The Spanish Transition Forty Years Later: DEMOCRACY, DEVOLUTION and PLURALISM
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De La Iconografía Histórica Al Santoral Político. El Biopic
STUDIA HUMANITATIS JOURNAL, 2021, 1 (1), pp. 41-57 ISSN: 2792-3967 DOI: https://doi.org/10.53701/shj.v1i1.23 Artículo / Article DE LA ICONOGRAFÍA HISTÓRICA AL SANTORAL POLÍTICO. EL BIOPIC TELEVISIVO COMO CONSTRUCCIÓN MEDIÁTICA DE LA TRANSICIÓN1 2 FROM HISTORICAL ICONOGRAPHY TO POLITICAL SAINTS THE TELEVISION BIOPIC AS A MEDIA CONSTRUCTION OF THE TRANSITION Amparo Guerra Gómez Universidad Complutense de Madrid, España ORCID: 0000-0001-6895-1927 [email protected] | Resumen | En las primeras décadas del presente siglo, y coincidiendo con aniversarios y publicaciones ad hoc, triunfan en las pantallas televisivas españolas series y miniseries históricas, gracias al auge del biopic desarrollado desde los años 90. Mezcla de ficción y no ficción, este género se constituye en soporte ideal para la representación y (de)construcción de toda una galería de personajes y cargos públicos, constituidos en iconografía y santoral político de la España reciente. A través del análisis de tres miniseries estrenadas en cadenas generalistas: 23-F: el día más largo del Rey (2009), Adolfo Suárez, el presidente (2010), y De la ley a la ley (2017), este estudio se aproxima a un tipo de representación y de relato sobre los considerados responsables del milagro político del post franquismo. En fechas cercanas a la celebración del 40 Aniversario de la Constitución Española de 1978, las figuras de la monarquía moderna, del primer Presidente de Gobierno en democracia, y del considerado su arquitecto legal y parlamentario, aparecen a modo de salvífica trinidad a la medida de una memoria colectiva reciente. Palabras clave: Transición española, Iconografía política, Miniseries, Biopic, Memoria colectiva. -
Subnational Constitutionalism in Spain
SUBNATIONAL CONSTITUTIONALISM IN SPAIN Luis Moreno∗ The Kingdom of Spain is a compound national State that incorporates various degrees of internal ethnoterritorial plurality comprising a total population of around 40 million inhabitants. After a long hyper-centralist dictatorship (1939-75), a peaceful transition to democracy (1975-79), and an active European involvement following its accession to the EEC/EU (1986), Spain has undergone a deep process of administrative and political decentralization, which has aimed at providing internal territorial accommodation by combining both federal principles of self-rule and, to a lesser degree, shared rule. 1. Devolutionary federalism The Spanish 1978 Constitution1 does not include the word “federal” in any of its provisions, or in any subsequent legislation. It recognizes and guarantees the right to self-government of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity among them all. Since the beginning of the 1980s the dynamics of the Estado de las Autonomías (State of Autonomies) are characterized by a latent federalization, and have followed a ‘top-down’ process of decentralization. The main features of the process of home-rule-all-round in Spain concord with those of devolutionary federalism. They also follow the federative criterion that legitimacy of each autonomous layer of government is constitutionally guaranteed. Thus, Spain is a democracy where two tiers of government --central and regional-- enjoy constitutionally separate powers and representative parliamentary institutions. 2. Subnational units ∗ Senior Research Fellow, Spanish National Research Council (CSIC), www.iesam.csic.es; [email protected]. 1 In the popular referendum held on 6 December 1978, the Spanish Carta Magna received 87.9% ‘yes’ votes, 7.8% ‘no’ votes, and 4.3% null or blank votes. -
Constructing Contemporary Nationhood in the Museums and Heritage Centres of Catalonia Colin Breen*, Wes Forsythe**, John Raven***
170 Constructing Contemporary Nationhood in the Museums and Heritage Centres of Catalonia Colin Breen*, Wes Forsythe**, John Raven*** Abstract Geographically, Spain consists of a complex mosaic of cultural identities and regional aspirations for varying degrees of autonomy and independence. Following the end of violent conflict in the Basque country, Catalonia has emerged as the most vocal region pursuing independence from the central Spanish state. Within the Catalan separatist movement, cultural heritage sites and objects have been appropriated to play an intrinsic role in supporting political aims, with a variety of cultural institutions and state-sponsored monumentality playing an active part in the formation and dissemination of particular identity-based narratives. These are centred around the themes of a separate and culturally distinct Catalan nation which has been subject to extended periods of oppression by the varying manifestations of the Spanish state. This study addresses the increasing use of museums and heritage institutions to support the concept of a separate and distinctive Catalan nation over the past decade. At various levels, from the subtle to the blatant, heritage institutions are propagating a message of cultural difference and past injustice against the Catalan people, and perform a more consciously active, overt and supportive role in the independence movement. Key words: Catalonia, museums, heritage, identity, nationhood Across contemporary Europe a range of nationalist and separatist movements are again gaining momentum (Borgen 2010). From calls for independence in Scotland and the divisive politics of the Flemish and Walloon communities in Belgium, to the continually complicated political mosaic of the Balkan states, there are now a myriad of movements striving for either greater or full autonomy for their region or peoples. -
