Football for All — Even Women! Jonny Hjelm

1. Introduction In the autumn of 1984 Umeå idrottsklubb [‘Umeå Athletic Club’] (Umeå IK) started a football team for the club’s young women.1 Umeå IK was a sports association founded in 1917 with a clubhouse in the centre of Umeå, a coastal town in Northern Sweden. Umeå IK’s women’s football team advanced in the football league system under the leadership of the dynamic and energetic manager Roland Arnqvist. In the autumn of 1989 the preparations for the season of 1990 started and Arnqvist was looking for somebody who could help him, and his eyes fell on Ingvar Johans- son. Johansson had for several years coached a youth team in the associ- ation. 2 In the historical account of Umeå IK it is described what happened when Johansson was recruited to the first team. One day when the season of 1989 was on its last legs, Roland enticed Ingvar into going along to a pub in order to discuss the future. Some beers and many hours later they went away with an agreement to join forces. Ingvar became the new team manager and assistant coach or as

he himself describes it “assistant everything”. (Granberg 2007: 37) The first season with Johansson as assistant coach was not very success- ful, degradation to division III. This led however to a serious hard effort in the following year. The effort was successful and in 1995 they were ready to play in the Premier Division of the Swedish Football League — the highest division in the country. From 1995 onwards Arnqvist and Johansson had handed over the coaching and management duties to new people, but they were still members of the association in the early 21st century as club manager (Arnqvist) and manager of farm teams and representing the club on dif- ferent occasions (Johansson). It was also in the early 21st century that Umeå IK had its greatest successes with three Swedish championships in 2001–2002 followed by victories in UEFA’s Women’s Cup in 2003 and 2004.

1 1985 was the first match season. 2 It was a team of girls born in 1974 where one of Johansson’s daughters played. 276

The foundation of Umeå IK’s successes was laid in the first half of the 1990s. In this period the amount of training was increased, player con- tracts were introduced, the sponsor incomes increased and players were recruited from other parts than the Umeåregion; Sweden, Norway and the USA.1 Umeå IK’s effort led not only to sports successes but also to the establishment of a new standard in Swedish women’s football. In the early 21st century Umeå IK’s players were wholly or semi-professional, which was very unusual in Swedish and international women’s football. Umeå IK’s effort in the 1990s was not uncontroversial. In Umeå and its environs it was regarded as too serious, it was after all “only wo- men’s football”! Why risk money and recruit foreign players when local players were available? And were not too high demands made on “the girls” regarding the amount of training — football was after all not everything in life! Arnqvist and Johansson’s active and outgoing market- ing, towards companies and media, also attracted attention and led to critical speculations about how realistic Umeå IK’s women’s football effort was. An even more questioned and criticised issue was their de- mand for greater equality concerning the use of the municipality’s football grounds for training and matches. Umeå IK’s effort and successes represented a new phase in the history of Swedish women’s football.2 The very first phase, the pioneer phase, started in the latter half of the 1960s. This phase was characterised by the establishment of new teams and minimum demands such as being allowed to play competitive football with a league system; being al- lowed access at all to the grass pitches. It was also a matter of being accepted by the Swedish Football Association. A second phase started in the latter half of the 1970s when more elite-oriented teams were estab- lished and the international matches between national teams were getting properly started as was the organised girls’ football, the basis for the future. The third phase started in the late 1980s, when the teams now

