Answers to Interrogatories of State of Mississippi; Purpose of Laws 1890
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H.Doc. 108-224 Black Americans in Congress 1870-2007
“The Negroes’ Temporary Farewell” JIM CROW AND THE EXCLUSION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS FROM CONGRESS, 1887–1929 On December 5, 1887, for the first time in almost two decades, Congress convened without an African-American Member. “All the men who stood up in awkward squads to be sworn in on Monday had white faces,” noted a correspondent for the Philadelphia Record of the Members who took the oath of office on the House Floor. “The negro is not only out of Congress, he is practically out of politics.”1 Though three black men served in the next Congress (51st, 1889–1891), the number of African Americans serving on Capitol Hill diminished significantly as the congressional focus on racial equality faded. Only five African Americans were elected to the House in the next decade: Henry Cheatham and George White of North Carolina, Thomas Miller and George Murray of South Carolina, and John M. Langston of Virginia. But despite their isolation, these men sought to represent the interests of all African Americans. Like their predecessors, they confronted violent and contested elections, difficulty procuring desirable committee assignments, and an inability to pass their legislative initiatives. Moreover, these black Members faced further impediments in the form of legalized segregation and disfranchisement, general disinterest in progressive racial legislation, and the increasing power of southern conservatives in Congress. John M. Langston took his seat in Congress after contesting the election results in his district. One of the first African Americans in the nation elected to public office, he was clerk of the Brownhelm (Ohio) Townshipn i 1855. -
William F. Winter and the Politics of Racial Moderation in Mississippi
WILLIAM WINTER AND THE POLITICS OF RACIAL MODERATION 335 William F. Winter and the Politics of Racial Moderation in Mississippi by Charles C. Bolton On May 12, 2008, William F. Winter received the Profile in Courage Award from the John F. Kennedy Foundation, which honored the former Mississippi governor for “championing public education and racial equality.” The award was certainly well deserved and highlighted two important legacies of one of Mississippi’s most important public servants in the post–World War II era. During Senator Edward M. Kennedy’s presentation of the award, he noted that Winter had been criticized “for his integrationist stances” that led to his defeat in the gubernatorial campaign of 1967. Although Winter’s opponents that year certainly tried to paint him as a moderate (or worse yet, a liberal) and as less than a true believer in racial segregation, he would be the first to admit that he did not advocate racial integration in 1967; indeed, much to his regret later, Winter actually pandered to white segregationists in a vain attempt to win the election. Because Winter, over the course of his long career, has increasingly become identified as a champion of racial justice, it is easy, as Senator Kennedy’s remarks illustrate, to flatten the complexity of Winter’s evolution on the issue CHARLES C. BOLTON is the guest editor of this special edition of the Journal of Mississippi History focusing on the career of William F. Winter. He is profes- sor and head of the history department at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. -
LYCEUM-THE CIRCLE HISTORIC DISTRICT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form
NATIONAL HISTORIC LANDMARK NOMINATION NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 LYCEUM-THE CIRCLE HISTORIC DISTRICT Page 1 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 1. NAME OF PROPERTY Historic Name: Lyceum-The Circle Historic District Other Name/Site Number: 2. LOCATION Street & Number: University Circle Not for publication: City/Town: Oxford Vicinity: State: Mississippi County: Lafayette Code: 071 Zip Code: 38655 3. CLASSIFICATION Ownership of Property Category of Property Private: Building(s): ___ Public-Local: District: X Public-State: X Site: ___ Public-Federal: Structure: ___ Object: ___ Number of Resources within Property Contributing