier Cabrini, a Catholic education advocate who immigrated to the United States from Italy in the 1800’s, recognized the importance of teaching students
English but felt that it was important for students to learn in their native languages in order to preserve their heritages (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). Public schools were often considered to be equalizing tools which would maintain social order by conducting a single, shared ‘American’ identity into immigrant children. Anti-immigrants groups considered Catholic schools detrimental to assimilating immigrants into American culture, especially since many were bilingual and had student populations originating from a single country (Walch, 1996; Kealey &
Kealey, 2003).
The Compulsory Education Act, passed by Oregon voters in 1922, is one example of institutionalized restrictions on Catholic schools. It required all school aged children to attend 16
public schools (Council of American Private Schools, 2000). Other states, such as Michigan, had introduced similar mandatory public school attendance laws on ballots which ultimately did not pass (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). Supporters argued that the Compulsory Education Act would support immigrant assimilation by allowing only English-language instruction in schools.
Catholic schools, many of which educated immigrant children in their native languages, would be forced to close (Jorgenson, 1968). Pierce vs. Society of Sisters, a 1925 ruling by the Supreme
Court argued in response to the Compulsory Education Act, declared that religious schools had the right to operate and that laws requiring mandatory public school attendance were unconstitutional, since they would interfere with the rights of parents in choosing how their children would be educated. Due to compulsory education laws, children were required to be educated, but parents could choose to place their children in public or private schools, as well as educate them at home (Council of American Private Schools, 2000; Moreau, 1997; Kealey &
Kealey, 2003; Walch, 1996; Reardon, 2005).
After World War I, non-English instruction in Catholic schools began to diminish as
Catholics gained higher socioeconomic status nationwide and mainstreamed into middle class society (Reardon, 2005). By the end of World War II, ethnicity-specific Catholic schools and non-English instruction were essentially over (Walch, 1996).
The post-World War II baby boom contributed to a 117 percent increase in American
Catholic school enrollment between 1941 and 1960 (Smarick, 2011). The peak of Catholic schools in the United States occurred in the 1950’s and 1960’s, when about 5 million children were educated in about 13,000 Catholic schools nationwide (Smarick, 2011; Center for the
Applied Research in the Apostolate, 2012; D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007). At the height of Catholic school operation and enrollment, many schools were not able to accommodate 17
all interested families. Class sizes occasionally grew into the 50’s and many schools implemented waiting lists or turned students away due to overcrowding. Even though religious staff members, tuition and large class sizes kept Catholic schools relatively affordable to run, parishes were not always in the financial position to open new schools to meet the demand
(Walch, 1996; Reardon, 2005).
Utah’s Catholic History
Fathers Francisco Atanasio Dominguez and Francisco Silvestre Velez de Escalante,
Franciscan missionaries from Spain, are believed to be the first Catholics to explore the area that is now known as the state of Utah. Their group was the first European expedition to explore in the late 1770’s the southwestern portion of the now-United States (Mooney, 2007; Huffaker,
2007). As years went on, Christianity slowly trickled into the Southwest. Christian traders interacted with Ute and Laguna tribes and left Christian-inspired names on local natural features, such as the San Juan River in Utah and the Monte Cristo mountains in the northern part of the state (Mooney, 2007). The Utah territory was taken under the jurisdiction of the United States after the Mexican-American War of 1848 (Grow, 2009). As the number of Catholics in the
United States grew, the Vatican priests and religious orders to begin blocking out official governance areas across the continent. The burgeoning Catholic hierarchy of the Unites States included the Utah territory under the direction of the newly-formed Diocese of San Francisco
(Mooney, 2007; Topping, 2009). In 1859, Father Bonaventure Keller reportedly celebrated the first Catholic masses in Utah at Camp Floyd, an outpost of the United States Army in Fairfield,
Utah (Mooney, 2007; Oviatt, 2008; Hansen, 1993). Due to the growing local Catholic population, Father Edward Kelly was sent to Utah in 1866 by the bishop of the Diocese of San
Francisco to b ecome the first Catholic priest to officially serve in the area (Topping, 2009). 18
Father Keller, among other priests, had only temporarily stayed in Utah while relocating to other destinations (Topping, 2009). Father Kelly purchased a small, adobe structure located in present- day downtown Salt Lake City to serve as a Catholic church (Topping, 2009). It was named the
Church of St. Mary Magdalene (more commonly referred to as St. Mary’s). and dedicated on
November 17, 1871 (Mooney, 2007; Topping, 2009). The original structure was used temporarily as construction on a new church began to its south later in 1871 (Topping, 2009).
Construction of the new St. Mary’s was overseen by Father Patrick Walsh, who succeeded
Father Kelly upon the latter’s relocation to California (Mooney, 1981).
In 1873, Father Walsh was also recalled to California and the Diocese of San Francisco chose Father Lawrence Scanlan to take his place (Mooney, 1981; Topping, 2009). Father
Scanlan was elected bishop in 1887, following the creation of the Vicariate of Utah and Eastern
Nevada in 1886. In 1891, the Diocese of Salt Lake City was officially established by Pope Leo
XIII (Mooney, 2007).
Bishop Scanlan organized charitable drives and donations from both the Catholic and non-Catholic communities in the area, which paid off St. Mary’s remaining debt. Newly raised funds were used to purchase land to its north for the construction of a much larger cathedral to accommodate the growing Catholic population in Utah (Mooney, 2007; Topping, 2009). Ground broke on the new St. Mary’s Cathedral in 1899, and construction continued until 1907 (Topping,
2009; Huffaker, 2007). St. Mary’s was dedicated on August 15, 1909 (Mooney, 1981). It was occasionally referred to as St. Mary Magdalene’s Cathedral before it was renamed the Cathedral of the Madeleine in the 1920’s (Mooney, 1981; Huffaker, 2007). Bishop Lawrence Scanlan’s remains are entombed behind the main altar of the Cathedral, moved from a location in the basement during a large scale restoration project in the 1990’s (Topping, 2009). 19
As of 2012, the Cathedral of the Madeleine still serves as the head church of the Diocese of Salt Lake City. In the 141 years between the dedication of the original St. Mary’s Church and
2012, the Diocese of Salt Lake City has grown to accommodate the approximately 250,000
Catholics living in Utah, as well as 62 parishes and missions statewide (Catholic Diocese of
Utah, 2012; Mooney, 2007). About 9 percent of the population of Utah is Catholic (Mooney,
2007).
The Second Vatican Council
The Second Vatican Council was a gathering of bishops, archbishops and other clergymen filling leadership roles in the Catholic Church. It was held at St. Peter’s Basilica in
Vatican City in the early 1960’s (McDannell, 2011). The Second Vatican Council (also referred to as Vatican II). resulted in the first official changes to the Catholic Mass implemented since the
Missale Romanum, written in 1570 under the papacy of Pope Pius V (Massa, 2010). Pope John
XXIII called for the conference as a way of addressing societal changes in the world, including women’s rights, civil rights, war and perception of human sexuality (Bryk, Lee & Holland,
1993). The goal of Vatican II was to update the Mass and the mission of the Catholic Church to better attend to a changing modern society (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Sacrosanctum
Concilium, or “The Constitution of the Sacred Liturgy,” was adopted on November 12, 1962, approved after a vote of 2,162 to 46 (Massa, 2010). It wasn’t until November 29, 1964, the first
Sunday of Advent as well as the beginning of the new Liturgical year, when the Sacrosanctum
Concilium was officially used in the Mass (Massa, 2010).
Vatican II and Sacrosanctum Concilium implemented significant changes in the Mass.
For the first time, the Mass was said in the church’s home language, as opposed to Latin. The alter was moved away from the church’s rear wall and the priest said Mass facing the 20
congregation, instead of with his back to them, as before. Before Vatican II, congregants did not directly participate in the Mass through singing or praying aloud, and were now expected to recite what had previously only been said by the priests (McDannell, 2011; Massa, 2010). Prior to Vatican II, only the priest was allowed to handle the sacrament and dispensed it directly into the mouths of those receiving. Parishioners were now free to hold communion and receive it without an altar server holding a plate under their chins, in order to catch the host if it were to fall (Reardon, 2005).
Vatican II not only affected the practices within the Mass, but carried social implications for its members as well. Catholic Americans met the changes of Vatican II with overwhelming support – between 85 and 97 percent of practicing Catholics polled preferred the new Mass over the pre-Vatican II incarnation (Mass, 2010). However, Pope Paul VI, Pope John XXIII’s predecessor, released Humanae Vitae, or “On Human Life,” in 1968. It was a controversial document which laid out Catholic teachings on sexuality and birth control, among other issues
(McDannell, 2011; Massa, 2010). Despite the popularity of Vatican II, Humanae Vitae became a polarizing force among Catholics. It forbid the use of birth control by any women, married or unmarried, and encouraged a behavior-based method of natural family planning (in which a couple uses fertility tracking to avoid sex during high fertility times). to help to better manage the number of children a marriage produced. There is some speculation that the Vatican hoped the popularity of the new Mass would result in its members viewing Humanae Vitae for favorably (Massa, 2010). However, by the release of Humanae Vitae, many Catholics in the
United States already practiced some form of birth control. Many felt that the promotion of natural family planning and the condemnation of chemical or barrier methods of birth control was hypocritical (Massa, 2010). Even ordained men objected to the teachings of Humanae Vitae 21
(McDannell, 2011). As a result, Catholic Church attendance in the United States began to fall in the late 1960’s (McDannell, 2011). Sociological studies conducted in the 1970’s directly linked declining Mass attendance (about 55 percent of what it had been prior to Vatican II). to lack of lay Catholic support for the Vatican’s position on birth control (McDannell, 2011).