1 The recruitment that attracted most attention came however a few years later, in 2004, when Umeå IK recruited Marta Vieira da Silva, who had distinguished herself in the Football World Championship in 2003. 2 This refers to the competitive modern women’s football that developed in the 1960s and not to the gimmicky football matches that had now and then been played in the 20th century and that, with a few known exceptions, did not lead to organised competitive games 277 consisted of players who had been fostered under the leadership of associations from 7–8 years of age. Sweden also got a nationwide league in 1988 and women’s football gained international recognition with an official world championship in 1991. The fourth phase, where Umeå IK was thus a driving force and an illustrative example, was characterised by increasing professionalization and commercialisation. Umeå IK’s history shows female football players’ difficulties in being accepted as elite sportswomen with legitimate resource demands. Demands for equal distribution of the common resources of the associ- ation, the sponsoring of sport of the private companies, but also muni- cipal tax-financed utilities were met in different ways. A recurrent theme was however that it “is only women’s football”, that female football players were not serious elite sportswomen but could be compared to inter-company football players who played for fun. It was not only Umeå IK that was confronted with this conception; the same thing con- cerned their predecessors Öxabäck IF, Jitex BK and Sunnanå SK, to name a few. The article problematizes this “conception of women’s football for fun” through a historical retrospect. Women’s football came from the beginning, in the years around 1970, to be associated with the good sport, which was not characterised by competition, elitism and cheating. This was a persistent idea that made the work difficult for women’s football clubs making hard efforts such as Umeå IK. The article focuses on the main features of the development of women’s football during the 1960s and 1970s in Sweden — temporally phases one and two — and how women’s football came to symbolise good sport, non-elite sport, where team spirit and having fun together were more important than performance and winning. Initially, this image of Swedish women’s football helped to promote the sport, but in the long term it became a problem since the “inter-company sports label” was hard to remove. 2. Sport for All In 1969, the report Sport for All was published, which was the starting shot for an increase in government commitment towards and financial support for “non-elite sport”.1 On the basis of this report, politicians

1 Unless otherwise indicated, the article is based on sources and the literature stated in Hjelm (2004). 278 were to take decisions on future sport policy. The Sport for All report was clearly based on the perspective of public health. Sport was seen as a means to improve the health and well being of the entire population, and this justified and authorized a huge increase in financial support to the sports movement run by about 13,000 non-profit associations with some 2 million members. Not surprisingly, the increase in government funding which was aimed at non-elite sport was remarked upon by the commentators of the day. For instance, one influential commentator wrote in Sweden’s largest newspaper, the Dagens Nyheter, that the needs of elite-level sport had had to take a back seat: “We are not to try to shine and win Olympic medals, (the Olympic Committee should be scrapped!); instead, we should go in for outdoor pursuits and keep-fit activities.”1 In Sweden, the sport policy offensive taken and the investment made in non-elite sport, together with intensified demands for equality, re- sulted in an increased number of women becoming involved in sports clubs from 1970 onwards. This included a traditional and male-domin- ated sport like football. However, the Swedish Football Association was only mildly interested in receiving women, an attitude that was criticised by many. Why should tax revenue go to football if it excluded half of the population, particularly since many girls and women were seen as typical representatives for non-elite sport? 3. Sport for the Best Players “To compete is to live,” proclaimed Victor Balck, one of the prominent figures in Swedish sport at the end of the 19th century. However, not everyone shared his enthusiastic view of competing. On the contrary, there was rather widespread criticism of the hysteria associated with results and of being sports-crazy in the British sense. The rural populace and the trade union and working-class movement thought that compet- itive sport was unwholesome and a feature of urbane luxury. The na- tional Swedish Church was more interested in the soul rather than the body, and cultural conservatives such as doctors and teachers preferred Ling Gymnastics and all-round outdoor activities. However, modern sport and its competitions attracted more and more supporters in Sweden, and gradually rivalry, record chasing and ranking

1 Dagens Nyheter, 3/1 1970. 279 based on performance became the controlling principle of the structure of sports clubs. Sport was all about training in order to perform better and having one’s success acknowledged, by the spectators too, at com- petitions. One winner and the rest losers — those were the terms of modern sport and its competitions.1 Somewhat in the background to this, there was as of the 1940s a growing trend for businesses, insurance companies and politicians to support health-orientated sport that combined recreation and exercise. There was widespread concern that people would become unfit as a result of the improved standard of living. The interest and concern of politicians more or less forced RF (the Swedish Sports Confederation), the umbrella organization of Swedish sports, to address the issue, and various efforts in the area of sport combining recreation and exercise were made in conjunction with other actors during the 1950s and 1960s. However, it was hard to integrate health-enhancing sports based on re- creation and exercise into the normal activities of the sports clubs, since they focused on competitiveness and fostering talent. There was also a considerable shortage of leaders.2 4. Football for Boys and Men After the successful years of the 1940s and 1950s, men’s football in Sweden had experienced a downswing during the 1960s after failing to reach the finals in the World Cup in both 1962 and 1966. The average number of spectators for Premier Division matches, the highest division in Sweden, had declined since the peak years at the end of the 1950s, and at some matches there were only a few hundred spectators. There were reports of a similar trend in lower divisions too. In 1967, RF launched an inquiry, the aim of which was to strengthen the competitiveness of men’s football in Sweden. A year later, the inquiry was completed and the report, Football 70, was presented. The report called for a powerful drive in promoting all types of football for boys and men, in terms of breadth, depth and elite play. Football 70 also recommended the rationalization of SvFF (the Swedish Football Associ- ation), a reconstruction of the football league system, a better thought-