Noncontributing 8 buildings buildings 1 sites sites 1 structures structures 2 objects objects 12 Total Total Number of Contributing Resources Previously Listed in the National Register: ___ Name of Related Multiple Property Listing: NPS Form 10-900 USDI/NPS NRHP Registration Form (Rev. 8-86) OMB No. 1024-0018 LYCEUM-THE CIRCLE HISTORIC DISTRICT Page 2 United States Department of the Interior, National Park Service National Register of Historic Places Registration Form 4. STATE/FEDERAL AGENCY CERTIFICATION As the designated authority under the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended, I hereby certify that this ____ nomination ____ request for determination of eligibility meets the documentation standards for registering properties in the National Register of Historic Places and meets the procedural and professional requirements set forth in 36 CFR Part 60. In my opinion, the property ____ meets ____ does not meet the National Register Criteria. -
SS8H11 Standards SS8H11 the Student Will Evaluate the Role of Georgia in the Modern Civil Rights Movement
© 2015 Brain Wrinkles SS8H11 Standards SS8H11 The student will evaluate the role of Georgia in the modern civil rights movement. a. Describe major developments in civil rights and Georgia’s role during the 1940s and 1950s; include the roles of Herman Talmadge, Benjamin Mays, the 1946 governor’s race and the end of the white primary, Brown v. Board of Education, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the 1956 state flag. b. Analyze the role Georgia and prominent Georgians played in the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and 1970s; include such events as the founding of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Sibley Commission, admission of Hamilton Holmes and Charlayne Hunter to the University of Georgia, Albany Movement, March on Washington, Civil Rights Act, the election of Maynard Jackson as mayor of Atlanta, and the role of Lester Maddox. c. Discuss the impact of Andrew Young on Georgia. © 2015 Brain Wrinkles © 2015 Brain Wrinkles SS8H11a • The white primary system helped white supremacists control Georgia’s politics because it only allowed whites to vote in statewide primary elections. • The white primary system completely cut African Americans out of the political process. • In 1944, the Supreme Court struck down a similar white primary system in Texas, ultimately leading to the end of Georgia’s white primary in 1946. © 2015 Brain Wrinkles • 1946 also saw one of the most controversial episodes in Georgia politics. • Eugene Talmadge was elected governor for the fourth time, but he died before he could take office. • Many of his supporters knew that he was ill, so they scratched his name off the ballot and wrote in his son’s name, Herman Talmadge. -
The Voting Rights Act and Mississippi: 1965–2006
THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT AND MISSISSIPPI: 1965–2006 ROBERT MCDUFF* INTRODUCTION Mississippi is the poorest state in the union. Its population is 36% black, the highest of any of the fifty states.1 Resistance to the civil rights movement was as bitter and violent there as anywhere. State and local of- ficials frequently erected obstacles to prevent black people from voting, and those obstacles were a centerpiece of the evidence presented to Con- gress to support passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.2 After the Act was passed, Mississippi’s government worked hard to undermine it. In its 1966 session, the state legislature changed a number of the voting laws to limit the influence of the newly enfranchised black voters, and Mississippi officials refused to submit those changes for preclearance as required by Section 5 of the Act.3 Black citizens filed a court challenge to several of those provisions, leading to the U.S. Supreme Court’s watershed 1969 de- cision in Allen v. State Board of Elections, which held that the state could not implement the provisions, unless they were approved under Section 5.4 Dramatic changes have occurred since then. Mississippi has the high- est number of black elected officials in the country. One of its four mem- bers in the U.S. House of Representatives is black. Twenty-seven percent of the members of the state legislature are black. Many of the local gov- ernmental bodies are integrated, and 31% of the members of the county governing boards, known as boards of supervisors, are black.5 * Civil rights and voting rights lawyer in Mississippi. -