Los Discursos Políticos Televisivos Durante La Transición Española Natalia Ardanaz
LOS DISCURSOS POLÍTICOS TELEVISIVOS DURANTE LA TRANSICIÓN ESPAÑOLA NATALIA ARDANAZ Introducción El objetivo de este artículo (1) es exponer sucintamente el importante papel que durante la Transición española a la democracia, jugó la televisión como principal medio de difusión de la imagen oficial del proceso. Analizaremos especialmente cómo, a través de este medio de comunicación, se constituyó la imagen de los principales protagonistas influyendo directamente en la valoración y apoyo de la sociedad española. En 1975, año de la muerte de Franco, la sociedad española contaba con unos hábitos culturales modernos fruto del desarrollo económico que llevaban experimentando desde la década de los sesenta los españoles. Sin embargo, carecía de una cultura política con la que afrontar el cambio a un sistema democrático. A pesar de las mayoritarias aspiraciones democráticas, los españoles desconocían los mecanismos propios para su participación, por lo que se encontraban en una situación de moldeabilidad y receptibilidad muy ata. Hay que tener en cuenta que la sociedad española no había tenido ninguna opción política durante la dictadura, al haber contado únicamente con el partido del Movimiento. Por lo que en 1975, salvo una minoría activa que venía luchando en la clandestinidad, los españoles tuvieron que comenzar a definir sus orientaciones políticas. En esas circunstancias, fue fundamental para los líderes políticos y sus partidos configurar una imagen influyente que declinara al electorado desde la indecisión hasta el voto. Douglas Kellner (2) señala que a menudo, son las imágenes y figuras de los discursos de la cultura de masas los que constituyen el imaginario político a través del cual los individuos interpretan los procesos, acontecimientos y personalidades políticas. -
Maquetación 1
ROOTS OF LIBERTY Antonio Merino Santamaría Álvaro Chapa Imaz Foreword by Mariano Rajoy © Fundación Popular de Estudios Vascos, 2011 Cover design: luzpublicidad.com Layout: Mono-Logo comunicación English translation: Elena Muñoz Aldecoa All rights reserved DL: BI-324/2011 ISBN 13: 978-84-615-0648-4 Collaborate: So that our children understand why her parents fought INDEX ¬ Presentation 7 ¬ Foreword 9 ¬ Introduction 13 ¬ Luis Candendo Pérez 17 ¬ José Antonio Vivó Undabarrena 23 ¬ Modesto Carriegas Pérez 29 ¬ Luís María Uriarte Alzaa 39 ¬ Ramón Baglietto Martínez 47 ¬ José Ignacio Ustaran Ramírez 57 ¬ Jaime Arrese Arizmendiarrieta 63 ¬ Juan de Dios Doval de Mateo 71 ¬ Vicente Zorita Alonso 83 ¬ Alberto López Jaureguizar 91 ¬ José Larrañaga Arenas 99 ¬ Gregorio Ordóñez Fenollar 115 ¬ Miguel Ángel Blanco Garrido 127 ¬ José Luís Caso Cortines 139 ¬ Juan Ignacio Iruretagoyena Larrañaga 151 ¬ Manuel Zamarreño Villoria 159 ¬ Alberto Jiménez Becerril and Ascensión García Ortiz 169 ¬ Jesús María Pedrosa Urquiza 177 ¬ Manuel Indiano Azaustre 189 ¬ José María Martín Carpena 199 ¬ José Luis Ruiz Casado 209 ¬ Francisco Cano Consuegra 217 ¬ Manuel Giménez Abad 223 ¬ List of victims of ETA 233 7 PrESENtatION he first objective with which the Fundación Popular de Estudios Vascos was born -Popular Foundation for Basque TEStudies- is completed today with the presentation of this book. Roots of Liberty is a deeply felt tribute to the victims ETA´s terrorism, murdered for the sole fact of being representative of a Right-Centre ideology in politics tied to the -
Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930S to the Present
Comparative Political Reactions in Spain from the 1930s to the Present Undergraduate Research Thesis Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors research distinction in Spanish in the undergraduate colleges of The Ohio State University by Benjamin Chiappone The Ohio State University April 2020 Project Advisor: Professor Eugenia Romero, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Co-Advisor: Professor Ignasi Gozalo-Salellas, Department of Spanish and Portuguese Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………3 1. The Franco Regime • Francoism & Fascist European Counterparts…………………………………………6 • Franco & the Coup d’état……………………………………………………10 • Memory of the Dictatorship…………………………………………………...12 2. Left-Wing Reactions • CNT & Anarchist Traditions…………………………………………14 • ETA’s Terrorism………………………………………………………………21 • The Catatonia Crisis…………………………………………………………31 • Catalonia & Protest Through the 1992 Olympic Games…………………..35 3. VOX: a Right-Wing Reaction • VOX’s Success & Politics……………………………..