1 For an account of the “sportifying” process of sport, see Jan Lindroth (2002) and Yttergren (1996). 2 Bolling (2005). 280 out system for international games, and improved coach training. Football 70 was to influence RF’s activities for the next fifteen years. Girls’ and women’s football was not given a single mention in Football 70. The fact that women’s football was a “non-issue” within SvFF at that time was also apparent by way of the investigation into women’s sports conducted by the leading sports newspaper Idrottsbladet in 1967. Almost 25 of RF’s special sports associations were asked how many active women they had and what resources were devoted to women’s participation in competitions. Many associations expressed regret that they had few active women, but they added that this issue was being addressed through various measures. Some stated proudly that they had a high proportion of competing women and that these were treated equally. SvFF distinguished itself by explaining that it did not have any women football players and that, according to the journalist who reported it, “[SvFF] has nothing further to say about that”. A similar attitude was taken by the Boxing, Wrestling and Ice Hockey Associ- ations. 5. The Excluded During the 1950s and 1960s, young girls and boys sometimes played what was called “spontaneous football” together. When the best and most dedicated boys reached the age of 14 or 15 and went on to play more serious football for an association, the girls then stopped playing altogether. No football association existed for them. This state of affairs was questioned by neither coaches nor other people holding positions of responsibility within the football movement. However, among the girls, there were one or two who did ask ques- tions. “Why aren’t girls allowed to have a football team?” asked Barbro Larsson in Åmål, for instance, in a national paper for children and young people in 1963.1 One year earlier, this paper (and also Sweden’s largest evening paper, the Expressen) had written about some girl footballers in a suburb of Stockholm and their attempts to bring about regular compet- itive play against other girls’ teams. Some of the girls who were inter- viewed were also very critical of the fact that they were excluded from the football movement.6

1 Kamratposten, no 9 1963. 281

In 1964, a local women’s football team from southern Sweden attracted attention, since they not only played well against boys’ teams but also played against a Danish women’s football team. The Danish team won the first “international match for women” — as the match was called in Idrottsbladet — by 7–0. Löberöd continued to play matches on a sporadic basis against various local teams but did not take part in regular competitive play. From 1965 to 1968, youth centres all over Sweden started organizing football tournaments for girls. The aim was to give girls a meaningful sports activity to do during the summer months. For several decades, it had been a matter of high political priority to provide young people, especially those with no links to associations or clubs, with something meaningful to do in their leisure time. At first, “young people” meant primarily young men, but with the spread of what was seen to be a normless pop culture, the need for activities for teenage girls also received attention.1 In 1965, a football tournament for female students was arranged for the first time at Stockholm University. In 1967–68, similar tournaments were held at the universities in Gothenburg and Lund. By this time, other women’s football teams in addition to the university teams were emerging, teams that wished to play against other women’s teams, preferably in organized leagues. These developments were taking place in several different parts of the country and were due to initiatives of women by themselves or together with relatives or male friends. The initiatives were not co-ordinated and women from different regions did not seem to know that there were women’s football teams in other parts of the country. Up until May 1968, women’s football had hardly re- ceived any attention from the media. In the beginning, these teams had regular practices and played sporadic matches against old-boys’ sides and other newly formed women’s sides. The next step was to try to start a football league for women. Öxabäck IF women’s football team (established in 1966) was one of the teams that made a serious effort to establish women’s football and quickly received recognition as the first “modern” women’s football team in Sweden. The team was significant to the early growth of wo- men’s football in Central Sweden, and after several years of struggle