Catholic Schools and Social Justice
Catholic institutions face two pertinent questions – how is a Catholic organization different from those with different religious backgrounds or no formal denomination, and to what extent does the Catholic identity affect the day-to-day operations and decision making within the institution? (Carrithers & Peterson, 2010). While it could be assumed that Catholic institutions, such as schools, are simply similar or the same to other organizations, except with the religious focus added on as an addition, many Catholic institutions aim to fully integrate Catholicism into their mission statements and day-to-day operations (Miller, 2006). The Catholic Church laid out seven common themes of social justice which its organizations are called upon to accommodate in their mission statements. The themes of social justice were primarily solidified under Pope
John XXIII after Vatican II (McDannell, 2011). Different organizations may have different interpretations of what these social teachings entangle and how these themes can be carried out.
The themes are:
Life and dignity of the human person
Call to family, community and participation
Rights and responsibilities
Options for the poor and vulnerable
The dignity of work and the rights of workers 22
Solidarity
Care for God’s creations (Reardon, 2005; United States Conference of Catholic
Bishops, 2012).
Pope Benedict XVI wrote in 2009 that “Charity is at the heart of the Church's social doctrine.” (2009). Charity and community service have been long-running elements found in
Catholic social justice. Many Catholic schools include the goal of raising children who will become socially-conscious global citizens (Miller, 2006; Reardon, 2005 ). Prior to Vatican II,
Catholic school children participated in well-intentioned, if not questionable, acts of charity such as raising money to fund religious missions or the sponsorship of “pagan babies” abroad
(Reardon, 2005). Post-Vatican II, social justice has been a common goal among schools, parishes and other formal organizations associated with the Catholic Church (Hallinan & Kubitschek,
2010). One specific goal of charity within Catholic schools is to make Catholic education financially accessible to all interested families (Meitler Consultants, Inc., 2007). Modern
Catholic organizations, including schools, made a pointed effort to promote civic consciousness and community service among their members (Reardon, 2005). Some entities within the Catholic church experienced unprecedented crises of funding when they found the need for service within their new missions outpaced their available funds (McDannell, 2011). Many modern Catholic schools have made a pointed effort to include the idea of social ethics and community service into their curriculums (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993).
Although Catholic school enrollment has dropped steadily in the past 50 years, there is still a demand for schools – 6,980 Catholic elementary and secondary schools operated in the
United States in 2011, educating over 2 million children (Center for Applied Research in the
Apostolate, 2012). However, the administrators and staff members choose to continue to operate 23
Catholic schools for reasons not necessarily related to demand. Cardinal Zenon Grocholewski, the Vatican’s appointed Prefect for their Congregation for Education, argues that Catholic schools still act as agents of socialization (Grocholewski, 2009). Although Catholic schools are no longer necessarily aiming to assimilate immigrant children, as it did in the United States in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Cardinal Grocholewski still calls on schools to help children recognize their place in the global society, and the responsibilities that Catholic social teachings call them to address (Grocholewski, 2009; Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993; Reardon, 2005).
Pertinent issues include helping those in need, developing compassion for others, adopting a
Catholic outlook on social issues, and respecting other cultures (Grocholewski, 2009; Bryk, Lee
& Holland, 1993). Archbishop Michael J. Miller serves as the secretary for the Vatican’s
Congregation for Education. He, like Cardinal Grocholewski, calls Catholic schools to educate children in an environment where Catholic teachings are integrated into every aspect of the day.
Both argue that Catholic schools should not be so concerned with academic rigor if it potentially results in a lack of focus on the schools’ Catholic identity, although studies have shown that the faculties and staffs of Catholic schools across the country still view academics as extremely important (Grocholewski, 2009; Miller, 2006; Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Archbishop Timothy
Dolan of the Archdiocese of New York calls the entirety of the Catholic community to support
Catholic schools. He argues that support for Catholic schools have become fragmented, and that schools need support from all Catholics and not only from parents who send their children to the schools and the parishes that run the schools (Dolan, 2010). According to Archbishop Miller,
Catholic schools are obligated not only to include those living in poverty, but must exist to do so out of obligation to the Catholic Church’s tradition of serving the underprivileged (Miller, 2006). 24
While Catholic schools continue to have many champions, others have questioned their purpose or importance. Mary Perkins Ryan, a Catholic homemaker with an extensive research background, published Are Parochial Schools the Answer? in 1964 (Heeken, 2005; Walch,
1996). Ryan was a life-long Catholic who was educated in Catholic schools and worked for a
Catholic publishing company (Heeken, 2005). She argued that Catholic schools had once served an important sociological role in assimilating European immigrants into American society.
However, she felt that Catholic children would be best served by the now-nondenominational public schools and that Catholics no longer needed a separate educational space to avoid religious discrimination. Many Catholic children in the early 1960’s were born into educated families that had been in the United States for several generations (McDannell, 2011). According to Ryan, the Catholic Church would better serve its members by focusing on the religious education of adults rather than children. Without Catholic schools, the Catholic church would be better able to use its money and resources in its other charitable enterprises (Bryk, Lee &
Holland, 1993; Walch, 1996; McDannell, 2011).
However, the Catholic school system that Ryan experienced in early and mid-20th century is considerably different than modern Catholic schools. Although nationality-specific Catholic schools had largely disappeared between World Wars I and II, pre-Vatican II Catholic schools tended to be racially segregated (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). The Vatican Council II of 1965 called on schools to diversify their student bodies, focusing specifically on ethnic and income diversity (Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). The student body of Utah’s Catholic schools tend to be more ethnically and economically diverse than the larger population of the state of Utah. In
2011, 30 percent of students in Utah Catholic schools were ethnic minorities, and 38 percent of students could be classified as low-income (Utah Catholic Schools, 2011). In 2010, 13.9 percent 25
of the population of Utah were ethnic minorities. 10.8 percent of the population of Utah was living under the poverty level (US Census of the Bureau, 2010).
Hispanics, as well as other minority groups, are fairly underrepresented in Catholic school student bodies and staffs nationwide (Kealey & Kealey, 2006). According to the 2010
Census, 50.5 million, or 16 percent of Americans, identify as Hispanic (Ennis, Rio-Vargas &
Albert, 2011). According to estimates by the Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate, 70 percent of Catholics in the United States identify as Catholic. After Vatican II, Catholics have grown to represent between 19 and 39 percent of the overall Catholic population in the United
States (D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007). Catholic Hispanics are less likely than non-Hispanic Catholics to attend Catholic high schools, but comparative numbers between
Hispanic and non-Hispanic Catholics show that the two groups have similar Catholic elementary school attendance, similar levels of income and similar amounts of education (D’Antonio,
Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007).
Inclusion in Catholic schools has produced varied results. There is inconclusive evidence that Catholic school educations produce higher educational achievement for minority students or students living in poverty (Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010; Weitzel-O’Neill & Torres, 2011; Bryk,
Lee & Holland, 1993). However, minority students and students living in poverty tend to produce higher tests scores in lower-income Catholic schools compared to students in public schools with comparable socioeconomic demographics (Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). Catholic schools tend to have lower general dropout rates than public schools – 3.4 percent compared to
14.4 percent in 2005 (D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007). Catholic schools tend to have graduation and college attendance rates over 90 percent, and the percentage of students graduating from Catholic highs schools as compared to public schools tend to be significantly 26
higher for students who are white, black or Hispanic (Meitler Consultants, 2007; Bryk, Lee &
Holland, 1993).
The Catholic Church in the United States has dealt with the aftermath of its mishandling of child molestation by priests in recent years (Reardon, 2005; McDannell, 2011). It is estimated that over 4,000 priests in the United States were likely involved in the sexual abuse of children between 1950 and 2000 (Reardon, 2005). Many within the Church, including bishops and others in authority positions, knew about the abuses and either ignored them or attempted to hide them by reassigning priests to other parishes (McDannell, 2011). In 1985, Reverend Gilbert Gauthe, a priest in Louisiana, was convicted of molesting dozens of children (Nordheimer, 1985). Over the course of the 1990’s, priests in New York City, Chicago, Santa Fe and Dallas, among other areas, are also convicted of child molestation of are successfully sued by their victims in civil court. However, it wasn’t until 2002 that the extent of sexual abuse within the Catholic Church was realized (“In an era of change, a persistent crisis,” 2003). A team of reporters from The
Boston Globe reported that the Archdiocese of Boston had known about the actions of pedophile priests within its churches since the 1980’s, but had not reported them to police (Rezendes,
2002). In light of the cover-ups in Boston, similar situations of Church authorities ignoring and hiding sexual abuse were reported in Philadelphia, Dallas, and Kansas City, among other dioceses in the United States. In recent years, similar cases have come to light in Europe
(“Roman Catholic Church sex abuse cases,” 2012).
As a result, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops mandated that all dioceses in the United States develop programs that aim to address and prevent abuse. Many dioceses across the country have implemented mandatory training for Catholic school students, staff and volunteers. For example, the Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City developed a training program 27
called Safe Environment, in which adults working with children undergo an online safety training program. The Safe Environment program developed curriculum for Utah Catholic
Schools that advises students how to say no to adults engaging in inappropriate behavior and how to report that behavior to others (Reardon, 2005; Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, n.d.).
