OAKLAND CHINATOWN IMPROVEMENT INITIATIVE - FALL 2016 OAKLAND CHINATOWN IMPROVEMENT INITIATIVE San Francisco State University Asian American Studies Department Chanfou Saelee Jason Agpaoa Andrea Posadas !1 OAKLAND CHINATOWN IMPROVEMENT INITIATIVE Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II.Problem and Purpose III. History IV. Significance V. Context and Contributing Factors VI. Methods and Findings VII. Recommendations and Future Research VIII. Appendix i. Youth Survey Questions ii. Business Owner Interview Questions iii. Bibliography !2 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Problem Statement Significance and Context Although Asian owned businesses are From 2005 to 2014, agriculture, manufacturing, and wholesale growing in Alameda county, businesses in business establishments decreased by 22%, 16%, and 9% Oakland Chinatown are not showing the respectively (1). same increase (17,18). When we compared Oakland Chinatown to • One in five financial institutions have left Chinatown since 2005 (1). Chinatowns across the nation, we noticed a similar trend: • 36% increase in minimum wage on March 2015 complicates small business activity (3). • 1 out of 3 Chinatowns nationwide are facing issues related to gentrification (5,7,8). Key Findings Our investigation of the current business climate and potential stakeholders involved a process of business mapping Chinatown’s street level and storefronts, property owner analysis of the neighborhood, and surveys that tracked how youth ages 16-25 utilize Chinatown services. Business Mapping Results • 34 unoccupied properties across the neighborhood • Retail and restaurants make up 61% (234/345) of total counted businesses Property Owner Analysis • 51% (80/158) of the people who own properties in Chinatown resided outside of Oakland. Survey of Youth Ages 16-25 • Almost half of the Youth (21/44) report that they spend $20 and up when they come to Chinatown. Key Recommendations Seek and attract transnational capital to recover from the loss of jobs and capital. Property owners of condominiums and new developments that do not provide community benefits need to be questioned about their investment to the community. Uphold and push for more art and historical exhibits in storefronts to keep community vibrant. Beautify Chinatown by supporting ongoing cleanups, removing and replacing graffiti with art. Decrease crime and improve public safety with better street lighting and more community patrols Increase nightlife with night markets hosted by local businesses, not outside ones. !3 II. PROBLEM AND PURPOSE II. PROBLEM & PURPOSE Asian-owned businesses are increasing in Bay Area counties. From 2007 to 2012, established Asian businesses in Contra Costa, San Francisco, and Santa Clara counties show increases of 10%, 24%, and 26% respectively. The five year census tract also concluded that Alameda county shows an increase of 26% in Asian owned businesses. Asian businesses are growing in the Bay Area however, businesses in Oakland Chinatown are not showing the same increase (17,18). ASIAN-OWNED BUSINESSES ARE INCREASING IN THE BAY AREA COUNTIES, BUT OAKLAND CHINATOWN BUSINESSES ARE DECLINING Although Chinatown is incorporated with a commercial and residential district, the neighborhood also includes a populous community of working class families in struggling conditions. If you take a walk through Chinatown, you will find vacant storefronts, shattered glass on the edges of sidewalks, and gross graffiti marked across the neighborhood. The presence of uncleanliness and vandalism are not making businesses attractable in Chinatown. Other external forces such as city policies and new development perpetuate the loss of businesses due to their influences over the rising economy and land value. External pressures, crimes, and unoccupied properties in the neighborhood further complicate the displacement of small businesses in Chinatown. Through this report, we hope to provide recommendations on the types of businesses that would best fit in Oakland Chinatown. IN ORDER TO INVESTIGATE THE BUSINESS DISPLACEMENTS ACROSS CHINATOWN, WE SOUGHT TO FIND OUT THE CURRENT BUSINESS CLIMATE OF THE COMMUNITY AND ITS STAKEHOLDERS !4 II. PROBLEM AND PURPOSE 24% increase in San Francisco 26% increase in Alameda ASIAN-OWNED BUSINESSES ARE 10% INCREASING IN BAY AREA increase in Contra Costa COUNTIES, BUT OAKLAND CHINATOWN BUSINESSES ARE DECLINING. !5 III. HISTORY III.HISTORY In order to think critically about the types of businesses that should be recommended for Oakland Chinatown, one must look at the history of Chinatowns. Historically, these spaces have been a hub for immigrant communities. Anti-Asian sentiments beginning in the 19th century pushed Asian immigrants to develop their communities separate from the hostile society. Chinese men first came