1 Kamratposten, no 12 1962. 282 managed to start a league in the Västergötland district in May 1968. However, during May and June 1968, women started leagues in other parts of Sweden as well. Company teams appeared to have participated in some of these leagues, although many played with only seven players and on a smaller pitch than usual. In at least two of the leagues, however, it was primarily a matter of sports clubs entering sides in the leagues and these teams played with eleven players on a regular-sized pitch. Match time, however, was shorter for women’s than it was for men’s matches. During the following years, the number of women’s teams rapidly increased and several new women’s football leagues started up through- out the country. In 1969 in Sweden’s three largest cities — Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö — women’s football leagues began. Also in 1969, Sweden’s largest youth football tournament, St. Eric’s Cup in Stockholm, invited girls´ teams to participate for the first time. There were 728 licensed women’s football players in Sweden in 1970, and 4,901 in 1971. Thus during 1970–71, the number of women’s football players as well as women’s football teams experienced a signi- ficant increase. In 1971, 403 of the 2,971 sports clubs in Sweden that in- cluded football in their programmes also had a football team for women. Altogether, there were 59 football leagues for women, and only seven of Sweden’s 24 regional football associations lacked leagues for women. 6. The Swedish Football Association Accepts Women’s Football Before 1971, the Swedish Football Association had not taken a single initiative to support newly started women’s football teams or women’s leagues (more about SvFF’s actions in the next section). A few of SvFF’s 24 regional districts were more active, however. For example, in 1968, Västergötland’s Football Association provided Öxabäck IF and other teams in the league with practical assistance and moral support. Co-operation between Öxabäck IF and other teams in the league and Västergötland’s Football Association increased during 1969–71. In 1969, two of the regional associations started “official” women’s football leagues (the associations administered the leagues). Before 1970, the participating teams and their clubs administered most of the other leagues in the country. During 1970–71, several of the regional associations increased their involvement. 283

After some hesitation, SvFF’s announced its ambition to integrate women’s football into the football movement. In 1971, SvFF appointed a committee whose mission was to investigate and suggest how women’s football should be organized in Sweden. The background to this was the way women’s football had grown not only within Sweden but also abroad. A non-official world cup in women’s football had taken place in 1970 and another was planned for 1971. Moreover, UEFA had appointed a committee for women’s football. At the end of the summer of 1972, the inquiry entitled “Women’s Football in Sweden” was completed. The report focused on the inter- national expansion of women’s football and also on the issue of whether the female physique was suited to playing football. The investigators had consulted medical experts and come to the conclusion that there were some specific risks associated with women playing football. In the autumn of 1972, SvFF’s representative body decided that women’s football was to be integrated into all parts of the SvFF organization. The following year, in 1973, a Swedish championship in women’s football was set up for the first time and the first official international match played. 7. Criticism of Sports Concurrent with government investment in sports at the end of the 1960s, critical opposition was taking shape and beginning to question the state of affairs in sports, particularly in elite sport. One example of this was its commercialization and the fact that some players looked like “living advertising pillars”. The phenomenon of doping was also criti- cized, as was international sporting exchanges with dictatorships and apartheid countries. One protest action that attracted much attention con- cerned the Davis Cup tennis match against Rhodesia in 1968. Ten years later, the Swedish Football Association was criticized for taking part in the World Cup in Argentina. The “rolling of money” within Swedish sport was the main theme of the series of critical articles that the Dagens Nyheter published in Janu- ary 1970 on account of the pending reading by the Swedish Parliament of Sport for All. As Bobby Nyström of the Dagens Nyheter explained: “We have chosen to call it (the series of articles) AB Idrotts-Sverige (Swedish Sports Ltd). In our trailers, you have perhaps seen that we have put the krona sign (:-) after the headline. This is no far-fetched 284 typographical quirk, because sport is all to do with money and will be even more so in the future”.1 One of the articles, headed “Football — Pure Business with Expensive Professionals”, described the conditions of Premier Division men’s football. The football clubs were described as being business companies run by people from trade and industry and with relatively well-paid football players who went to the clubs that paid the most.2 There were, no doubt, many readers who found it absurd that this area of the sports movement should be subsidized with tax revenue. Another form of criticism against sports, one that was typical of its time as well, concerned the allegedly narrow-minded focus on perform- ance and obsession with the physical. This was true of several of the journalists who co-authored a special feature issue on competitive sport in a journal on cultural affairs in 1968. Moderns sport with it´s emphasis on competitions was described here as a spectacle that dulled the intel- lect and an expression of inhumane, liberal-capitalist competitive think- ing. Modern sport had replaced religion as “opium for the people”. The fiercest of these critics claimed that it was a crypto-fascist invention. A similar view was adopted by some of those in the women’s movement, where the most radical voices dismissed modern sport and it´s compete- tions as an unacceptable and uninteresting male expression of culture. Was it not possible to play a sport without competing? This was the question many Swedes asked themselves, while observing the growing movement of keep-fit and jogging and also the expanding inter-company sports movement, which did include some competition but in a more relaxed manner. Over time, the arguments for and against club-based modern sport began to affect the sport played within the school system. One example was that the traditional academic sports competitions held at Swedish universities died out in the early 1970s. The left-wing movement had made the competitions a suspect activity, thus making them less attract- ive.3 The School Sports Association’s national tournaments also began to have problems. During the 1960s, the number of Skol-SM tourna- ments (national tournaments for school sports associations) had in- creased enormously, while “non-elite sports play” — in the form of