Adult employees and volunteers are often required to submit to fingerprinting and background checks before working with children (Reardon, 2005; McDannell, 2011).
Enrollment in Catholic schools have been largely unaffected by the Catholic Church’s sexual abuse scandals. Slight yearly decreases in enrollment have not been directly linked to sexual abuse within the Catholic Church, although areas more heavily affected by the sexual abuse scandal, such as Philadelphia and Boston, experienced more substantial drops in enrollment (Reardon, 2005; Hernandez-Julian, 2007). Some areas heavily engrained in the abuse scandals, such as Boston, saw a decline in charitable donations, but as a whole, parishioner contributions across the country have increased (Reardon, 2005). Many schools who have experienced enrollment drops since the sexual abuse scandal broke have had families leave their schools for financial reasons, but many have not necessarily heard reports about the sexual abuse scandal as reasons for leaving (Dillon, 2003; Reardon, 2005).
Catholic Schools and Academics
The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore recommended in 1884 that each parish in the
United States build and support a Catholic school (D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier,
2007; Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). However, this recommendation was more to serve the religious education and promote the Catholic identity of children in the United States than it was to address academic needs (Walch, 1996). 28
The first Catholic schools in the United States were heavily integrated with religion and often prioritized it over academics (Walch, 1996). Religion played a major role in shaping the curriculum, which also included mathematics and language art instruction which was comparable to that in public schools (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Since Catholic immigrants tended to stay together in homogenous groups, the probability of an ethnic group opening a parish school depended on their views on education. For instance, Slavic immigrants opened elementary schools to provide religious education, but about 90 percent were not educated after high school.
Italian immigrants favored public schooling over operating schools. Irish and German immigrants tended to be very supportive of opening and attending Catholic schools (Walch,
1996).
Some within the modern Catholic church still argue that schools should avoid the urge to become academically competitive with neighboring non-Catholic schools, if it results in diminished attention on or resources for religious education (Miller, 2006; Grocholewski, 2009).
Others recognize the need to promote rigorous academics to keep enrollment numbers up by attracting Catholic and non-Catholic families looking for academically challenging environments for their children (James, 2007; Cieslak, 2005; Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). Catholic schools typically outperform their public counterparts nationally on standardized tests (Reardon, 2005;
Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993; Walch, 1996). In 2011, Catholic schools students in grades 4 and 8 outperformed public schools on National Assessment of Education Progress tests in reading and math, but Catholic schools were outperformed by private schools in general (NCEA, 2011).
However, one must consider that private schools, both religious and nondenominational, have more autonomy in forming their student bodies than public schools do, and Catholic schools do 29
reserve the right to accept or dismiss students as they choose. These reasons may include social or academic issues (Reardon, 2006).
Many Catholic schools keep their numbers low – both in the classroom and in the overall enrollment – to maintain a sense of an intimate, close-knit community. Schools promote their communities, as well as their emphasis on academics, to appeal to the families of potential students who might otherwise choose public schools for their children (Walch, 1996). This competition with public schools has served to help Catholic schools modernize and stay innovative (Reardon, 2005). Post Vatican II, improving science education to meet public school criteria became a major goal of many Catholic schools. Although students in mid-20th century
Catholic schools tended to have access to quality religious and humanities education, time and resources for other subjects, science especially, were lacking (McDannell, 2011). Other schools reexamined how social studies was taught, and worked to eliminate Catholic bias in certain areas, such as teaching about the Crusades objectively (Reardon, 2005). The “drill ‘em and kill
‘em” method of teaching through heavy rote memorization fell out of favor as Catholic schools sought further education and certification for its teachers (Reardon, 2005; Walch, 1996).
Beginning in the 1930’s, Catholic schools began sending their primarily religious teachers to college and to other sources for professional development in order to keep their teaching skills current and effective (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). However, the rising interest in educational theory and teacher education that increasingly emerged in academia in the 1950’s and 1960’s coincided with the widespread departure of the religious from Catholic schools. As nuns and priests left the classroom, they were replaced by university-educated lay people (Reardon, 2005).
Some proponents of Catholic schools argue that the inclusion of religious education promotes critical thinking in academic subjects as well. (Miller, 2006). Modern Catholic schools 30
mainly adhere to state and district curriculums, with the flexibility to include religious education.
Although the Vatican does not set education standards for Catholic schools, it supports research and innovation in Catholic school curriculum (Reardon, 2005). For example, evolution is supported by the Vatican and taught in Catholic schools (Miller, 2006; Bryk, Lee & Holland,
1993; Walch, 1996).
Who Sends Their Children to Catholic Schools?
Parental input is an important element of Catholic schooling. The Catholic church itself often acknowledges parents as the “primary” educators in their children’s lives (Miller, 2006;
Grocholewski, 2009). The Supreme Court acknowledged parental rights as the reason for their decision in Pierce vs. Society of Sisters in 1925 – the ruling that mandatory public school attendance laws interfered with the freedom of parents to make decisions about their children’s educations, therefore allowing private, parochial schools to stay open (Jorgenson, 1968).
Many Catholic immigrants in the early United States saw education as the best way for their children to grow into successful adults. The desire for their children to grow into successful and financially comfortable adults, not just religion, attracted them to Catholic schools
(McDonnell, 2011). Catholic schools in the United States have experienced dramatic shifts in their student populations. The student bodies of modern Catholic schools have come a long way from the immigrant populations of pre-World War I America (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993;
Walch, 1996). Modern Catholic schools are fairly diverse, and include single gender schools, boarding schools, Montessori schools and those with Catholic traditionalist beliefs that adhere to pre-Vatican II Catholic dogma (Reardon, 2005).
Parents have reported many reasons for choosing private schools for their children.
Parochial schools are perceived as being safe environments (Meitler Consultants, Inc. 2007; 31
Bukhari & Randall, 2009). This is true in some cases. Students attending Catholic high schools are only less likely than students in public schools to be arrested. There is inconclusive evidence that Catholic school students are less likely to use drugs or engage in sexual activity, and
Catholic school attendance did not seem to affect how likely students were to drink, smoke, become involved in gangs or commit acts of violence against people or property (Reardon, 2005;
Walch, 1996).
The prevalence of religious education and faith-specific values are still important to many parents with children in religious private schools (Walch, 1996; Bukhari & Randall, 2009). Since the first Catholic schools opened in the United States, the schools promoted the prevalence of religious education and how it helped to create a school environment perceived to be morally
“superior” to non-Catholic education options (McDonnell, 2011). Catholic schools continue to include the evangelization and promotion of faith in their curriculums and mission statements
(Miller, 2006). Some proponents of Catholic schools promote the immersion in, not just the inclusion of, religious education in the curriculum as important. The ability to keep an open dialogue about religion in the educational environment allows the school to emphasize the
“doctrinal content or moral obligations” of being Catholic. Religion tends to be an active part of the Catholic school environment, from daily prayer to regular Mass attendance to crucifixes and religious images on the walls (Miller, 2006).
In the later part of the 20th century, Catholic schools enrolled large numbers of students from families with higher socioeconomic statuses. Over 40 percent of students enrolled in
Catholic schools in the 1990s came from families with higher incomes (Archer, 1997). Late in the decade and early in the 21st century, many schools enrolled increasing numbers of students coming from lower income socioeconomic backgrounds (Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). The 32
poverty rates in both urban and suburban Catholic schools tend to reflect that of their neighboring public schools. Both public and Catholic schools in the same areas share comparable percentages of students living in poverty (Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010).
According to a Gallop poll conducted in 2005, about 57 percent of the 875 self-identified
Catholics surveyed earned more than $46,071, the national median household income for the year. Roughly 35 percent had a household income below the national average for 2005 (US
Bureau of the Census, 2005; D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007).
Nationally, the student populations of Catholic schools are increasingly from families with higher socioeconomic statuses (Huber, 2007). In Utah, there is not a strong correlation between family income and private school attendance (Utah Foundation, 2002). With over 38 percent of the population under the age of 18, Utah has a large population of children.
Nationally, 24 percent of the population is under the age of 18 (US Bureau of the Census, 2010).
In 2002, Utah ranked 50th in the nation for percentage of children enrolled in private schools. 2.8 percent of Utah children attended private school, compared to 10 percent of children nationwide
(Utah Foundation, 2002). The low private school enrollment in Utah as compared to the high youth population may be due to the large number of members of the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter Day Saints (LDS). living in Utah (Bukhari & Randall, 2009). While about 62 percent of the population of Utah is LDS, LDS-based private schools are fairly rare and none are officially funded or operated by the LDS Church (Canham, 2012; Bukhari & Randall, 2009; Toomer-
Cook, 2003). LDS students attending public school also have the option of attending LDS religious education courses, known as seminary, before or after school or during ‘released time’ allocated during the school day, with parental permission (ACLU of Utah, 2008). Seminary buildings are not found on school grounds, but most public junior high and high schools in Utah 33
have seminaries close to campus. Seminaries are not funded nor operated by the public school districts nor do they share any of the same staff (Toomer-Cook, 2003; ACLU of Utah, 2008).
