Local Institutions and Multicultural Identities. Aromanians in Mihail Kogălniceanu Commune, Constanţa
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Title: “Local Institutions and Multicultural Identities. Aromanians in Mihail Kogălniceanu Commune, Constanța” Author: Stelu Şerban How to cite this article: Şerban, Stelu. 2009. “Local Institutions and Multicultural Identities. Aromanians in Mihail Kogălniceanu Commune, Constanța”. Martor 14: 49‐63. Published by: Editura MARTOR (MARTOR Publishing House), Muzeul Țăranului Român (The Museum of the Romanian Peasant) URL: http://martor.muzeultaranuluiroman.ro/archive/martor‐14‐2009/ Martor (The Museum of the Romanian Peasant Anthropology Review) is a peer‐reviewed academic journal established in 1996, with a focus on cultural and visual anthropology, ethnology, museum studies and the dialogue among these disciplines. Martor review is published by the Museum of the Romanian Peasant. Its aim is to provide, as widely as possible, a rich content at the highest academic and editorial standards for scientific, educational and (in)formational goals. 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Martor is indexed by EBSCO and CEEOL. 49 Local Institutions and Multicultural Identities Aromanians in Mihail Kog`lniceanu Commune, Constan]a Stelu {erban Institute for South-East European Studies, Bucharest The aim of this article is to approach the and from most Romanians’ identity. The aware- change process related to some characteristic as- ness of these differences is the engine of the pects of Aromanian identity in Mihail Kog`lni- change process of the collective identity of the Aro- ceanu, a fairly large commune lying 30 km from manians from Romania. Constan]a Municipality. Shortly after 1878, the The study of Aromanian populations and cul- commune was mainly inhabited by the descen- ture has grown and developed, ranging from histo- dants of the colonised Transylvanian shepherds of riographic approaches or simple travel journals to Orthodox religion. Orthodox Aromanians, Muslim linguistic analyses and, more recently, anthropo- Tartars as well as small groups of Roma and Ger- logical field research. Therefore, when referring to mans live together with the majority group. There Aromanians, we ought to distinguish the way in is also a Roman-Catholic community here made up which different authors have gathered, analysed of Germans and Romanians. and interpreted data about them and also the The context of the present research is set by premises which underlie some general conclusions. the local political and civic institutions. I will show As a matter of fact, there is a substantial biblio- how the group of Aromanians in Mihail Kog`lni- graphy about Aromanians which includes many ceanu redefines its identity by means of such in- fields, as shown by a brief overview (Kahl 2006: stitutions1. The traditional values codified for 227-318). Thus, I agree with pertinent opinions ac- many generations in the geographical area where cording to which the current research of Aro- Aromanians originated are being eroded, making manian culture and populations and, particularly, room for attitudes and values which are not gene- of their ethnic identity can only be done by con- rated by the pressure of national society but by the flating field and anthropological research and the Aromanians’ self-perception within it. study of the national histories on whose territories It is important to bear in mind that, unlike Aromanians lived or still live (Trifon 2005: 22). other groups with a weaker sense of collective Another basic premise of the article is that of identity that have recently settled in different lo- differentiating the Aromanian communities, func- calities of Dobrudja2, Aromanians arrived in Ro- tion of the social and cultural milieus in which the mania with a strong attachment and conscience of last generations of Aromanians lived. Starting from the group to which they belong. Their identity was social and economic adaptability, a seemingly ge- different and is still different from local identities neral feature of Aromanians (Fatse 1984, Trifon 50 Stelu {erban 2005: 25), the last Aromanian communities it to use whenever they make choices that affect formed either by immigration (USA, Western Eu- the group’s identity. In the case of the Aromanians rope, Romania) or by natural migration from the in Mihail Kog`lniceanu the options that underlie rural to the urban environment in the original so- the foundation of the family, an aspect of tradition ciety, acquire even more striking features meant to that is most difficult to change, are based on dif- differentiate them. For instance, we can compare ferent rules when it comes to the last generations the conclusions drawn by anthropological re- of Aromanians. The sources of these changes searchers about the Aromanians in the USA (Fatse range from individual biographies and recent his- 1984)3 to those about the Aromanians in Albania tory (deportation, for example) to the economic (Schwander-Sievers 1998). The blatant differences and social success hailed by Aromanians within stem from the way in which the Aromanians’ tradi- Romanian society. tional identity founded on a common language and I will also consider the manner in which the on their belonging to a more or less specified Aromanians’ local involvement in political and Balkan space has changed when in touch with the civic institutions and organisations influence their institutions and values of the societies inhabited by identity-forging model. The two dimensions are the last generations of Aromanians. In this article I important and interconnected. Finally, I will insist am referring straightforwardly to this differentia- on the connection between them. tion, though it be based on one single case whose Some data on Mihail Kog`lniceanu locality are representativeness can be a subject for debate. necessary. The number of the inhabitants has per- The third premise I start from is theoretical by manently changed due to both natural migration excellence. The identity of a human group derives and especially the successive settlement on its ter- from the collective choices made by the members ritory of different populations belonging to diffe- of this group. This is why the immediate cultural rent ethnic groups (see Table 1). and institutional context is of paramount impor- The Nogay Tartars were the first inhabitants of tance. The values and institutions that distinguish Caramurat, the original name of the commune. the group are either preserved or reshuffled by a After the Czarist occupation of the Crimean Penin- clash with the values and institutions of the society sula (1783), many Tartars took refuge in Dobrudja. in which the group lives. Tradition provides the This is why most Tartar ethnics have chosen this cultural material needed for forging the identity of place of residence since the eighteenth century. the group to the extent to which the members of A significant number of ethnic Germans com- the group assimilate it, become aware of it and put ing from the southern part of Bessarabia have set- Table 1. The ethnic structure (The National Institute of Statistics and the City Hall of M. Kog`lniceanu commune – 2002). Local Institutions and Multicultural Identities 51 tled here since 1850, but after 1940, following the Aromanians, be they Farsherots or Cipani, and the treaties signed by Romania and Germany, the Ger- premises of field research must be changed. man ethnics came back to their native country. There were only 10-15 families left in the com- Traditional values and institutions. mune and the households left by those who were Family and marriage dislocated were occupied by Aromanians and Ro- A set of factors with a decisive influence on the manians. Only 18 Germans are currently living in moulding of the Aromanians’ identity is linked Kog`lniceanu compared to 1940, when their num- with the increase in the number of mixed mar- ber reached 1527. riages, with the models and rules that intervene in Attracted by the propitious climate of Dobrudja the cohabitation of the families resulted from and by its fertile agricultural lands, the number of these marriages (Plecadite 2002). As I said, the inhabitants increased in the commune after 1878 Aromanian group preserves traditional rules for es- due to the settlement of Romanians coming from tablishing kindred and matrimonial relationships. villages of southern Transylvania (S`cele, S`li[te, The genealogical surveys conducted as part of the Valea Tili[ca, Gali[tea, R`[inari, Poenari, R`deni). interviews allowed me to determine the change of The Roma coming from Medgidia between 1951 matrimonial rules over time. and 1952 were the last settlers in the commune. We must say that the genealogical memory of Initially, their move to Kog`lnicenu brought only 3 the Aromanians goes back four generations. Ne- families, yet their number has substantially in- vertheless, elderly subjects (over 70 years of age) creased at present (43 families in 1992)4. preserve the same kinship memory prevailing in The Aromanian group in Mihail Kog`lniceanu the Greek villages of their origin. As a rule, the so- is part of the branch of Farsherots. The inhabi- cial control related to the making of a family was tants of this locality originate from the region of said to be very strict at the time (Idem: 51).