1 Dagens Nyheter, 4/1 1970. 2 Dagens Nyheter, 5/1 1970. See also Dagens Nyheter, 8/1, 10/1 and 21/1 1970. 3 Persson (1995). 285 school sports badges without any competitive element — had been toned down. During the 1970s, the trend went in the opposite direction and national tournaments began to languish.1 Literature for young people also began to deal with the terms of sport in a new and more critical way. The negative sides of sport became the subject of short stories and books. In particular, attention was paid to the anxiety teenagers felt about their performance in sport and the risk of being excluded, not least within team sports.2 8. The “Soft” Values of Women’s Football Women’s football in Sweden continued to grow even faster during the 1970s. Thousands of new players took up the sport every year and more and more teams signed up to play in leagues. In 1980, there were just over 26,000 licensed women’s football players, but the sport still en- joyed an element of novelty charm. The media described how the res- idents of small towns that boasted a successful team rallied round to sup- port it, and how enthusiasts devoted time and energy to the sport under humble conditions. Common themes were the joy of playing football and sharing the experience of success. The meetings and matches of the national women’s team during the 1970s were described in similar terms. These conditions were in strong contrast to those prevailing in men’s football, also subject to scrutiny by the media at times, like this example taken from Dagens Nyheter in 1977: “The players in the national men’s team get match premiums and compensation for lost income, air travel, support, money and the opportunity to meet up, some- times a whole week before an important game. The women get 70 kronor for travelling expenses, 50 kronor per day and player, sometimes a train ticket and, at best, they get to meet up a few days before a game.”3 League football between districts and the establishing of a national league pyramid came about in the early 1970s, but it was not until 1988 that a premier division for women at national level was set up. Inter- national sporting exchanges took place, first with the neighbouring countries in Scandinavia. Alongside this, efforts were made to organize

1 Lundquist Wanneberg & Sandahl (2002: 374ff), Sandahl (2005: 229). 2 Kamratposten, no 18 1977. 3 Dagens Nyheter, 18/9 1977. 286 training for leaders and players in order to promote the development of skills and a sharper playing elite. The deficiencies still there regarding ball technique, conception of play and physical prowess was explained by women’s football still being a relatively “young” sport, and that it was, ultimately, a matter of resources. Another line of argument singled out the particular nature of women’s football, that it was perhaps not as good in terms of pure football, but that this did not matter too much since there was so much else that was good, interesting and of value. The matches were exciting with dramatic and spectacular features. There was scope for individual performance in the form of dribbling and backheels. A commonly held view was that (Swedish) men’s football should not serve as a model because it was seen, particularly during the latter part of the 1970s, as being too phy- sical, defensive and overly organised to be enjoyable. For instance, an article in SvFF’s journal Svensk Fotboll expressed concern in 1975, under the heading “Women’s Football — a Beautiful Form of Physical Training”, that women’s football would be “infected” by the “unpleasant aspects” of men’s football (meaning, above all, play with a lot of mark- ing) (Perslow 1975: 15). Many people felt that women also set priorities different from their male counterparts. The Swedish sports researcher Eva Olofsson shows in her study of women’s football (mainly of the 1980s but also applic- able to the 1970s) that the differences between men’s and women’s football are believed to be a result of “the particular social nature of the female”. The reasons men and women have to play sport differ. “Wo- men put social reasons first, compared with men who put performance first as their motivation” (Olofsson 1989: 180). This meant, among other things, that women were not prepared to put in as much time and energy in their sport as were men, and that improving proficiency in their sport and performing well, as in winning matches, were not valued as highly. This was a fact established early on, according to one leader whom Olofsson interviewed: “I believe that boys often have this dream of becoming a professional right from the start. Many go in for a football career right from the beginning; they need to be good; they need to get on, while girls play in a more light-hearted way, I believe, and see it as enjoyment, exercise and a pastime.” This pattern was also apparent among the elite players of women’s football of that time: 287