Since many Catholic families in the United States consist of a single parent or two working parents, many families cannot afford the time and financial commitments that enrolling their children in private schools often entail. Many Catholic families will choose public schools over private schools. These families enjoy the quality of public schools and do not feel a social obligation to attend a religious school (Walch, 1996). Other families, many of whom are non-
Catholics living in at-risk areas, see Catholic schools as valuable tool for improving their children’s future educational and work opportunities (Walch, 1996; Reardon, 2005). However,
Catholic schools in low-income areas tend to attract families that do have higher comparative incomes than their public counterparts (Walch, 1996).
34
Chapter III: Tuition and tuition models in Catholic schools
Falling Enrollment Numbers
The number of total Catholic elementary schools has dropped steadily since the mid
1960’s (James, 2007; Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). Over 3,000 Catholic schools in the United
States closed between 1965 and 2011, resulting in a 1.6 million student drop in nationwide enrollment (Cieslak, 2005; Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate, 2012). In contrast, enrollment in public elementary schools increased by 3 percent between 1970 and 2000 (Cieslak,
2005).
In 2001, about 83 percent of private schools in the United States were faith-based. About
47 percent of all private schools were Catholic (Bukhair & Randall, 2009). In 2011, over 2 million students were enrolled in 6,980 Catholic schools in the United States (James, 2007;
NCEA, 2011; Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate, 2012).
As of 2012, three Catholic high schools and fourteen Catholic elementary and middle schools operate in Utah, educating approximately 5,500 students (Utah Catholic Schools, 2011).
Of these, every high school and thirteen elementary schools are operated under the jurisdiction of the Diocese of Salt Lake City. One school, Trinity Academy in Park City, is an independent,
Orthodox Catholic school and has no formal relationship with the other schools or parishes of the
Diocese of Salt Lake City. Independent Catholic schools often teach religion from a perspective not recognized by the mainstream Roman Catholic Church (Utah Catholic Schools, 2011; Trinity
Academy, 2010). About 1/3 of all private schools in Utah are Catholic (Toomer-Cook, 2003). All but one school in the Diocese of Salt Lake City are found within Salt Lake, Davis and Weber
Counties, which are the 1st, 3rd and 4th most populated counties in Utah, respectively (US Bureau of the Census, 2010). Outside of densely-populated Northern Utah, private school options are 35
generally limited and do not include Catholic schools (Utah Foundation, 2002; US Bureau of the
Census, 2010).
In the 21st century, the majority of Catholics in the United States have not attended
Catholic schools. Fewer than half of self-identified Catholics report attending a Catholic elementary, high school or college at some point in their lives. However, it can be concluded that families who choose Catholic schools for their children tend to do so for the long term - 36 percent of those who did attend Catholic school did so for 10 or more years (D’Antonio,
Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007). Nevertheless, Catholic schools nationwide have experienced a long-term decline in enrollment (Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate, 2012).
In the 20th Century, especially between World Wars I and II, Catholics gradually integrated into mainstream American society and were no longer considered ethnic “others.”
Many Catholics enjoyed upward mobility and higher socioeconomic statuses (Walch, 1996;
McDannell, 2011). As a result, large numbers of Catholics with the means of paying private school tuition have left urban areas and moved to the suburbs, where there are often fewer
Catholic schools (James, 2007; NCEA, 2011; Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). Many suburban
Catholic parents choose to send their children to local public schools. This is often due to both the financial burden of paying private school tuition, or that parents feel that their local public schools are high quality and meet the academic needs of their children (Walch, 1996;
McDannell, 2011).
In 2011, 2,400 Catholic schools were open in urban and inner-city areas, as opposed to
2,092 Catholic schools found in suburban neighborhoods (NCEA, 2011). Urban parishes supporting Catholic schools have faced financial difficulty as a result since their parishioner population is generally “considerably smaller and less affluent” than those attending suburban 36
parishes (James, 2007). This has led to many urban Catholic schools closing (Hallinan &
Kubitschek, 2010). Catholic school closures have been disproportionally found in urban areas
(Miller, 2006). Those that are still open have many students who are either economically disadvantaged or have many non-Catholic families seeking academically rigorous schools for their children (James, 2007; Cieslak, 2005; Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). Over 20 percent of students in Catholic high schools in the United States are non-Catholics (Cieslak, 2005). In Utah, about 25 percent of all students in Catholic schools are non-Catholics (Utah Catholic Schools,
2011). Many inner-city Catholic schools rely on non-Catholic enrollment in order to keep their doors open (Reardon, 2005; Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993).
Funding From Private and Public Sources
For most private schools, tuition is the primary source of income but tuition does not provide the full annual cost of school operation. On average, about 60 percent of Catholic school income comes from tuition (James, 2007). Private schools rely on “tax-deductible donations from families of current students, alumnae and other donors” as well as subsidies from participating parishes in order to support their operation budgets (Walton, 2010; James, 2007).
While many private schools receive donations or engage in fund raising, the majority of donations come from families currently attending the school or from alumni (Walton, 2010).
Although individual students and families may pay different tuition amounts or receive scholarships or other sources of financial assistance from the school, all private schools depend at least somewhat on many individual families being able to pay the tuition of their children in full. Without tuition, schools must look to other outside sources to secure funding (Walton, 2010;
James, 2007). 37
In the United States, individual states have the authority to determine what constitutes a private school, so the definition of a private school may vary from state to state. In the state of
Utah, private schools are defined as institutions that are operated and funded by an entity separate from the state and federal governments (Utah Division of Administrative Rules, 2011).
Private schools are eligible for some public funds through federal and state sources, but the majority of their funds come from tuition, donations, grants, fundraisers and other private sources (Walton, 2010).
President John F. Kennedy became the first Catholic president of the United States when he was elected in 1960 (Walch, 1996). Although Catholics and Catholic schools were widely integrated into mainstream American society by the 1960’s, Kennedy publically opposed parochial schools receiving public financial support (Walch, 1996; Reardon, 2005; Keely &
Keely, 2003). Elected officials at the federal level have held large varieties of differing support for funding private schools. Ronald Reagan supported an unsuccessful federal bill which would offer tax credits to families paying tuition (Walch, 1996). Ulysses S. Grant spoke out against providing public funding to private schools, due to their focus on the language and traditions of the home countries of their immigrant students (Walch, 1996).
There have been many bills and amendments, both at federal and local levels, aiming to prevent private schools from receiving any public money. The Blaine Amendment, written in
1976, is the most notable example of such laws restricting funding to private schools and would have banned public funding for private schools altogether (Green, 2008). Although the Blaine
Amendment was not ratified at the national level, many states adopted similar amendments or guidelines restricting private, religious schools from accessing public money (Green, 2008;
DeForrest, 2003). Some within the Catholic Church or other denominations operating schools 38
argue that religious private schools should be eligible to receive public money since the larger society stands to benefit from the positive influence the schools and their students could have on their communities, or because private education relieves some of the pressure on public resources (Miller, 2006; Kealey & Kealey, 2003; Walch, 1996).
Some state and federal programs allow private schools to access public money outside of vouchers. However, these funds go directly to individual students and not to schools as to avoid situations where public money fund private schools (Walch, 1996). For example, the federally funded Elementary and Secondary Education Act (otherwise known as Title I,). implemented in
1965 under President Lyndon Johnson, is available for students living in low-income areas, and can be used by students attending private schools to access additional instruction or resources
(US Department of Education, 2008; Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). Title I funding is distributed to individual students and not to schools themselves, so students living in at-risk areas can allocate resources at any school of their choosing, public or private (Kealey & Kealey, 2003).
Eligible students in Catholic schools receive other public funds, such as federal and local free lunch programs (Reardon, 2005).
The size of the population living within the boundaries of a school district is one factor used to determine the amount of federal education funding individual districts receive. In the state of Utah, the total number of people living within the district’s boundaries is also considered when allocating funding. Because funding is at least somewhat dependent on the amount of students eligible to enroll in each district and not solely on the number actually enrolled, students attending private schools are eligible to receive public funding based on the location of their home address (The Leadership Council on Civil and Human Rights, 2012; Office of Legislative
Research and General Council, 2009). Some public money on the local level is allocated to 39
individuals rather than geographic areas. Utah’s Carson Smith Scholarship is intended for students with special needs who leave the public school system to attend a private school. The student receives the cost of his or her education in public schools as a tuition voucher that can be used towards the cost of tuition in participating private schools. Much like Title 1, lese local funds are usually distributed directly to individual students and not to the schools themselves
(Utah State Department of Education, 2011; Walch, 1996).
Some communities in the United States offer tuition vouchers to students leaving public schools to attend private schools. Some families may choose to leave public schools they perceive to be underperforming, while some local governments offer vouchers as a way to cutting down on the costs of public education in the long term (Walch, 1996). Areas that publically fund school-choice voucher programs, such as the state of Indiana and the city of
Milwaukee, Wisconsin, may allow Catholic schools and other religious or nondenominational private schools to accept voucher money from students voluntarily leaving public schools to enroll in private schools (Indiana Department of Public Education, 2011; Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction, 2011). However, some areas, including Madison, allow students using vouchers to opt out of religious instruction and activities, such as attending Mass or religion classes during the school day (Reardon, 2005). Zelman vs. Simmons-Harris, a 2002 case brought before the Supreme Court, decided that religious-based private schools accepting publically funded voucher money did not violate the First Amendment. However, the ruling still allows individual states to structure their own voucher guidelines and did not necessarily mandate that states must allow religious schools to be eligible for voucher money (DeForrest, 2003; Kealey &
Kealey, 2003). 40
Voucher programs have produced mixed results. Although some studies concluded that students who used vouchers made more yearly progress than their public schools peers, others have shown that private students with vouchers generally score lower on standardized tests compared to public school students (DeFour, 2011; Komer, 2012; Gardner, 2012).