Hiram Rhodes Revels 1827–1901
FORMER MEMBERS H 1870–1887 ������������������������������������������������������������������������ Hiram Rhodes Revels 1827–1901 UNITED STATES SENATOR H 1870–1871 REPUBLICAN FROM MIssIssIPPI freedman his entire life, Hiram Rhodes Revels was the in Indiana, Illinois, Kansas, Kentucky, and Tennessee. A first African American to serve in the U.S. Congress. Although Missouri forbade free blacks to live in the state With his moderate political orientation and oratorical skills for fear they would instigate uprisings, Revels took a honed from years as a preacher, Revels filled a vacant seat pastorate at an AME Church in St. Louis in 1853, noting in the United States Senate in 1870. Just before the Senate that the law was “seldom enforced.” However, Revels later agreed to admit a black man to its ranks on February 25, revealed he had to be careful because of restrictions on his Republican Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts movements. “I sedulously refrained from doing anything sized up the importance of the moment: “All men are that would incite slaves to run away from their masters,” he created equal, says the great Declaration,” Sumner roared, recalled. “It being understood that my object was to preach “and now a great act attests this verity. Today we make the the gospel to them, and improve their moral and spiritual Declaration a reality. The Declaration was only half condition even slave holders were tolerant of me.”5 Despite established by Independence. The greatest duty remained his cautiousness, Revels was imprisoned for preaching behind. In assuring the equal rights of all we complete to the black community in 1854. -
Elmore V. Rice Et Al.: the Court Case That Defies a Narrative”
Phi Alpha Theta Pacific Northwest Conference, 8–10 April 2021 Gerrit Sterk, Western Washington University, undergraduate student, “Elmore v. Rice et al.: The Court Case that Defies a Narrative” Abstract: Studying and explaining Elmore v. Rice et al., a voting rights case that took place in 1947 in Columbia, South Carolina, provides an opportunity to enrich a new development in the historiography of the Civil Rights Movement. How this case was supported by Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP has been studied, but how it and similar early grassroots actions contributed to what some historians are now calling “the long civil rights movement” has not, one that began long before the Brown decision of 1954. Additionally, how this case emerged out of the grassroots political culture of Waverly, a middle-class Black community in Columbia, adds to what scholars are beginning to understand about the “long grassroots civil rights movement,” one that had its roots in the daily negotiations of African Americans with the condition of enslavement, as explained by Steven Hahn in his work, A Nation Under Our Feet. Utilizing the original court case records, in combination with documents on the Waverly community and the plaintiff in the case, George Elmore, this paper will explain how this grassroots community initiative emerged—and then combined with an ongoing NAACP initiative to chip away at Jim Crow restrictions against Black political empowerment. 1 Elmore v. Rice et al.: The Court Case That Defies a Narrative. Its Historical and Historiographical Meaning Gerrit Sterk Undergraduate Western Washington University 2 George Elmore poses outside the Waverly 5¢ and 10¢ Store, circa 1945. -
Supreme Court of the United States ———— RIMS BARBER, Et Al., Petitioners, V