At elite level, I think their motives are relatively similar, but there some aspects on the women’s side which are more toned down on the men’s. We can call it the spirit of fellowship; this feeling of being at one with others which may often be more important that competing and winning. Men players are more aware of and focused on goals; they are to advance and they aim higher. I think men have their sights trained on playing in the national team to a greater extent than do women. They think more in terms of elite in men’s football. (Olofsson

1989: 174) This picture of women’s football players being more socially orientated than their male counterparts was probably reinforced by the fact that Sunnanå SK, one of the best women’s football teams in Sweden at the end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s, became famous as the club with a social ethos, where the spirit of fellowship was given as much priority as that of the actual playing of football. 9. Conclusion During the 20th century, and because of its wish to be viewed and treated as a popular movement, the Swedish sports movement has high- lighted the social benefit and democratic organization of sport. Never- theless, the sports movement was for a long time mainly a movement for teenage boys and young men. However, the increase in state funding after 1970 changed that. The slogan “Sport for All” became something of a guiding star for those people who believed that sports could be played by everyone, regardless of age, proficiency and gender. The struggle of the pioneers of women’s football to play competitive football and to be able to use the resources of the football movement, e.g. football grounds, was facilitated by the political drive to increase non- elite sport as of 1970. The fact that many successful women’s football teams came from small towns and rural areas and that the teams strengthened the ties of fellowship at local level did not take away from this. Women’s football players were seen as being good representatives of a healthy and health-enhancing sport at a time when elite sport was being criticized from various quarters and on various grounds. Modern Swedish women’s football has now been around for about 45 years and has grown out of its “toddler boots”. The very best elite players in the women’s Premier Division, as some of the Umeå IK 288 players, do receive some remuneration and sponsorship, which enables them to make a living from playing football, but for the vast majority it is different. The terms for amateurs apply here. However, women’s football is by no means a health-enhancing sport for the masses. Four or five practices/matches a week (at least) are what are required of those wishing to play football in the higher divisions, and competition is fierce when choosing the squad. Moreover, young girls dream of a future as professional football players and are prepared to subject themselves to difficult and time-consuming training. Despite this trend, one particularly noticeable during the last ten years, there remain in Sweden some gender-specific ideas regarding people’s nature. Girls and women who play football are said, for instance, to value sporting prowess and success in sports less than do boys and men. One study in which this has been shown is that by the sociologist Elisabet Apelmos of 15–18 year old teenage girls who give their all for the sport. Apelmos’ subjects emphasize that it is important to have fun, feel a sense of fellowship, and have good team collaboration. Their reasoning is similar to that heard during the 1970s and 80s. However, Apelmos’ subjects seem to be aware that this is something they have been taught, and that boys of the same age have been taught something else at the same time (the development of individual prowess within their sport and the importance of winning). References Bolling, Hans (2005). Sin egen hälsas smed. Idéer, initiativ och organi- sationer inom svensk motionsidrott 1945-1981, Stockholm: Acta Universitas Stockholmiensis. Granberg, Susanne (2007). Färdväg mot stjärnorna. Umeå IK:s damfot- bollslag 1985-2005, Umeå: Bokförlaget Boström – Text & Kultur. Hjelm, Jonny (2004). Amasoner på planen. Svensk damfotboll 1965- 1980, Umeå: Boréa. Lindroth, Jan (2002). ”Idrott före 1900-talet”, in Jan Lindroth & Johan R. Norberg (eds.), Ett idrottssekel. Riksidrottsförbundet 1903-2003, Stockholm: Informationsförlaget, 11–23. Lundquist Wanneberg, Pia, & Sandahl, Björn (2002). ”Skolan och idrotten – Skolidrottsförbundet mellan obligatorisk fysisk fostran och folkrörelseidrott”, in Jan Lindroth & Johan R. Norberg (eds), Ett 289

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