…………………...41 Conclusion……………………………………………………..……………..50 2 Introduction George Santayana, a 20th century philosopher once said, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” In Spain’s Pacto de Olvido, the goal was just that, to forget. The pact was initially a political decision, but was given legal legitimacy in the Ley De Amnistía. The decree prevented any accountability for the people who were killed, tortured, and exiled during the civil war. It pardoned those (even far-right military commanders) who were involved in the regime, allowed those who were exiled to return to Spain, and has prevented the nation from investigating human rights violations under the dictatorship. Further, the pact prevented any observation of the war or any commission to look into who bore responsibility for the war (Encarnación). Regardless, memory is crucial in order to understand the past of a nation and its trajectory moving forward. -
The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation
Salve Regina University Digital Commons @ Salve Regina Pell Scholars and Senior Theses Salve's Dissertations and Theses Summer 7-14-2011 The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.salve.edu/pell_theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Macko, Kalyna, "The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation" (2011). Pell Scholars and Senior Theses. 68. https://digitalcommons.salve.edu/pell_theses/68 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Salve's Dissertations and Theses at Digital Commons @ Salve Regina. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pell Scholars and Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Salve Regina. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Macko 1 The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation By: Kalyna Macko Pell Senior Thesis Primary Advisor: Dr. Jane Bethune Secondary Advisor: Dr. Clark Merrill Macko 2 Macko 3 Thesis Statement: The combined nationalist sentiments and opposition of these particular Basques to the Fascist regime of General Franco explained the violence of the terrorist group ETA both throughout his rule and into the twenty-first century. I. Introduction II. Basque Differences A. Basque Language B. Basque Race C. Conservative Political Philosophy III. The Formation of the PNV A. Sabino Arana y Goiri B. Re-Introduction of the Basque Culture C. The PNV as a Representation of the Basques IV. The Oppression of the Basques A. Targeting the Basques B. Primo de Rivera C. General Francisco Franco D. Bombing of Guernica E. -
The Judeo-Masonic Enemy in Francoist Propaganda (1936-1945)
The Judeo-Masonic Enemy in Francoist Propaganda (1936-1945) Javier Domínguez Arribas* 1. INTRODUCTION Between the beginning of the Spanish Civil War and the end of the Second World War, Francoist propaganda depicted Jews and Freemasons as two closely linked forces that conspired tirelessly against Spain. They were considered responsible for all the evils that afflicted the country, together with the leftists. While the “Reds” were an obvious and significant enemy for the nationalist forces, there were no more than about 5,000 Spanish Freemasons in 1936, and their influence in Spanish public affairs was limited, at least as an organization (although the individual influence of some Freemasons is another issue). However, their fate was the same as that of the “Communists”: relentless repres- sion.1 The case of the Jews is even more surprising. The antisemitic propaganda of the early days of the Franco regime took place in a country where almost no Jews had lived since their expulsion by the Catholic monarchs in 1492. Furthermore, most members of the tiny Jewish community in the Iberian Peninsula in 1936 had arrived just a short time previously, coming mostly from Hitler’s Germany. Their number, although impossible to establish precisely, has been estimated at close to 6,000.2 In spite of the violent rhetoric against Jews, the regime did not systematically implement discriminatory policies against them. Above all, the Franco government did not facilitate Nazi antisemitic persecution during the Second World War, while some Spanish diplomats in fact pro- tected Jews in danger.3 Why, then, were two groups that were so small, so different, and so differently treated by the regime, presented together by official propaganda as the powerful Judeo-Masonic enemy to be fought? This, among other aspects, is the focus of the research presented in this paper.4 * Associate Professor, University of Paris XIII—CRESC. -
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya -
Carlism Seen Through Foreign Eyes. IN