In areas with voucher programs, participation is high. Milwaukee’s voucher program has over 14,000 participating students (Reardon, 2005). However, popular support for government- supported voucher programs remains relatively low nationwide. In 2007, a referendum establishing a voucher system in the state of Utah was rejected by voters. Colorado, California and Michigan have held elections to adopt similar voucher systems that subsequently did not pass (“Utah voters defeat measure to create U.S. first statewide school voucher program,” 2007;
Gardner, 2012).
The Cost of Employing Lay People vs. Religious Teachers
The Catholic Church in the United States has experienced a large decline in the number of religious staff members, acting as priests, nuns, or brothers, among other roles. In 2011,
39,466 ordained priests were living in the United States, down from 58,632 in 1965. The number of nuns in the United States dropped from 179,954 in 1965 to 55, 944 in 2011. In contrast, the number of self-identified Catholics living in the U.S. grew from 48.5 million in 1965 to 77.7 million in 2011 (Center for the Applied Research in the Apostolate, 2012). A decline in the numbers of clergy was not an issue solely affecting the Catholic Church in the 1960’s and
1970’s. Protestants and Jews in the United States have also experienced a decline in the number of new ordinations and an increase of those voluntarily leaving their positions, although not at the rate of priests in the Catholic Church (McDannell, 2011). Widespread societal changes in the 41
United States in the 1960’s and 1970’s led many faithful people, both lay and religious, to reexamine their beliefs and what they desired in their lives (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993).
The large decrease in the religious Catholic population may be linked to the Second
Vatican Council, when the ministries and public lives of the religious were heavily restructured, and may have discouraged potential members or led to the departure of those who had previously been ordained or had taken vows (Delio, 2009; O’Conner, 2010). The call for Catholics to address social justice issues, including poverty, warfare, human rights and hunger, gained momentum in the late 19th century and was a major theme explored during the Second Vatican
Council (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993). Part of the Vatican II overhaul included changes in the services performed by the religious. Many within the religious community, especially the younger priests and nuns, had issues adjusting to a more public service life and left their orders
(Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993, Walch, 1996; Wooden, 2009). However, changes in larger society outside of the Catholic Church did play a role in the evolving lives of the religious (Bryk, Lee &
Holland, 1993).
Changes in the larger American society may have contributed to the declining number of religious. Americans were no longer expected to hold onto the façade of stoicism that was prevalent in the 1950’s and earlier. Self-reflection and a questioning of the accepted social structure led many Americans to reassess their beliefs and value systems, both in the context of religion and outside of it (McDannell, 2011; Reardon, 2005). With changing attitudes towards women’s liberation, gay rights, birth control and extramarital sex, Americans, including those considering the religious life, gradually found themselves more able to live openly in a variety of ways (Massa, 2010; Wooden, 2009; Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993; Walch, 1996). Many Catholics objected to what they saw as an archaic and unrealistic view of issues such as birth control and 42
divorce, which lead to an overall drop into regular church attendance by lay Catholics as well as the decline in numbers of those seeking religious ordinations (McDannell, 2011).
Men and women generally expressed different reasons for not seeking out religious life or for leaving their positions. The Catholic Conference of Bishops commissioned a study to examine the attitudes and outlooks of American priests in the late 1960’s and 1970’s, in order to better understand the decline in numbers (McDannell, 2011 ). It concluded that an unfavorable view of celibacy, feelings of isolation and the stress of administering to the many physical, emotional and spiritual needs of parishioners resulted in many priests feeling dissatisfied in their positions (McDannell, 2011).
For many Catholic women prior to Vatican II, taking religious vows was the only way they could engage in a professional career, since married women and mothers often did not work outside their homes (McDannell, 2011). With women’s liberation becoming increasingly more prevalent in the United States, young women saw an increase in the educational and professional options available to them. They no longer considered religious life as the default fallback career for young Catholics who were not necessarily interested in marriage without the possibility of acareer (Massa, 2010; Wooden, 2009; Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993; Walch, 1996). For the women already living an a religious community, many left due to the same feelings of isolation experienced by their male counterparts and pursued their previous positions as nurses, teachers and social workers as lay employees rather than as part of their religious orders (McDannell,
2011; Reardon, 2005).
Although Catholic schools in the United States have employed lay teachers since their inceptions, the makeup of Catholic school staffs have grown from primarily religious to primary lay (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). In 1920, 92 percent of teachers in Catholic elementary and 43
secondary schools were religious (James, 2007). By 2011, only 3.7 percent of Catholic school teachers nationwide were religious, with the remaining 96.3 percent of Catholic school teaching staffs consisting of lay people, both Catholics and non-Catholics (James, 2007; NCEA, 2011).
Many of the religious who teach in Catholic schools are there as a result of involuntary assignments, as opposed to lay teachers, who typically make their own employment choices and have the freedom to stay within their positions or seek out alternatives at their will (Przygocki,
2004). Since many religious teachers were conscripted to work in Catholic schools and received minimal payment for doing so, contemporary Catholic schools face the rising cost of offering lay teachers wages and benefits than can compete with typically higher public school salaries in order to attract staff with the education, experience and qualifications desired to run a successful school (James, 2007). Despite efforts to offer more competitive salaries and benefits, Catholic school compensation still falls below that of their public counterparts nationwide (Bryk, Lee, &
Holland, 1993; Reardon, 2005). Teaching staffs in Catholic school tend to attract young staff members and experience high turnover, since many teachers find that they cannot support themselves or their families on Catholic school salaries and often leave for employment in public schools, where salaries tend to be higher (Reardon, 2005; Kealey & Kealey, 2003; Walch, 1996).
Some Catholic schools cannot afford to offer health or retirement benefits to their lay staff members (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). Unlike religious staff members, lay teachers have the option of a finite career in Catholic schools – they are not required to stay in their positions as religious teachers were, and can leave Catholic schools or teaching altogether at their convenience
(Walch, 1996).
44
Financial Issues for Utah’s Catholic Schools
Three major factors have contributed to the closure of Catholic schools in Utah: finance, population decline and the departure of members of the Holy Orders who operated individual schools. In 1879, the Holy Cross Sisters opened St. Mary’s School in Silver Reef, Utah, following a large growth in the area population due to opportunities for ore and silver mining
(Kruger, 2011; Mooney, 2007). After a drop in the price of silver and significant flooding in the mines, Silver Reef was largely abandoned and St. Mary’s closed as a result. As of 2012, Silver
Reef is a ghost town in Southern Utah with very few of the original structures remaining
(Kruger, 2011; Mooney, 2007). St. Joseph Elementary School in Eureka and St. Mary of the
Assumption in Park City also closed in 1949 and 1933, respectively, due to demographic changes in the local Catholic populations (Mooney, 2007).
In 1999, the Skaggs Catholic Center opened in Draper, Utah, housing three Catholic schools – St. John the Baptist Elementary School, St. John the Baptist Middle School and Juan
Diego High School. The Skaggs Center covers a 57 acre piece of property and cost about $40 million to build (Moore, 1997; Mooney, 2007). The same year, about 100 miles south, Notre
Dame Elementary School in Price, Carbon County, closed after 71 years of operation due to a drop in enrollment (Mooney, 2007). Notre Dame Catholic High School had previously operated in Price from 1954 to 1970, but closed grades 10, 11 and 12 after Carbon County experienced a significant population drop in the 1960’s and the 1970’s. The ninth grade class was merged with the eighth grade of the elementary school and remained open until 1999 (Mooney, US Bureau of the Census, 1995; US Census of the Bureau, 2012). The closure of the elementary school also coincided with the 1998 departure of the Daughters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul, the order of sisters which had opened and operated both the elementary and high school. Notre Dame 45
Elementary School operated under a lay administration for only a year before closing its doors
(Mooney, 2007).
Budget shortfalls have resulted in the closure of several Catholic schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City. The Bishop Glass School in Salt Lake City closed in 1980 as a result of not having the resources needed to pay for necessary special-education support, among other financial obstacles (Mooney, 2007; “School to remain open for 1 year,” 1971). Provo’s St.
Francis High School and Elementary School closed in 1971 due to financial issues, leaving no remaining Catholic schools in Utah County (Mooney, 2007; Bukhari & Randall, 2009).
Many schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City saw the departure of religious administrators and teachers in the 1990’s. This widespread departure is roughly correlated with the aging religious population in the United States. In 1999, the average age of religious sisters in the United States was 65, so many nuns in the Diocese of Salt Lake presumably reached retirement age in the 1990’s, which may have contributed to their departure from area schools
(Delio, 2009). The Adrian Dominican Sisters left Blessed Sacrament in Sandy in 1994. Also in
1994, the Presentation Sisters of the Blessed Virgin Mary left St. Vincent’s School in Murray.
