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Folklore and Yoruba Theater Author(S): Oyekan Owomoyela Source: Research in African Literatures, Vol

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Folklore and Yoruba Theater Author(S): Oyekan Owomoyela Source: Research in African Literatures, Vol Folklore and Yoruba Theater Author(s): Oyekan Owomoyela Source: Research in African Literatures, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Autumn, 1971), pp. 121-133 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3818201 Accessed: 24-08-2016 19:28 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Research in African Literatures This content downloaded from 150.210.231.20 on Wed, 24 Aug 2016 19:28:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms FOLKLORE AND YORUBA THEATER Oyekan Owomoyela The purpose of this essay is not merely to apply a generally accepted opinion-that theater and folklore have a specially close relationship, one to the other-to the Yoruba situation. We know, for instance, that the ancient Greek dramatists relied heavily on folklore for their material, that Shakespeare found European folklore useful, and that the theaters of the East-Japanese, Chinese or Indonesian-also make extensive use of folklore. While in this essay an attempt will be made to show that what was, and is, true of the theaters cited is equally true of Yoruba theater, more importantly, an attempt will be made to disencumber Yo- ruba theater of the religious and ritual deadweight that threatens to be- come grafted on to it. Taking their cues from a certain school of thought that advocates a ritual origin of drama (since Aristotle has supposedly proved this fact with reference to Greek theater), certain writers have claimed that Yoruba theater is a bequest of Yoruba religious instinct. Typical are the following statements by a Yoruba scholar, Joel A. Adedeji: Religion is the basis of dramatic developments in Yoruba as in most cultures of the world; disguise is its means, and both depend on artistic propensities for their fulfilment.1 The worship of Obatala [the Yoruba arch-divinity] has important consequences for the development of ritual drama and, finally the emergence of the theatre.2 He further says that "the human instinct for impersonation and ritualistic expression... leads to 'developmental drama'."3 Another Nigerian, poet-dramatist John Pepper Clark, has earlier written: As the roots of European drama go to the Egyptian Osiris and the Greek Dionysus so are the origins of Nigerian drama likely to be found in the early religious and magical ceremonies of the peoples of this country.4 This content downloaded from 150.210.231.20 on Wed, 24 Aug 2016 19:28:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 122 Oyekan Owomoyela He goes on to cite the egzingun and ord of the Yoruba as "dramas typical of the national repertory."5 It is not difficult to see that the views quoted borrow credence from the fact that Aristotle, the first systematic theater historian, had seemingly proved the religio-genic nature of Greek theater and, by implication, of all theater. But the question should be asked whether Aristotle in fact intended to say that the dramatic instinct of the Greeks, or indeed of any other people, resulted from religion. A careful reading of the Poetics leads one to believe that Aristotle was primarily concerned with one spe- cific form of theatrical expression-Greek tragedy-which had benefited from the performers and performances associated with the Dionysiac re- vels. That he would not subscribe to such views as that "Religion is the basis of dramatic developments" is indicated by the following words from the Poetics: As to the general origin of the poetic art, it stands to reason that two causes gave birth to it, both of them natural: ( i) Imitation is a part of man's nature from childhood, (and he differs from other animals in the fact that he is especially mimetic and learns his first lessons through imitation) as is the fact that they all get pleasure from works of imi- tation.... and (2) melody and rhythm also..., at the beginning those who were endowed in these respects, developing it for the most part little by little, gave birth to poetry out of the improvisational perform- ances.6 Thus, two thousand years ago, Aristotle recognized that imitation and impersonation are part of human nature. Whether religion is part of human nature or not is definitely open to debate; what is certain is that the mimetic instinct develops in man very much earlier than any evidences of religious inclination, and before religious indoctrination. Thus, long before children can make any sense of religious beliefs and practices, they evince a sense of mimesis by playing house, and cops and robbers-apart from performing those mimetic activities associated' with the learning process. The evidences adduced by the scholars who believe in a ritual origin of drama to support their claim come in the main from festivals that, while purporting to be religious, incorporate theatrical performances. De- pending on the circumstances, the festival cited could be that of Dionysus, or that of egungun among the Yoruba. In any case, the fact that religion and drama can be seen hobnobbing in certain festivals can be very easily explained. Festivals are social institutions by means of which men satisfy their This content downloaded from 150.210.231.20 on Wed, 24 Aug 2016 19:28:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms FOLKLORE AND YORUBA THEATER 123 fun-seeking instincts. They generally take place when the commodities that will ensure their success are in abundance (for example, when the harvest is in) and also when the festivals will not prejudice the perform- ance of activities vital to the life of the community. It follows, therefore, that festivals are generally associated with holidays and periods of com- munity-wide relaxation. At the end of a hunt, the participants delight to wind down with a feast and a ball; so, at the end of a working season, the community de- lights to let its collective hair down and have a festival. It can be stated, without the need for a supporting argument, that theatrical sketches are just some of the accretions that festivals incorporate from time to time as they become more elaborate. The supernatural powers become involved in festivals simply because of man's desire to placate them before and during the revels so that the revellers would be left in peace. To this end, "insurance" sacrifices are offered to the gods at the beginning of the festivals, and at the end, the grateful men return with thanks offerings. Moreover, during the revels, the participants decide to elect their favorite divinity as patron for the same reasons that long ago, certain players elected the King, the Cham- berlain, or the Admiral as their patron and called themselves "The King's Men," "The Chamberlain's Men," or "The Admiral's Men." The men in question did not perform plays because they were in the first instance associated with King, Chamberlain, or Admiral, association with whom entailed the performance of plays. Rather, they associated themselves with the notables because they wished to perform plays and thought they could best do so if they enjoyed the protection of such powerful personalities. If the players later included plays about their patrons in their repertoires, that would still be consistent with their strategy. Therefore, if among the Yoruba we encounter festivals whose desig- nations suggest that they are "in honor of" certain divinities, we should not allow the evidence of the name to befuddle our minds to such an extent that we become unable to determine the relative importance of different festival aspects. In the Yoruba theater of today (which is often referred to as "folk opera"), we see the culmination of a socio-political development which began around the middle of the nineteenth century in Lagos. It was in 1851 that the British conquered Lagos and put its affairs in the hands of a ruler who would put an end to the hitherto flourishing slave trade. Two years later, a British Consul arrived to take up residence there. With the establishment of British presence, the town became so secure that it began to attract European missionaries, European commercial agents, well- This content downloaded from 150.210.231.20 on Wed, 24 Aug 2016 19:28:21 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 124 Oyekan Owomoyela educated freed slaves from the Sierra Leone and the Americas, and ambi- tious native Africans from the nearby areas. Favored by its situation on the Atlantic coast and by its command of a vast rich hinterland, Lagos soon became a flourishing cosmopolis the direction of whose affairs rested in the hands of a cosmopolitan elite class. The introduction of drama into the city around i880 was a means of providing evening diversion on the European model for the Lagos elite, made up, as we have seen, of expatriates and westernized Africans.7 As one would expect, the theatrical fare was strictly European, featuring such dramatists as Moliere and Gilbert and Sullivan. In those days, one had to be a practising Christian to be socially accept- able. In fact, the prestige of the Christian establishment was such that the city's life revolved mainly around the different mission houses.8 It was, therefore, no wonder that the performing groups were invariably con- nected with one Christian mission or the other.
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