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Hedatuz Between repulsion and attraction: Carlism seen through foreign eyes Caspistegui, Francisco Javier Univ. de Navarra. Dpto. de Historia. Edificio Biblioteca de Humani - dades. Campus Universitario, s/n. 31080 Pamplona-Iruña BIBLID [ISBN: 978-84-8419-152-0 (2008); 119-143] Bi mendean zehar kanpoko begiratuek karlismoari buruz agertu dituzten ezaugarri batzuk erakutsi nahi dira testu honetan. Aldi hori kontuan harturik, fenomeno aldakorra izan bada ere, bida- iari eta behatzaileek arrazoi desberdinak izan zituzten abiaburu eta ezaugarri komunak dituzten uler- men jarraibideak emateko joera izan zuten; horien arabera, bi alditan multzoka daitezke: 1936 urtearen aurrekoa eta ondokoa. Giltza-Hitzak: Karlismoa. Arrotzak. Euskal Herria. Nafarroa. Nekazaritza giroa. Nazionalismoa. Historia. En este texto se pretenden mostrar algunos de los rasgos que miradas ajenas han proporciona- do sobre el carlismo a lo largo de dos siglos. Aunque sea un fenómeno cambiante en ese período, viajeros y observadores partieron de motivos distintos y tendieron a dar pautas de comprensión con rasgos comunes que permite agruparlos en dos períodos: antes y después de 1936. Palabras Clave: Carlismo. Extranjeros. País Vasco. Navarra. Ruralismo. Nacionalismo. Historia. Dans ce texte, on tente de montrer quelques-uns des traits que des regards étrangers ont porté sur le carlisme tout au long de deux siècles. Bien que cela soit un phénomène changeant à cette période, des voyageurs et des observateurs partirent de motifs différents et tendirent à fournir des règles de compréhension avec des traits communs qui permette de les regrouper en deux périodes: avant et après 1936. -
Alexis De Tocqueville: the Traditionalist Roots of Democracy
Alexis de Tocqueville: The Traditionalist Roots of Democracy Isidre MOLAS Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Working Paper n. 9 Barcelona 1990 Both the American and French Revolutions went beyond national borders and shook the world. This was the beginning of a new age. As BALLANCHE said in the middle of the Restoration: "Nous sommes arrivés à un âge critique de l'esprit humain, à une époque de fin et de renouvellement. La société ne repose plus sur les mêmes bases, et les peuples ont besoin d'institutions qui soient en rapport avec leurs destinées futures. Nous sommes semblables aux Israélites dans le désert”1, he work of Alexis de TOCQUEVILLE (1808-1859) comes into this context of profound change. He had been born into a family of Norman aristocracy, related to MALESHERBES and CHATEAUBRIAND. The July Monarchy removed his stock from power and placed it in the ranks of legitimism. After his trip to the United States, he began his political thought, encouraged by the implicit desire to offer his world a prospect for the future in the face of the new liberal regime of bourgeoisie and officials. In 1835, when he was thirty, he published the first volume of La Démocratie en Amérique (D), which was a great success, unlike the second, which was more ambitious and detailed, published five years later. In short, it led him to political action, that was not very spectacular, and that left him with a certain feeling of disappointment. A Member of Parliament from 1839 until 1851 for Valognes, where he lived, he was not particularly enthusiastic about the Republic and was relieved when CAVAINGAC defeated the people of Paris. -
The Spanish Constitution and the New Statutes of Autonomy. Changes In
The Spanish Constitution and the new Statutes of Autonomy. Changes in the scope of the linguistic official status1 Alba Nogueira López, Universidade of Santiago de Compostela, Spain I. THE CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF LINGUISTIC OFFICIALITY. I.1. The Constitution of 1978: transferral to the Statutes of Autonomy of the declaration of other official languages. The passing in 1978 of the Spanish Constitution opened the path for the recognition in Spain of those languages different from Spanish. However, the constitutional acknowledgement of the possibility of establishing other official languages apart from Spanish is undermined by a calculated ambiguity which, like in so many other aspects, leaves for later interpretation the scope, content and limits of the linguistic rights and duties. Now, thirty years after it was passed, the Constitution is a frame sufficiently wide and vague to allow an interpretation much closer to an equality of the different languages of Spain, which should favour their normalisation. The recent passing of the new Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, together with the ratification by Spain of the European Charter of Regional or Minority Languages, should be taken into consideration for the interpretation of the constitutional framework of linguistic rights and duties in the territories which have an autochthonous language. The Spanish Constitution, as it is well known, establishes in its Preliminary Title, Section 3 the constitutional character of the languages of Spain. It establishes that: 1. Spanish is the official language of the State. All the Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it. 2. The other languages of Spain will also be official in their respective Autonomous Communities according to their statutes.