The Spanish Transition Forty Years Later: DEMOCRACY, DEVOLUTION and PLURALISM

The Spanish Transition Forty Years Later: DEMOCRACY, DEVOLUTION and PLURALISM

The Spanish Transition Forty Years Later: DEMOCRACY, DEVOLUTION AND PLURALISM Francisco Colom | Spanish National Research Council May 2017 Spain, the transition from authoritarian rule to I. INTRODUCTION democracy involved more than the restoration of Spain’s transition to democracy after General standard political liberties and the rule of law. The Francisco Franco’s death in 1975 is widely new democratic system also had to facilitate the considered a success story and is sometimes cohabitation of multiple ethno-territorial identities presented as a model for other transitions from within a single political framework, while also authoritarian regimes, particularly in Latin secularizing the state and implementing some form America. Four decades after the transition the of transitional justice for the victims of the Civil War 1 main leaders of the process are now deceased or and the dictatorship. retired from politics, and within Spain, there is growing public demand for a fresh assessment of The territorial model that was finally devised—a its merits. In Spain, as a way out of authoritarian system of regional autonomy with some degree of rule, the Spanish experience is still overwhelmingly asymmetry—was somewhat improvised and was the perceived as a positive example; however, when result of brisk negotiations among heterogeneous the stability of its territorial system and the type political groups. Framed in very flexible terms, the of societal values upon which a pluralist political resulting model was nonetheless able to drive a culture can be sustained are considered the views political cycle that has lasted for over three decades. become more critical. On the negative side, the very same elements that distinguished this territorial model—that is, In its simplest version, pluralism implies valuing inter-regional competition and the dynamics of social diversity as a democratic asset, and not nationalist politics—have prevented its eventual as a hindrance to be managed or tackled. In stabilization. The ambiguity on the limits of the devolution process, together with its procedural This paper is part of a new publication series from the Global Centre for Pluralism called Accounting for Change in Diverse Societies. Focused on six world regions, each “change case” examines a speci ic moment in time when a country altered its approach to diversity, either expanding or eroding the foundations of inclusive citizenship. The aim of the series – which also features thematic overviews by leading global scholars – is to build global understanding of the sources of inclusion and exclusion in diverse societies and the pathways to pluralism. The Spanish Transition Forty Years Later openness—which were at one point praised as signs This overall erosion of legitimacy has resulted of institutional resilience and political capacity to in growing concerns about the capacity of compromise—are now often perceived as structural the institutional system to respond to such handicaps. The same can be said about other combinations of economic, social and political decisions made during the transition—for instance, pressures. This changing social mindset has entrenching the privileges of the Catholic Church also begun to alter the received narrative of the or avoiding the politics of memory. The option transition, as well as the political consensus upon of closure and forgiveness for the crimes of the which it was based. There are now an increasing Civil War and the dictatorship made it easier for number of voices questioning the legacy of this the new political elites to start with a clean slate, consensus and blaming its original limitations but historical oblivion has taken a heavy toll on for current social ailments such as the lack of Spanish civic culture. Without effective normative recognition of the former regime’s victims, the references, counteracting the existing hegemony of non-accountability and self-reproductive tendencies traditionalist Catholic values, social clientelism and of political elites, or the inability to stabilize the political corruption has proven difficult. territorial model. According to these critical voices, such shortcomings reveal the incapacity of the The reasons for these choices and the subsequent Spanish democracy to break with the ingrained loss of political functionality are various. Political interests and values inherited from Francoism realism offers one explanation: the transition which were incorporated into the political culture rendered the best political result it could achieve of the country. As a result of these forces and without risking an authoritarian backlash reflections, forty years later, Spain is experiencing a considering the balance of forces in the 1970s, when critical reassessment of the drivers of its democracy the apparatus of the dictatorship was still intact and with increasing talk about the need for a “second the opposition was weak. The dynamics of social transition”. change suggests another explanation: younger generations severely hit by the 2008 recession are This change case identifies the original challenges less inclined to accept as legitimate some of the faced by the Spanish transition to democracy, the accommodations made before they were born. The factors that favoured pluralist responses to them— social reverberations of the economic downturn— with a particular emphasis on their territorial including staggering cases of corruption and dimension—and the long-term or unintended increased protest and mobilization—have produced consequences of some of the options chosen. On the a generalized sense of malaise which, in turn, has whole, the Spanish transition has been a success undermined the basic pillars of the country, that story, but only in a limited or provisional sense. is, the territorial structure, the welfare-state social On the one hand, compared to the four civil wars model and the perceived roles of political parties, and countless uprisings, coups and mutinies that the judiciary and the monarchy. the country experienced during the preceding two centuries, the democratic system installed 2 Accounting for Change in Diverse Societies Global Centre for Pluralism The Spanish Transition Forty Years Later since 1977 has produced the longest period of equality and reproductive rights were integral parts political freedom and the rule of law in Spain’s of the political agenda of the transition. However, modern history. Up to 2008, decentralization the institutional privileges of the Catholic Church also resulted in a more even distribution of the were maintained, thereby allowing it to assume a benefits of sustained economic growth, as well as role as a main interlocutor with the government the cultural recovery and institutionalization of on educational and moral issues, such as in recent regional vernaculars. On the other hand, some debates on abortion, same-sex marriage and of the country’s old territorial tensions have not the introduction of civic education in the school been resolved. The years of transition witnessed a syllabus. Similarly, voters often exhibit tolerance ruthless increase in terrorist violence originating for the pervasive corruption that has seized the in the Basque Country that was only curbed thirty political system (and for which devolution offered a years later. While the situation in this region seems fertile ground), regularly re-electing politicians who to have settled, a more powerful independence are under suspicion—although this mindset seems movement has emerged in Catalonia as the to have receded with the current economic crisis. result of a failed and profoundly controversial Nonetheless, many socially-ingrained obstacles still territorial reform and bitterly felt socio-economic thwart the struggle against political corruption. deterioration. Catalan nationalism portrays the regional consequences of the 2008 economic crisis as Spanish “fiscal plundering.” Although economic hardship and the social frustrations attached to it II. ORIGINS AND RESPONSES have fed centrifugal pressures in the regions, within Spain as a whole further devolution does not enjoy TO DIVERSITY IN MODERN the same degree of support it had forty years ago. SPAIN The decision not to look backward at the crimes Although part of Southern Europe’s “third wave” of the past, or to effect some form of symbolic of democratization in the mid-1970s,2 the Spanish reparation for the victims of the Civil War and transition had its own tempo and characteristics. the dictatorship, has also blurred the historical Although it took place after a bloody civil war and credentials of Spanish democracy, in part by giving almost forty years of dictatorship, it was not the leeway to regressive theories about the “beneficial” result of a political revolution or the collapse of effects of Franco’s regime for having allegedly an authoritarian regime, as in Portugal or Greece. created the pre-conditions of a successful transition. Instead, it was carried out through a process of This lack of collective memory is reflected in negotiated political reform with the opposition. the recurrent “cultural wars” that emerge in the The transitional process faced a combination of political arena. The secularization of the state, the challenges, among them drafting a democratic extension of the public educational system and the constitution; resolving Spain’s membership in the recognition of civil rights such as divorce, women’s Western structure of international relations, mainly Global Centre for

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