The Daughters of Charity of St. Vincent DePaul departed Salt Lake City’s J.E. Cosgriff
Memorial School in 1992 and Bountiful’s St. Olaf Elementary in 1995 (Mooney, 2007). The
Holy Cross Sisters, who opened St. Mary’s Academy in 1875, left Our Lady of Lourdes
Elementary School in 1995, ending the order’s 120 years of service in the Catholic schools of the
Diocese of Salt Lake City (Mooney, 2007). Despite the departure of the religious, the five aforementioned elementary schools are in operation under the administration of lay staffs as of
2012 (Mooney, 2007; Blessed Sacrament School, 2012; J.E. Cosgriff Catholic School, 2011; Our
Lady of Lourdes School, 2012; St. Olaf School, 2012; St. Vincent de Paul School, 2011). Every 46
school in the Diocese of Salt Lake City which opened after 1995 – The Madeleine Choir School in Salt Lake City, 1996; St. John the Baptist Elementary in Draper, 1997; St. John the Baptist
Middle School in Draper, 1999; Juan Diego High School in Draper, 1999; and St. Andrew
Elementary School in Riverton, 2008; opened and operated with a primarily lay staff and without the direct influence of a religious order (Mooney, 2007; Madeleine Choir School, 2012; St.
Andrew School, 2012; St. John the Baptist Elementary School, 2012; St. John the Baptist Middle
School, 2012). The shift from a religious to a lay staffs adds an additional financial strain on the school, since Catholic schools typically pay lay staff members higher salaries than what religious teachers and administrators earn (James, 2007; NCEA, 2011; Przygocki, 2004).
Models for Tuition Income in Catholic Schools
Parish Subsidies
The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore famously advised every parish to open a school so every Catholic child in the United States would attend. This goal was never achieved (Walch,
1996; Kealey & Kealey, 2003). In 2011, 17,782 Catholic parishes nationwide supported 6,980
Catholic elementary and high schools. About 37 percent of Catholic parishes nationwide support adjacent Catholic schools (Center for Applied Research in the Apostolate, 2012; Kealey &
Kealey, 2003). Even at the height of Catholic school operation and attendance, only about 57 percent of parishes in the United States supported schools (Kealey & Kealey, 2003). Not all
Catholic schools are supported by a parish and not all Catholic parishes support a school. The local demand for a school, as well as the quality of local public schools or the socioeconomic backgrounds of the local Catholic population, usually determine whether or not a school will be built by a parish (Walch, 1996; McDannell, 2011). Catholic high schools are more likely than 47
elementary schools to be operated independently of a cooperative parish, which contributes to the higher cost of tuition as compared to Catholic elementary schools (Huber, 2007).
In 2011, 73 percent of Catholic schools in the United States were established by existing parishes, and are known as “parish schools.” (Cieslak, 2005; James, 2007; Goldschmidt &
Walsh, 2011). Historically, parish schools are overseen by the parish pastor who acts as the chief administrator. The schools themselves were first operated and executed by religious orders of sisters, but have since shifted to a staff primarily made up of lay people (Cieslak, 2005; James,
2007). Parish schools are more likely to be found in urban areas as opposed to suburban areas, where many new Catholic parishes are built without adjacent schools. There is generally less of a demand for Catholic schools in suburban areas where most Catholic families choose to enroll their children in public schools (James, 2007; D’Antonio, Davidson, Hoge & Gaultier, 2007). In parish schools, the tuition charged is lower than the actual cost of educating a student (James,
2007). In 2011, the national average tuition price for a Catholic elementary school was $3,383, which is about 62 percent of the actual cost to educate each student per year. For high school, the average tuition price was $8,787, about 81 percent of the actual cost of per-pupil spending
(NCEA, 2011). With the parish school model, the parish provides some funding for the school.
However, many parishes are reducing their subsidies due to financial issues of their own.
In the 21st century, about 200 dioceses nationwide, most notably the Diocese of Portland, have declared bankruptcy as a result of financial issues (Reardon, 2005). Many parishes are forced to cut their school subsidies due to a decline in charitable donations from parishioners (James,
2007; Cieslak, 2005). Most parish subsidies account for less than 25 percent of a school’s budget, down from an average of 63 percent in 1969 (James, 2007).
48
Alternatives to the Parish Model
Cost-Based Tuition
One alternative to the parish school model is a cost-based tuition model (James, 2007).
The tuition price of a cost-based tuition model is determined by dividing the total cost of operating a school for a year (including materials, salaries and building expenses, among other costs). and dividing it by the total number of students (James, 2007). In 2011, the average per- pupil cost of educating a student in a Catholic elementary school in the United States was
$5,436. For high school students, the cost was $10,808 (NCEA, 2011). Families who can afford the total cost of educating their child are asked to pay the full, cost-based amount while others pay a reduced tuition amount based on income and need after undergoing a third-party examination of their finances (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). Money from parishes, fundraisers, donations and other non-tuition sources contribute to the difference in tuition for the students receiving financial aid from the school (Gelo & Meitler, 2003). The cost-based tuition model is problematic when large portions of the student population are lower income and can’t afford to shoulder the cost of operations, or if parents are uncomfortable disclosing their finances for reduced tuition (James, 2007; Cieslak, 2005). To avoid alienating both the families who would be eligible for financial assistance and those who would be charged higher tuition, it is recommended that schools adopt a cost-based model gradually over the course of several years
(Gelo & Meitler, 2003). The schools should offer a comprehensive explanation of the reasoning behind the tuition change to families, along with a clear timeline of implementation and explicit information on what the actual cost per pupil the school spends to educate each student in a year’s time (Gelo & Meitler, 2003). 49
The idea of different amounts of tuition charged to families with different levels of means could be traced back to 18th Century Catholic girls’ schools, when primary schools run my religious women charged tuition to families who could afford it in order to fund the education of the needy (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993; Kealey & Kealey, 2003). Two Montana-based Catholic school systems – Billings Catholics Schools and Butte Central Catholic Schools – are notable examples of cost-based, tiered tuition models adopted by the diocese as a whole rather than an individual school. Both systems use FACTS Tuition Management to determine what each family in the system pays. FACTS is a Nebraska-based company which can analyze the self-reported financial information of individual families. FACTS serves to make recommendations on how much tuition families can pay without disclosing the personal financial information of families to the schools (Billings Catholic Schools, 2012; Butte Central Catholic Schools, 2012; FACTS,
2011).
In the 1990’s, the cost-based model gained significant popularity in the United States.
Schools in the Archdiocese of Chicago and the Dioceses of Cleveland, Ohio, Dayton, Ohio, and
Greenburg, Pennsylvania, are among the dioceses that adopted forms of the tiered tuition model
(James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003).
Negotiated Tuition
The negotiated tuition model allows each individual family with children enrolled in a
Catholic school to determine their own tuition price after conferring with the school’s administration (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003; Reagan, 1978). The negotiated tuition model requires that administrators and other financial leaders in a school meet with each family every year to discuss an appropriate amount of tuition to charge (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003;
Reagan, 1978). This model requires a large time commitment from the school, as well as 50
appropriate training for school leaders to implement it successfully (Gelo & Meitler, 2003). It is occasionally used temporarily to fund transition years when schools are in the process of adopting new tuition models (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). As with the cost-based tuition model, negotiated tuition does rely on the willingness of individual families to disclose their financial information and does require some affluence within the community in order to be successful (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003).
About 3 percent of Catholic elementary schools in the United States have adopted the negotiated tuition model, and the model has increased in popularity since the late 1970’s (Gelo &
Meitler, 2003). Some schools, such as St. Elizabeth High School in Oakland, California, offer families a fixed range of tuition amounts to choose from (St. Elizabeth High School, 2012).
Others, such as Mercy High School in Omaha, Nebraska, offer work-study programs on top of negotiation-based financial assistance (Mercy High School, 2011).
Stewardship Model
The 3 percent of Catholic schools in the United States who have adopted the stewardship tuition model offer a tuition-free education to families who agree to make time and financial commitments to the school via charitable giving (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). This model relies heavily on involvement from the diocese and parishes, since participating families need to be educated on how the model works (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). Parish education emphasizes giving as a religious commitment designed to benefit the common good
(James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). Although giving is technically optional in the stewardship model, this model relies on full participation from all families and some affluence in the community in order to be successful (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). Schools operating the stewardship model require that families agree to guidelines detailing financial and physical 51
involvement as well as student conduct. Violations of the guidelines can result in a family’s dismissal from the school (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003). Some schools that have implemented the stewardship model require that participating families be active members of their resident parishes, essentially excluding non-Catholic students from attending (Gelo & Meitler,
2003). This could be problematic in areas where the overall Catholic population is either ageing or generally low in numbers, or in schools where the non-Catholic population is growing
(Cieslak, 2005). Schools and parishes that implement the stewardship model must be conscious of federal guidelines on charitable giving. The funding for the stewardship model are technically considered tax-deductible donations, and schools must implement the model in accordance with the terms of the Internal Revenue Service in order to avoid violating federal law (James, 2007).
As of 2012, the 42 schools in the Diocese of Wichita in Kansas operate under the stewardship model (Wichita Catholic Schools, n.d.). Since adopting the stewardship model, the
Diocese of Wichita reported a 30 percent increase in enrollment (Gelo & Meitler, 2003).
