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Resisting Occupation and Authoritarianism Iraqi Feminist Movements After the U.S. Invasion

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Resisting Occupation and Authoritarianism Iraqi Feminist Movements After the U.S. Invasion RESISTING OCCUPATION AND AUTHORITARIANISM IRAQI FEMINIST MOVEMENTS AFTER THE U.S. INVASION A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Kelly Kidwell Hughes, B.A. Georgetown University Washington D.C. April 2, 2012 Copyright 2012 by Kelly Kidwell Hughes All Rights Reserved ii RESISTING OCCUPATION AND AUTHORITARIANISM IRAQI FEMINIST MOVEMENTS AFTER THE U.S. INVASION Kelly Kidwell Hughes, B.A. Mentor: John O. Voll., Ph.D. ABSTRACT After the United States invaded Iraq in 2003, Iraqi women were among the first to organize into political and humanitarian organizations. Officials from the United States government and Coalition Provisional Authority announced that Iraqi women were "free" and "liberated," but media reports, scholarship, and statements from Iraqi women suggest that women's rights have not been fully realized. Rather than portray Iraqi women as victims of occupation or patriarchal traditions, this paper uses social movement theory to examine how Iraqi women have organized to work greater rights. Relying primarily on statements from Iraqi women, this thesis distinguishes between two separate feminist movements in Iraq: liberal feminism and Islamic feminism. Though these are not meant rigid categories, they constitute two separate movements that define women's rights differently and engage is different kinds of activities in to push for these rights. The paper begins by examining how the liberal feminist movement has responded to the agendas of the United States government and international NGOs in Iraq. While various organizations within the movement differ in their stance on the presence of U.S. troops or on whether to accept foreign funding, they come together as part of a unified feminist movement that engages in the claim-making and displays of worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment that define a social movement. This is also clear in the way iii the liberal feminist movement deals with the Iraqi government. Various organizations came together to mount a unified campaign for changes to the constitution and greater political power for women. In addition to a liberal feminist movement, Iraq also has an emerging Islamic feminist movement that distinguishes itself by its effort to reinterpret Islamic law and frame women's rights as part of proper adherence to Islam. This movement frames women's rights and political events differently than the liberal feminist movement, and engages in different kinds of displays of worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment. In addition to differentiating between Islamic and liberal feminist movements, this paper also differentiates between Islamic feminists and the Islamist members of political parties who use Islamic law to oppress women rather than reinterpreting it to argue for greater rights for women. Finally, the paper concludes by examining the future of feminist movements in Iraqi in light of the Arab Spring, the withdrawal of U.S. troops, and the increasingly authoritarian Iraqi government. iv This thesis would not have been possibly without insight from my thesis mentor Dr. John O. Voll, who introduced me to social movement theory and scholarship on Islamic feminism. I would also like to thank my family for supporting me even though I didn't want to "do something normal like study abroad in France." This is dedicated to my husband who never failed to encourage me and kept me sane while I was finishing this project. v CONTENTS COPYRIGHT………………………………………………………………………...…..ii ABSTRACT……………………………………………………………………………..iii DEDICATION…………………………………………………………………………...v INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………….1 CHAPTER 1: IRAQI FEMINISTS AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY………………………………………………………………………….15 CHAPTER 2: FEMINIST GROUPS ENGAGE IRAQI GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETY……………………………………………………………………….………36 CHAPTER 3: ISLAMIC FEMINISM IN IRAQ……………………………………..54 CHAPTER 4: THE FUTURE OF IRAQI FEMINISM…………………..………….69 BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………84 vi INTRODUCTION "Liberated" Iraqi women organize for change "You are free. The torture chambers and the rape rooms have been shut down. In their place, as you noted, grassroots organizations and women's self-help centers are blossoming from Baghdad to Babylon, from Basra and beyond," Colin Powell told Iraqi women at an address on International Women's Day in 2004. Powell went on to announce the launch of two programs for Iraqi women: The Women's Democracy Initiative and the U.S.-Iraqi Women's Network. Both programs were designed to "empower" women by involving them in the political process or by helping them start economic projects. 1 The democracy initiative and the women's network are just two of the many projects the United States started to benefit Iraqi women. Since United States government officials said women's liberation was both a goal and a success of the invasion of Iraq, it is important to examine whether or not this has been the case. Recent literature has proven that despite the establishment of programs like The Women's Democracy Initiative, Iraqi women were not "free" after the United States invaded. 2 However, Powell was correct in asserting that grassroots organizations sprang up to work on behalf of women's rights. The media, academics, and organizations like Human Rights Watch, have drawn attention to the violence and discrimination women 1 The Coalition Provisional Authority, "Powell Announces Two New Programs for Iraqi Women," http://govinfo.library.unt.edu/cpa-iraq/pressreleases/20040308_powell_women.html (accessed March 28, 2012). 2 See Nadje al-Ali and Nicola Pratt, What Kind of Liberation? Women and the Occupation of Iraq (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009). 1 continue to face in Iraq. However, less work has been done on how Iraqi women's organizations have responded to these challenges. To my knowledge, scholars have not yet examined Iraqi feminism as a social movement nor addressed how Islamic feminism has developed in Iraq. These represent critical gaps in scholarship because Islamic feminism has been hailed as the "only" feminism to which the majority of Muslims can relate, 3 and because social movement theory provides a powerful tool for analyzing movements like feminism and the organizations that are part of these movements. Regardless of whether or not Islamic feminism is the only feminism that can gain credibility in Muslim-majority countries, it is a powerful movement that offers an alternative to traditional feminism by basing calls for women's rights in the Qur'an and the Sunna. Scholars have examined Islamic feminism in Egypt, Morocco, Iran, Nigeria, Yemen, and other countries, but have not yet examined the movement in Iraq. Studying Islamic feminism in Iraq could tell us how this feminist movement develops when a country is creating a new political system or is in the midst of a sectarian conflict. Using social movement theory to study women's organizations can determine whether or not these organizations form a unified social movement and how they campaign for women's rights. Charles Tilly's definition of a social movement clearly defines a social movement and distinguishes between a social movement and an organization or a cause. He defines a social movement as a form of politics in which 3 Margot Badran, Feminism in Islam: Secular and Religious Convergences (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2009), 219. 2 people come together to push for change that would upset the existing power structure. To do this as a part of a social movement, Tilly says that people must participate in a sustained campaign that includes various performances like rallies or petition drives, and displays worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment (referred to as WUNC displays). To help clarify what WUNC displays are, Tilly gives examples of how a movement could display worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment. A movement could reflect worthiness by campaigning with a sober demeanor and finding dignitaries or clergy members to support the cause. Unity could be reflected by matching clothing or chanting and marching together. Signatures on a petition or participants at a protest could be used to measure numbers. Commitment could be displayed by continuing to protest over a long period of time or under difficult conditions. These WUNC displays are examples of concrete action that participants in social movements can take to pressure those in power to meet their demands. 4 Tilly's definition of a social movement is useful because it defines a social movement clearly and distinguishes social movements from other organizations or forms of political expression. Tilly clearly states that a social movement is not any one organization, but rather the collective action of people in various organizations. He also distinguishes between a social movement and an isolated protest by requiring that a social movement involve a sustained campaign with WUNC displays. Working with this definition is useful because it allows scholars to communicate with specific language 4 Charles Tilly and Lesley J. Wood, Social Movements: 1768-2008 (Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2009), 3-5. 3 about social movements and avoid confusion about what qualifies as a movement or what kinds of activities make up social movement participation. Studying women's movements in Iraq The last several decades of feminist literature have pointed out common flaws in traditional feminist scholarship that
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