No. 17-___ IN THE Supreme Court of the United States ———— RIMS BARBER, et al., Petitioners, v. GOVERNOR PHIL BRYANT, et al., Respondents. ———— On Petition for a Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit ———— PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI ———— PAUL SMITH DONALD B. VERRILLI, JR. 600 New Jersey Ave. NW Counsel of Record Washington, DC 20001 GINGER D. ANDERS ADELE M. EL-KHOURI MUNGER, TOLLES & OLSON LLP 1155 F Street NW 7th Floor Washington, D.C. 20004 (202) 220-1100 [email protected] Counsel for Petitioners October 10, 2017 ROBERT B. MCDUFF SUSAN L. SOMMER 767 North Congress Street LAMBDA LEGAL DEFENSE & Jackson, MS 39202 EDUCATION FUND, INC. 120 Wall Street, 19th Floor BETH L. ORLANSKY New York, NY 10005 MISSISSIPPI CENTER FOR JUSTICE ELIZABETH LITTRELL P.O. Box 1023 LAMBDA LEGAL DEFENSE & Jackson, MS 39215-1023 EDUCATION FUND, INC. 730 Peachtree Street Suite 640 Atlanta, GA 30308 i QUESTIONS PRESENTED In Obergefell v. Hodges, 135 S. Ct. 2584 (2015), this Court held that the Constitution entitles same- sex couples to join in civil marriage on the same terms as different-sex couples. In response, Missis- sippi enacted the Protecting Freedom of Conscience from Government Discrimination Act, Miss. Code Ann. § 11-62-1 et seq. (2016) (“HB 1523”). HB 1523 grants broad immunity to any person who commits enumerated acts of discrimination on the basis of religious beliefs or moral convictions opposing mar- riage of same-sex couples; transgender individuals; and sexual relations outside of a male-female mar- riage. The court of appeals held that petitioners, who do not share the endorsed beliefs, lack standing un- der the Establishment Clause because the religious endorsement takes the form of a statute rather than a religious display that they can physically encoun- ter, and held that they lack standing under the Equal Protection Clause because they have suffered no unequal treatment. -
Senate Roster
1 Mississippi State Senate 2018 Post Office Box 1018 Jackson Mississippi 39215-1018 January 28, 2019 Juan Barnett District 34 Economic Development (V); D * Room 407 jbarnett Post Office Box 407 Forrest, Jasper, Agriculture; Constitution; S Office:(601)359-3221 @senate.ms.gov Heidelberg MS 39439 Jones Environment Prot, Cons & Water S Fax: (601)359-2166 Res; Finance; Judiciary, Division A; Municipalities; Veterans & Military Affairs Barbara Blackmon District 21 Enrolled Bills (V); County Affairs; D Room 213-F bblackmon 907 W. Peace Street Attala, Holmes, Executive Contingent Fund; S Office:(601)359-3237 @senate.ms.gov Canton MS 39046 Leake, Madison, Finance; Highways & S Fax: (601)359-2879 Yazoo Transportation; Insurance; Judiciary, Division A; Medicaid Kevin Blackwell District 19 Elections (C); Insurance (V); R * Room 212-B kblackwell Post Office Box 1412 DeSoto, Marshall Accountability, Efficiency & S Office:(601)359-3234 @senate.ms.gov Southaven MS 38671 Transparency; Business & S Fax: (601)359-5345 Financial Institutions; Drug Policy; Economic Development; Education; Finance; Medicaid; PEER David Blount District 29 Public Property (C); Elections (V); D Room 213-D dblount 1305 Saint Mary Street Hinds Accountability,Efficiency, S Office: (601)359-3232 @senate.ms.gov Jackson MS 39202 Transparency; Education; Ethics; S Fax: (601)359-5957 Finance; Judiciary, Division B; Public Health & Welfare Jenifer Branning District 18 Forestry (V); Agriculture; R * Room 215 jbranning 235 West Beacon Street Leake, Neshoba, Appropriations; Business & S -
Barber V. Bryant, No
Case 3:16-cv-00442-CWR-LRA Document 35 Filed 06/30/16 Page 1 of 60 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF MISSISSIPPI NORTHERN DIVISION RIMS BARBER; CAROL BURNETT; PLAINTIFFS JOAN BAILEY; KATHERINE ELIZABETH DAY; ANTHONY LAINE BOYETTE; DON FORTENBERRY; SUSAN GLISSON; DERRICK JOHNSON; DOROTHY C. TRIPLETT; RENICK TAYLOR; BRANDIILYNE MANGUM- DEAR; SUSAN MANGUM; JOSHUA GENERATION METROPOLITAN COMMUNITY CHURCH; CAMPAIGN FOR SOUTHERN EQUALITY; and SUSAN HROSTOWSKI CAUSE NO. 3:16-CV-417-CWR-LRA V. consolidated with CAUSE NO. 3:16-CV-442-CWR-LRA PHIL BRYANT, Governor; JIM HOOD, DEFENDANTS Attorney General; JOHN DAVIS, Executive Director of the Mississippi Department of Human Services; and JUDY MOULDER, State Registrar of Vital Records MEMORANDUM OPINION AND ORDER The plaintiffs filed these suits to enjoin a new state law, “House Bill 1523,” before it goes into effect on July 1, 2016. They contend that the law violates the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution. The Attorney General’s Office has entered its appearance to defend HB 1523. The parties briefed the relevant issues and presented evidence and argument at a joint hearing on June 23 and 24, 2016. The United States Supreme Court has spoken clearly on the constitutional principles at stake. Under the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, a state “may not aid, foster, or Case 3:16-cv-00442-CWR-LRA Document 35 Filed 06/30/16 Page 2 of 60 promote one religion or religious theory against another.” Epperson v. Arkansas, 393 U.S. 97, 104 (1968). “When the government acts with the ostensible and predominant purpose of advancing religion, it violates that central Establishment Clause value of official religious neutrality, there being no neutrality when the government’s ostensible object is to take sides.” McCreary Cnty., Kentucky v. -