Inter-Parish Model
Many Catholic schools in the United States are using tuition models that are rough combinations of the aforementioned models, or exploring other options (James, 2007, Schmalz,
2009). About 12 percent of Catholic schools are the result of partnerships or mergers of two or more parishes providing financial support and administrative leadership. The traditional parish school model is used with the financial responsibility of running the school divided among several participating parishes (James 2007; Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). Inter-parish schools tend to share resources, including financial, professional development opportunities and materials (Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). The inter-parish model has gained popularity in the past
20 years. Only about 9 percent of Catholic schools in the United States reported using the inter- 52
parish model in 1990 (James, 2007). East Boston Central Catholic School, the mission of four separate Boston churches, is an example of a single school operated under the partnership of multiple parishes (East Boston Central Catholic School, 2011; Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011).
Diocesan School Model
The diocesan school model first appeared in the United States in the late 1800’s. Many dioceses opened high schools which educated the children from a variety of parishes, many of which would be unable to operate a secondary school on their own (Bryk, Lee & Holland, 1993).
Currently, about 10 percent of Catholic schools are operated as diocesan schools, meaning that the schools operate as a district with administrative, financial and curriculum decisions made by diocesan leadership as opposed to by the individual schools (Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011;
James, 2007). The diocesan model has grown in popularity – in 1965, only 35 Catholic schools in the United States operated under the diocesan model (Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). The
Diocese of Wichita Catholic Schools uses both the diocesan model as well as the stewardship model for school funding (Wichita Catholic Schools, n.d.). In some cases, the diocesan model helps to reallocate money from wealthier schools in a diocese into schools with larger economically disadvantaged student bodies. The Jubilee Schools of Memphis are an example of financial reallocation with the diocesan model. Like the Diocese of Wichita, the Jubilee schools use the diocesan model as well as another tuition structure – in this case, the nativity model
(Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011; Jubilee Catholic Schools, 2012).
Nativity School Model
Nativity schools are Catholic schools sponsored and managed by religious orders, as opposed to parishes or diocese. Nativity schools are fairly rare – only about 40 were opened between 1971 and 2007. The NativityMiguel Network of Schools, an association of nativity 53
schools operated by a variety of religious orders, reported 65 participating nativity schools in the
United States and Canada in 2009 (James, 2007 NativityMiguel Network of Schools, 2009). This model charges minimal to no tuition but depends on charitable giving, both from individuals and philanthropists, to operate (James, 2007). The nativity model has seen an increase in popularity in the past 20 years. Many nativity schools in the United States have opened after 1990, and
Catholic communities in the United States, such as the Archdiocese of Seattle, are considering opening more nativity schools (James, 2007; Seattle Nativity School, 2012).
Nativity schools have reported academic success among their students, many of whom are considered at-risk. The Durham Nativity School in Durham, North Carolina, reports a 92 percent high school graduation rate, 6 percent drop-out rate and 75 percent college enrollment
(McMahan, 2007). In comparison, Durham County, North Carolina, reports about 86 percent of people over the age of 25 with a high school diploma and about 44 percent of the population obtaining a bachelor’s degree or higher (US Bureau of the Census, 2012).
Philanthropy Model
Schools that use the philanthropy model have one or more wealthy benefactors make significant donations to individual schools or districts. The benefactors may include individual donors or corporate partnerships (Walch, 1996; Reardon, 2005). Some schools engage in the philanthropy model through community partnerships with businesses and organizations which provide academic support, counseling or health care to low income or high risk students
(Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011). The success of the philanthropy model is dependent on the willingness of the community to participate, and participating schools often use it to supplement other tuition models (Walton, 2010, Schmalz, 2009). Some schools enjoy the patronage of wealthy donors to fund school programs. For example, the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation 54
donates to select philanthropic Catholic schools, as does Camille Cosby, wife of Bill Cosby
(Reardon, 2005; Crandall, 2009).
The Diocese of Charlotte, North Carolina, is a diocese which has benefitted from the philanthropy model. After organized fund raising in the 2002-2003 school year, the diocese saw charitable contributions from the community increase from about $650,000 annually to about
$1.7 million (Gelo & Meitler, 2003). The Jubilee Schools in Memphis, Tennessee, opened in
1999 when “a group of benefactors came forward with a multimillion dollar investment.” Tuition is also charged “on a sliding scale.” (Schmalz, 2009; Jubilee Catholic Schools, 2012).
Some forms of the philanthropy model serve as a work-study program. Students from
Catholic schools in at-risk areas work part-time at partnering local businesses such as banks, universities, law firms and laboratories, among others (Reardon, 2005). In turn, the cooperating businesses pay some or all of the cost of their student workers’ tuition. The business partnership covers about 70 percent of the schools’ yearly budget, and the difference is often filled by incorporating another tuition model, such as tiered tuition (Crandall, 2009). The most notable example of this model is the Cristo Rey Network of secondary schools, which opened in 1996.
The Cristo Rey school idea was the result of collaborations with consultants on how to create a
Catholic college preparation program for low-income students which would be financially viable
(Crandall, 2009). As of 2012, the Cristo Rey Network, based in Chicago, has grown to accommodate 24 participating schools in 17 states nationwide (Crandall, 2009). Cristo Rey
Network, n.d.; Reardon, 2005). Much like the Cristo Rey schools, many other Catholic schools in the country have hired consultants or advertising firms to help raise their public profiles, both in a means of attracting new students and financial patronage from the community (Walch,
1996c 55
Tuition in Utah’s Catholic Schools
Tuition in Utah Catholic Schools is revised yearly and is generally higher than the national average for both elementary and high school tuition in Catholic schools (NCEA, 2011; personal correspondence, March 28, 2012; Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 2012; Blessed
Sacrament School, 2012). School and diocese administrators meet annually to discuss tuition and suggest appropriate increases (Personal correspondence, March 28, 2012). The Bishop of the
Diocese of Salt Lake City (who, as of 2012, is the Most Revered John C. Wester). approves a final tuition rate for the schools of the diocese. The schools are not required to charge this amount and are allowed flexibility to set their own, individual rates, as well as charge additional fees (Personal correspondence, March 28, 2012; Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 2012). Most
Catholic schools in Utah operate under a traditional parish model for tuition, setting one tuition amount for qualified Catholic families and a higher amount for students who don’t qualify. For the 2012-2013 school year, the majority of the elementary schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake
City adopted the diocesan-approved tuition rate of $5,640 for non-qualified Catholic students in elementary schools and $4,510 for qualified Catholic students (Utah Catholic Schools, 2011;
Juan Diego Catholic High School, 2012; Blessed Sacrament School, 2012). The three Catholic high schools in Utah set their own, individual rates.
Reduced tuition rates for qualified Catholic students have been available in the Diocese of Salt Lake City for several decades (“St. Mary’s School to be closed,” 1970; “School to remain open for 1 year,” 1971 ). The majority of Catholic schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City offer some form tuition assistance, both in the form of price breaks and financial assistance. Financial aid is available to families who qualify. The majority of Catholic schools in Utah employ the 56
FACTS Tuition Management System to help determine the financial needs of individual families
(FACTS, 2011).
Two elementary schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City currently operate under a tiered tuition model. The Madeleine Choir School and St. Francis Xavier School have both adopted a cost-based tuition model featuring different tiers of tuition to better accommodate the financial situations of a variety of families (Madeleine Choir School, 2012; St. Francis Xavier (personal communication, March 19, 2012).).
Table 1
Tuition rates for high schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City for the 2012-2013 school year (self-reported by individual schools). Full tuition (for Qualified Catholic International student students who are not tuition tuition qualified Catholics).
Juan Diego High $9,660 $7,880 School, Draper
Judge Memorial High $9,800 $8,330 $14,900 School, Salt Lake
St. Joseph High $9,458 $8,958 $13,900 School, Ogden
Note: Items left empty indicate that information was not self-reported by individual schools and may not be indicative of actual school policy for the 2012-2013 school year. Sources: St. Joseph High School – personal communication, March 23, 2012; Judge Memorial Catholic High School (2012). Tuition-Judge Memorial Catholic High School. Retrieved March 31, 2012 from http://www.judgememorial.com/admissions/tuition; Juan Diego Catholic High School (2012). 2012-2013 Tuition information form. Retrieved March 31, 2012 from http://www.jdchs.org/
57
Table 2
Tuition rates for schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake using a cost-based tiered tuition model with the option of needs-based financial assistance for the 2012-2013 school year (self-reported by individual schools).
Madeleine Choir Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Tier 4 Tier 5 School, $7,000 $6,495 $5,995 $4,510 Needs- Salt Lake City (Qualified based Catholic tuition
rate). assistance
St. Francis Xavier, Kearns Tier 1 Tier 2 Tier 3 Tier 4 $5,640 $4,510 $4,010 Negotiated (Qualified Tuition
Catholic rate).
Sources: St. Francis Xavier – personal communication, March 19, 2012; Madeleine Choir School (2012). Tuition and expenses. Retrieved March 10, 2012 from http://www.madeleinechoirschool.org/admissions/item/51-tuition-and-expenses 58
Chapter IV: Discussion
Conclusions
From this research, it can be concluded:
- Catholic schools in the United States are facing financial crises and are experiencing
large drops in enrollment and widespread school closure (James, 2007; Przygocki, 2004;
Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010).
- As of 2012, the Diocese of Salt Lake City operates 13 elementary schools and 3 high
schools. Despite this, individual schools in the diocese have been affected by financial
issues and enrollment drops (Utah Catholic Schools, 2011; Mooney, 2007).
- The traditional flat-rate tuition model is currently widely used but is not financially
sustainable in the long term (James, 2007).