to Oakland around the 1850’s after gold was discovered near Sacramento. After being driven away from gold mining fields, Chinese moved to urban areas as anti-Chinese sentiment gained popularity. Some of the first Chinese settlements in Oakland were at the First and Castro streets, 16th and 17th streets, Telegraph avenue, and between 18th and 19th streets on San Pablo. Unfortunately, the settlements were burned down or relocated. By the 1870’s, Chinese began to settle down, and create roots at 8th and Webster streets, the commercial center of today’s Chinatown. The Chinese in Oakland worked in diverse fields such as agriculture, fisheries, laundromats, cigars, and explosives. They contributed labor to the railroad industry, aided in constructing the Temescal and Lake Chabot dams, and developed new farming techniques. Despite their contributions to the economy and society, hostility and anti-Chinese sentiments persisted in local communities. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 aimed at stopping the flow of Chinese immigrants not just in Oakland, but throughout the West Coast and United States. In 1906, the San Francisco earthquake and fire unexpectedly boosted the Chinese Population in Oakland. Thousands of Chinese relocated as “Paper Sons” to Oakland Chinatown after the earthquake and fire incident. Members in support of anti-Chinese sentiment protested the growing Chinese population, but Oakland Chinatown continued to grow. Despite the protests, Chinatown began to develop into a complex society along with isolation from the city (6,13,22). !6 III. HISTORY During the first half of the 20th century, Chinese remained segregated from the rest of the Oakland community, but family life continued to develop. The Wa Sung Community Service Club in the 1920’s helped contribute in bringing baseball and other recreation services for both men and women’s sport teams. Chinese organizations also emerged at the time. They consisted of civil rights groups, tongs, families, districts, and businesses associations. The 1930’s had as many as a dozen schools for Chinese children within Chinatown (6,13,22). After the exclusion, Chinese-American families were able to legally reunite in the U.S. The Oakland Chinese population increased to 5,500 in the 1940s. Chinese emigrated after the war and some remained in Chinatown (Wong, Chinese Directory, Lee). However, younger generations of Chinese Americans began to purchase homes and work outside of Chinatown as shipyards began to shut down after the war. Some Chinese Americans in Oakland were able to obtain social upward mobility and move out of Chinatown. In doing so, Chinatown’s activity began to slow down during this period. Yet, many projects began to erect in Chinatown, diminishing a portion of their housing through the early 1960s (6,13,22). !7 IV. SIGNIFICANCE IV. SIGNIFICANCE The displacement of small businesses within an ethnic enclave alters and harms the social and economic livelihood of Chinatown. We examined Chinatowns nationwide which are facing issues related to gentrification. We also documented vacant store fronts in Oakland Chinatown and tracked the changes of jobs in the city. In the following section, we will present some issues and pressures that signify the drastic situation of displacing small businesses out of Chinatown. 32% of Chinatowns nationwide have reported issues related to gentrification. Of the roughly 40 Chinatowns in the United States, 32.5% (13/40) of Chinatowns nationwide face rising property values and development pressures. These issues are the effects of gentrification and its ability to change the cultural makeup of the neighborhood. Gentrification not only displaces families but also disrupts the socio-economic relationships between small businesses owners and existing communities of Chinatown (5,7,8). !8 IV. SIGNIFICANCE 34 out of the 345 businesses we counted in Oakland Chinatown are vacant. 10% The vacant storefronts displayed for-rent and for-lease signs on each property. Vacant storefronts signify businesses leaving Chinatown. Oakland of storefronts in Chinatown currently has many empty properties waiting to be bought or Chinatown are vacant, occupied. The vacancies present in Chinatown restrict the enclave from empty, or for rent. gaining the most out of its business sector. Above is a map depicting the 34 empty storefronts we found on our mapping of Oakland Chinatown. Note that many of the vacancies are located on Webster and Franklin Streets. !9 IV. SIGNIFICANCE One in five financial institutions have left Chinatown since 2005. The changes of jobs in Oakland can give us a an idea of the business climate of Chinatown. The changes of jobs in Oakland help understand the type of businesses who may be subjects of displacement. From 2005 to 2014 the top five business establishments