Deconstructing Democracy: How Congressional Elections Collapsed in the South After Reconstruction
Deconstructing Democracy: How Congressional Elections Collapsed in the South After Reconstruction M.P. Greenberger A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science. Chapel Hill 2020 Approved by: Christopher J. Clark Marc Hetherington Jason Roberts c 2020 M.P. Greenberger ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT M.P. Greenberger: Deconstructing Democracy: How Congressional Elections Collapsed in the South After Reconstruction (Under the direction of Jason Roberts) As Federal Troops began pulling out of the South in 1877, steps made towards full enfranchisement of black southerners, competitive elections, and representative democracy collapsed. Over the course of the next fifty years, white \Redeemers" established a sub-national authoritarian regime that encompassed nearly the entire formerly Confederate South { reasserting the rule of political and economic white supremacy. Although Redeemers ultimately succeeded in their attempts to establish an authoritarian system of government under the Democratic party label, the effectiveness of their tactics varied throughout the region. Analyzing an original dataset of congressional elections returns from 1870 to 1920, I uncover significant variation in the rate and extent of democratic backsliding throughout the South. I use historical census data to measure the effect of education, racial composition, legacy of slavery, institutional reforms, and economic systems on the rate of democratic collapse. My findings suggest that racial and partisan factors motivated democratic collapse, and that institutional reforms such as the poll tax and white primary elections merely formalized and further entrenched an already ongoing process of authoritarian encroachment. -
The Reconstruction Trope: Politics, Literature, and History in the South, 1890-1941 Travis Patterson Clemson University, [email protected]
Clemson University TigerPrints All Theses Theses 8-2018 The Reconstruction Trope: Politics, Literature, and History in the South, 1890-1941 Travis Patterson Clemson University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses Recommended Citation Patterson, Travis, "The Reconstruction Trope: Politics, Literature, and History in the South, 1890-1941" (2018). All Theses. 2917. https://tigerprints.clemson.edu/all_theses/2917 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses at TigerPrints. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Theses by an authorized administrator of TigerPrints. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE RECONSTRUCTION TROPE: POLITICS, LITERATURE, AND HISTORY IN THE SOUTH, 1890-1941 A Thesis Presented to the Graduate School of Clemson University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts History by Travis Patterson August 2018 Accepted by: Dr. Paul Anderson, Committee Chair Dr. Rod Andrew Jr. Dr. Vernon Burton ABSTRACT This thesis examines how white southerners conceptualized Reconstruction from 1890 to 1941, with an emphasis on the era between the First and Second World Wars. By analyzing Reconstruction as it appears in political rhetoric, professional and amateur history, and southern literature, the thesis demonstrates how white southerners used the ‘tragic’ story of Reconstruction to respond to developments in their own time. Additionally, this thesis aims to illuminate the broader cultural struggle over Reconstruction between the First and Second World Wars. This thesis ultimately argues that the early revisionism in Reconstruction historiography was part of a broader reassessment of Reconstruction that took place in southern culture after the First World War.