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Class, Modernity, and Female Religiosity in Pu Imārg Vai Avism

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Class, Modernity, and Female Religiosity in Pu Imārg Vai Avism A Prestigious Path to Grace: Class, Modernity, and Female Religiosity in Pu im ārg Vai avism Shital Sharma Faculty of Religious Studies McGill Univeristy, Montreal September, 2013 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy © Shital Sharma, 2013 Table of Contents Acknolwedgements iii Abstract v Résume vii Note on Transliteration ix Introduction 1-34 Chapter One: Baniy ās on the Path to Grace: Pu im ārg and 35-67 the Production of Prestige among the Mercantile Communities of Gujarat, 1670-1860 Chapter Two: Colonial Contexts: Baniy ās and the 68-98 Formation of Elite Identity in the Bombay Presidency Chapter Three: Domesticating Pu im ārg: Middle-Class 99-156 Modernities and Socio-Religious Reform Chapter Four: Gender and Genres: Towards a Social History of 157-213 Women in Pu im ārg Chapter Five: From Havel ī to Home: Women’s Domestic 214-263 Religious Practices and the Production of Prestige in Contemporary Pu im ārg Conclusion 264-277 Bibliography 278-300 ii Acknowledgements This project has received financial support from both the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (the Canada Graduate Scholarship) and from the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute (the Doctoral Student Research Fellowship). The Faculty of Religious Studies of McGill University has also provided two generous grants in the last years of my program: the Dean’s Fellowship and the Dissertation Completion Fellowship. I am grateful for this support. I took my first class with Davesh Soneji, my supervisor and mentor, over a decade ago. Needless to say, it changed the trajectory of my life. Davesh is a brilliant scholar, an engaging teacher, and, more importantly, he is a kind, generous, and incredibly supportive supervisor. I remain indebted to him for the countless hours he has spent poring over my work and discussing my research with me. His passion about all things related to South Asian studies is contagious and I thank him for continuing to inspire me and teach me new things every day. Over the course of my graduate career, I have interacted with a number of scholars and fellow graduate students who have taken the time to provide feedback on my conference presentations, share their work with me, and answer my persistent questions. These include Francoise Mallison, Jack Hawley, Amrita Shodhan, Shandip Saha, Neelima Shukla-Bhatt, Douglas Haynes, Rupi Naresh, Amy Allocco, Lisa Trivedi, Meilu Ho, Purnima Shah, and Emilia Bachrach. Abigail McGowan, especially, has been incredibly kind with her time, research, and feedback. iii My research in India was facilitated through the generous help of the following individuals: Dr. Savaliya of the BJ Institute of Learning and Research in Ahmedabad, R. Nanavati and Sharmila Bhat of the Oriental Institute of MS University in Baroda, Jayesh Shah from the Center of Culture and Development Research in Baroda, and the numerous librarians I met at the Gujarat Vidyapith in Ahmedabad over the years. My work with the Pu im ārg community would not have been possible without the support of Shyam Manohar Gosv āmī, Vagishkumar Gosv āmī, Tilak Bava Gosv āmī, Chandragopal Gosv āmī, Raja be ījī, Indira be ījī, Nikunjlata be ījī, Brajlata bah ūjī, and Krishnakumar Nayak. I would also like to thank all the Pu im ārg lay women I met over the years for graciously opening up their religious, social, and personal lives to me. Teachers and colleagues I have met over the last decade in Montreal include Lara Braitstein, Victor Hori, Leslie Orr, Arvind Sharma, and Katherine Young. They have always been kind and supportive of my work. I would also like to thank Judith Sribnai for her help with translating my abstract into French. Finally, my largest debt is owed to my family, especially my mother and father, for their sustained support, endless patience, and bottomless love. I could not have completed this dissertation without them. Chetan, you have always cheered me on and cheered me up – especially in the times when I needed it most. Thank you for taking this journey with me; may it always be filled with grace. iv Abstract This dissertation explores the relationship between class formation, women’s religious practices, and domesticity among the Pu im ārg Vai av mercantile communities ( baniy ās) of Gujarat. It argues that in modern India, Pu im ārg women’s religious activities inform baniy ā class formation and respectability on the one hand, and constitute the domestic patronage of Pu im ārg on the other. Women’s social and religious practices thus come to be centrally implicated in the question of what it means to be a Pu imārg ī Vai av in the modern world. Using archival and textual sources, I begin by unpacking the social and economic histories of baniy ā communities in both pre-colonial and colonial contexts, and trace their emergence as Pu im ārg’s most prestigious patrons. Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in emulation of Rajasthani nobility, baniy ās publically displayed wealth and prestige through donative activities centered around both Pu im ārg temple ritual ( sev ā, “service”), and gifts offered to the Brahmin religious leaders of the tradition, the Gosv āmīs. As “class” begins to emerge as a discrete marker of status in colonial India, upper-caste Pu im ārg women are positioned as vital actors in the production of family prestige and respectability within the domestic sphere. In this dissertation, I therefore focus on Pu im ārg baniy ā negotiations with modernity and identify baniy ā men’s concerns around sectarian identity as they come to be dramatized in nineteenth and early twentieth-century social reform movements centered upon women in the Bombay Presidency (including the well-known “Mah ārāj Libel Case” of 1862). v This study also turns to traditional sources, such as Pu im ārg hagiographic literature ( vārt ās) and devotional songs composed by women in the dhol and garb ā genres, in order to understand the religious practices of women in these communities and their relationship to the production of prestige. My analysis of the vārtās provides a sense of women’s social roles and positions in the Pu im ārg imagination, while women’s performance genres provide an important counterpoint to the much-celebrated “official” liturgical music of Pu im ārg temples (havel īs). In the final chapter of the dissertation I draw on my ethnographic work to demonstrate how, in the contemporary context, the imbrication of material and religious cultures is seen through the performance of increasingly commodified styles of domestic ritual and through the consumption and display of religious commodities in the home. Recently, women from upper-class Pu im ārg families have also begun taking lessons in what they regard as the “classical” style of temple or havel ī music. All these processes, I argue, cast women as the producers, performers, and pedagogues of elite Pu im ārg sectarian identities. The material expressions of their devotion in domestic contexts as well as women’s religious practices – which includes performing sev ā daily, organizing religious gatherings in the home, and participating in temple music lessons – have reconstituted the home as a modern site of Pu im ārg patronage. vi Résume Cette thèse analyse la relation entre constitution d'une classe, pratiques religieuses des femmes et espace privé, au sein de la communauté marchande Vi ouiste Pu im ārg du Gujarat. Il s'agit de montrer, d'une part, que, dans l'Inde moderne, les activités religieuses accomplies par les femmes Pu im ārg participent à la formation de la caste baniy ā et à sa reconnaissance, et que, d'autre part, ces pratiques représentent un appui fondamental à la secte Pu im ārg dans l'espace domestique. Les pratiques sociales et religieuses des femmes constituent ainsi un élément central pour comprendre ce que signifie être Vi ouiste Pu im ārg ī dans le monde actuel. À partir d'archives et de sources écrites, je commence par mettre à jour l'histoire sociale et économique des communautés baniy ā durant la période pré-coloniale et coloniale, de manière à montrer comment ces communautés sont devenues les mécènes les plus prestigieux du Pu im ārg. Tout au long des XVII e et XVIII e siècles, imitant la noblesse du Rajasthan, les baniy ā manifestent publiquement leur prospérité et leur distinction en faisant des offrandes rituelles dans les temples Pu im ārg ( sev ā, « service »), ou par le biais de dons remis aux maîtres brahamanes de la tradition, les Gosv āmīs. Alors que la « classe » s'impose comme marqueur d'appartenance sociale dans l'Inde coloniale, les femmes de la haute société Puim ārg tiennent une place essentielle dans l'élaboration du prestige et de la reconnaissance de la famille au sein de l'espace privé. Dans ce travail, je m'intéresse à la manière dont les baniy ā Pu im ārg négocient leur passage dans la modernité. J'examine les questions que posent l'identité sectaire notamment aux hommes baniy ā dans le contexte des mouvements de réformes sociales vii pour les femmes qui ont lieu dans la Province de Bombay au XIX e et début XX e siècle (par exemple dans le très connu « Cas Mah ārāj Libel » en 1862). Pour comprendre les pratiques religieuses des femmes ainsi que leur rôle dans la reconnaissance de la communauté, je m'appuie également sur des sources traditionnelles, telle que la littérature hagiographique Pu im ārg ( vārt ās) et les chants de dévotion dhol ou garb ā composés par les femmes. L'analyse des vārt ās montre le rôle social de ces femmes et leur place dans l'imaginaire Pu im ārg.
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