- There is income disparity among students attending Catholic schools. While many
families are wealthy, there is considerable need from those who are unable to pay typical
asking prices for Catholic school educations (Archer, 1997; Hallinan & Kubitschek,
2010).
- Leadership within the Catholic Church has called upon the population to reach out to the
marginalized (Pope Benedict XVI, 2009; Hallinan & Kubitschek, 2010). For Catholic
schools, income inclusion would be an appropriate response.
- Catholic schools across the country are exploring alternatives to the traditional parish
tuition model to solve their budget problems (James, 2007; Gelo & Meitler, 2003).
- The majority of the schools in the Diocese of Salt Lake City still operate under the parish
model, and there has not been wide-spread implementation of alternative tuition models.
59
Recommendations
From the results of this research, it is recommended:
- Catholic schools, especially those facing financial difficulties, should consider alternative
tuition models.
- Catholic schools should assume that the majority of their administration and staff will be
made up of lay people, and should allocate financial resources accordingly (Walton,
2010; Cieslak, 2005; Przygocki, 2004).
- Catholic schools should consider what resources are available when deciding on an
alternative tuition model – religious orders residing in the area, the availability of
donations from the community, ability of families to pay tuition and/or volunteer and the
organization of the cooperating diocese will affect what tuition models Catholic schools
are able to execute (Walton, 2010, Schmalz, 2009; Goldschmidt & Walsh, 2011).
- Catholic school administrators should educate both staff and parent populations of their
schools on how alternative tuition models work and how changes to the tuition structure
will ultimately benefit the schools’ finances.
- When educating staff and the parents of students, school administrators should emphasize
the call for social justice and the need for income inclusion. The community, especially
the parents of students, should be aware of what the actual cost of educating each student
is versus how much tuition is charged (NCEA, 2011).
- Utah Catholic Schools should consider available resources and explore alternatives to the
traditional parish model, especially in schools facing budget shortfalls.
60
Table 3
Complete list of Utah Catholic Schools, currently operating, closed and/or restructured, arranged by opening date
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
St. Mary’s 1875 1926* Holy Cross New property Academy, Salt Sisters CSC purchased, Lake school restructured to include elementary, high school and college for women only
St. Joseph 1876 1903† Holy Cross School for Boys, Sisters CSC Salt Lake
Sacred Heart 1878 1938† Holy Cross Academy, Ogden Sisters CSC
St. Mary’s 1879 Likely 1885† Holy Cross The town of School, Silver Sisters CSC Silver Reef was Reef mostly abandoned in 1885 due to the collapse of the local silver mining industry. It is presently a ghost town.
St. Joseph 1882 n/a Holy Cross Originally named Elementary Sisters CSC St. Joseph Parish School, Ogden School
61
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
St. Mary of the 1882 1933† Holy Cross Assumption Sisters CSC Elementary, Park City
St. Joseph 1891 1949† Elementary School, Eureka Operated in the Holy Cross 1882 1896† Holy Cross Holy Cross School, Salt Sisters CSC Hospital in Salt Lake Lake City as a service for orphaned children
St. Ann 1891 1900* Holy Cross Replaced by Orphanage, Salt Sisters CSC Kearns-St. Anne Lake Orphanage in 1900
Kearns-St. Ann 1900 1953* Holy Cross Originally a Orphanage, Salt Sisters CSC school for Lake orphanage residents but gradually added day students
62
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Judge Mercy 1920 1926* Daughters of Housed in the Grammar School Charity of St. former site of the (Catholic Vincent de Paul defunct Judge Grammar School DC Mercy Hospital; No.1). Salt Lake Daughters of Charity merged the Judge Mercy Grammar School with the Cathedral Grammar School from 1926-1927.
Cathedral 1921 1926* Holy Cross Grammar School Sisters CSC (Catholic Grammar School No. 2). Salt Lake
Cathedral High 1923 1926* Holy Cross School, Salt Sisters CSC Lake
Cathedral High 1926 1928* Daughters of Renamed Judge and Catholic Charity of St. Memorial Grammar School Vincent de Paul Grammar and Salt Lake DC High School in 1929
St. Mary of the 1926 1970† Holy Cross Closed due to Wasatch Sisters CSC operating costs Elementary and College, Salt Lake
63
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Notre Dame 1928 1999† Daughters of A drop in Elementary Charity of St. enrollment lead School, Price Vincent de Paul to the eventual DC (until 1998). merging of the 9th grade class of Notre Dame High School with the 8th grade class of the elementary school.
St. Joseph High 1929 n/a Holy Cross School, Ogden Sisters CSC
Judge Memorial 1929 1949* Holy Cross Grammar school Grammar and Sisters CSC and high school High School, separated in 1949 Salt Lake 1948 1955† Franciscan Kindergarten St. Francis of Sisters of the only Assisi Atonement SA Kindergarten, Provo
Cathedral 1949 1970† Elementary School, Salt School Lake
Judge Memorial 1949 n/a Holy Cross Coeducational Catholic High Sisters (until until 1964; boys School, Salt 1960).; Oblates only from 1964 Lake of St. Francis de until 1970; Sales (after coeducational 1961). since 1970.
64
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Judge Memorial 1949 1962* Holy Cross A service of Our Grammar Sisters CSC Lady of Lourdes School, Salt parish; renamed Lake our Lady of Lourdes Elementary School in 1963.
Notre Dame 1954 1970 (closure of Daughters of High School, grades 10-12; Charity of St. Price grade 9 gradually Vincent de Paul merged with 8th DC grade due to low enrollment). †
St. Francis 1955 1971† Franciscan Closed due to School, Provo Sisters of operation costs Perpetual Adoration (until 1970).
Kearns-St. Ann 1955 n/a Incarnate Word Orphanage School, Salt Sisters (until closed; remade Lake 1999). into a day school; Holy Cross Sisters no longer involved in operation as of 1953.
65
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Good Shepherd 1956 1958† Franciscan Kindergarten Parish Sisters of the only. Elementary Kindergarten, Atonement school was East Carbon considered, but local children were served by Notre Dame in Price instead.
St. Francis 1957 n/a Our Lady of Kindergarten Xavier, Kearns Victory only from 1957- Missionary 1964, Sisters Kindergarten through 2nd grade from 1964-1965, preschool and kindergarten only from 1965-1985, full elementary gradually added yearly from 1985-present.
J.E. Cosgriff 1957 n/a Daughters of Elementary Memorial Charity of St. school School, Salt Vincent de Paul Lake (until 1992).
St. Francis High 1958 1971† Franciscan Closed due to School, Provo Sisters of operation costs Perpetual Adoration (until 1970).
66
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Bishop Glass 1954 1980† Holy Cross A service of St. School, Salt Sisters CSC Patrick Parish; Lake closed due to falling enrollment numbers and lack of special education resources needed
St. Antony of 1959 1969† Sisters of the Kindergarten Padua Holy Family only Kindergarten, Helper
St. Olaf 1960 n/a Daughters of Elementary Charity of St. School, Vincent de Paul Bountiful DC (until 1995).
Our Lady of 1963 n/a Holy Cross Lourdes Sisters CSC Elementary (until 1995). School, Salt Lake
St. Vincent 1964 n/a Presentation School, Murray Sisters of the Blessed Virgin Mary, PBVM (until 1994).
67
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Guadalupe 1966 n/a* Holy Cross Originally a School, Salt Sisters CSC; now service of Our Lake a public charter Lady of school Guadalupe Parish. Originally started as an adult learning center catering to immigrants and English Language Learners, gradually increasing services to include children’s education. Now a public charter school without official affiliation with the Catholic Church, serving grades Kindergarten through 4th with services for prekindergarten and early childhood students available.
St. Marguerite 1980 n/a School, Tooele
68
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
Blessed 1986 n/a Adrian Sacrament Dominican School, Sandy Sisters (until 1994).
Madeleine Choir 1996 n/a Temporarily School, Salt housed at the Lake Cathedral of the Madeleine until permanent structure purchased in 2003.
St. John the 1997 n/a Temporarily Baptist housed at Elementary Blessed School, Draper Sacrament School until permanent structure opened in 1999. Part of the Skaggs Catholic Center.
St. John the 1999 n/a Part of the Baptist Middle Skaggs Catholic School, Draper Center.
Juan Diego High 1999 n/a Part of the School, Draper Skaggs Catholic Center.
69
School Opening Date Closing Date Operated By Additional Notes
St. Andrew 2008 n/a Elementary School, Riverton
Notes: †permanently closed *renamed and/or restructured Sources: Mooney, B.M (2007). Salt of the earth: The history of the Catholic church in Utah, 1776-2007 (3rd ed). Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press; Lampros, J (2011, November 28). Catholic academy played role in Ogden. Standard-Examiner. Retrieved March 29, 2012 from http://www.standard.net/stories/2011/09/28/catholic-academy-played-role-ogden; Kruger, L (2011, June 1). Ghost towns: Silver Reef, Utah. Wild West 24.1: 68-69; St. Andrew Catholic School (2012). Enrollment and tuition. Retrieved March 31, 2012 from http://www.standrewut.com/content.cfm?id=388; Madeleine Choir School (2012). About us. Retrieved March 31, 2012 from http://www.madeleinechoirschool.org/our-school/about-us; Cornerstone rites held at Bishop Glass School (1954, November 29). The Deseret News p. A13
70
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